导师姓名：谢韬

中文题目：明星从政:二战后美国国会明星众议员立法表现研究

英文题目：From Celebrity to Politician: An Assessment of Legislative

Performance in the U.S. House of Representatives

摘要

本文聚焦于美国国会众议院议员中的特殊群体,即竞选成功前从事娱乐或体育行业 并因此积攒了大量名气的明星。与职业政客不同,明星议员在当选前往往没有在政府部 门任职的经历,却能仅仅靠自己的名气参选并击败政治经验比其更为丰富的对手。

二战以来,随着电视、互联网等大众传媒的蓬勃发展,并且美国国会选举由政党主 导转向个人主导,明星在竞选中的优势逐渐凸显。越来越多的娱乐及体育明星依靠自己 的个人魅力和出众外表说服选民为其投票。与此同时,明星从政现象引发社会一片热议。 不少人认为明星仅仅凭借一张脸当选,他们无法胜任繁重而复杂的政府工作。然而,大 多数学者将目光放在明星吸引选民的技巧和策略方面,关于明星从政后的政绩表现,学 者们却鲜有研究。

本文选出二战以来美国国会众议院 12 名明星议员作为案例,对其在职期间的立法 表现进行了评估。通过借鉴国会研究中关于议员立法表现的常用研究方法,本文的评估 建立在一系列客观的衡量指标上,从议员任期时长、立法积极程度、立法关注领域、意 识形态、立法成效等方面展开。基于现有的文献研究,本文首先提出了有关明星议员立 法表现的几大假设,接着通过大量统计数据对各个假设进行逐一验证,从而揭示出明星 议员这一群体的表现特征。

结果发现,无论从资历而言,还是从立法成效而言,明星议员在立法表现上都逊于 职业政客。一方面,他们在国会的任期较短,这反映出他们资历较浅,难以在国会中担 任重要的职位,难以获得重要委员会的席位,对立法程序及结果的影响力有限。另一方 面,他们的立法效率及立法成就较低,顺利通过的重要议案较少,这体现出明星议员提 出议案及推动国会审议通过议案的能力不足,即他们难以将自己的想法转化为切实的法 律。以上两方面均表明,尽管明星在其他行业取得了突出的成就,但是他们在立法机构 却表现平平。

此外,在立法积极程度方面,本文发现明星议员并非如预期的那般偏爱出风头的工 作,而是积极参与到议案制定等较为辛苦的工作中。尽管在其首届任期内,明星议员提 出的议案数量相比同届国会中其他议员较少,但随着经验的增加,明星议员提出的议案 数量逐渐超过了同届国会的平均水平。与此同时,明星议员在众议院的发言次数较少, 保持了低调的作风。在立法关注领域方面,明星议员更加关注体育及娱乐行业的相关议 题,并在这些议题上取得了突出的立法成就;在意识形态方面,明星议员并未像预期的 那样,更容易有较为极端的意识形态立场,相反,他们总体而言意识形态较为温和。

随着特朗普的当选,娱乐明星及体育明星或将在美国政治舞台上发挥更大的作用。 本文对于了解明星从政现象尤其是明星当选后的政绩表现有着现实的意义启示。与以往 的相关研究不同,本文的创新之处在于整理出了一张完整的二战后美国非职业明星众议 员名单,并收集了大量量化数据,因而能够为评价明星议员的政绩及政治能力提供客观 证据。

关键词: 美国众议院议员,明星议员,立法表现

Abstract

This paper focuses on a special group in the US House of Representatives, namely House members who were actors or athletes before coming to congress. They differ from traditional politicians in that they had no prior political experience in lower offices. However, they are capable of defeating politically seasoned rivals in congressional races mostly because of their wide name recognition.

Since World War II, television and other mass media channels develop rapidly and election campaigns become more dominated by individual candidates than by political parties. Hence, numerous celebrities have leveraged their good looks and charms to attract voters and win a position in the US government. The rise of celebrity politicians has led to a heated debate on whether they are qualified for political office and competent to handle political issues. However, extant researches pay more attention to the celebrities’ tactics to attract supporters and win elections. Scholarly researches on the celebrities’ performance in political office are rather limited.

This paper selected twelve celebrity House members in the post–World War II era for a case study. Adopting the methods commonly used in the studies of the congressmen’s legislative performance, this author evaluated the performance of celebrity representatives based on a series of objective measures, covering their seniority, legislative activism, legislative focus and ideology, and legislative consequence. The author proceeded from several hypotheses concerning celebrity House members’ legislative behaviour to an empirical test with vast data, to find patterns about their legislative performance and behaviour.

Findings show that actor-turned and athlete-turned House members overall performed worse than traditional representatives did, whether from the perspective of seniority or from that of legislative consequence. On the one hand, celebrity representative’s length of service in congress was shorter, which reflects that they had lower seniority in committees, sat on less powerful committees and held less positional power. On the other hand, celebrity representatives showed lower legislative efficiency and accomplishments, and had fewer laws under their names, which reveals that they faced difficulty in translating their legislative agendas into law. Therefore, this research provides evidence that celebrities generally do not make successful lawmakers, although having achieved remarkable success in the entertainment industry.

In addition, in terms of legislative activism, this paper finds that, contrary to expectations, celebrity representatives do not display a preference for high-publicity work, but rather they are actively involved in making legislations, which is a hard and challenge job. Although introducing fewer bills than their peers in the same congress, celebrity representatives gradually introduce more bills than the average level of the whole chamber, as they accumulate more political experience. In the mean time, celebrity representatives keep a low profile by making few speeches on the floor. In terms of legislative focus, they concentrate more on sports and entertainment issues and make a great accomplishment in this area. As for their ideology, celebrity representatives do not embrace more extreme ideology as expected. On the contrary, they generally take milder ideological positions.

With the election of Donald Trump, actor-turned and athlete-turned politicians will probably play a bigger role in the political arena in the US. This paper is conducive to a better understanding of celebrity politicians, especially their political performance. Different from previous researches, this paper makes a great contribution by compiling a full list of amateur celebrity members of the US House of Representatives and by collecting vast quantitative data. Therefore, it is capable of offering a data-based and objective evaluation of celebrity representatives and giving a preliminary answer to the question of whether celebrities make good politicians.

Key Words: US House Members, Celebrity Politicians, Legislative Performance

 [2] 靳荣波

导师：闫循华

中文题目：桑德斯主义的二元性：社会主义和自由主义的综合体

英文题目：The Duality of Sandersism: A Combination of Socialism and Liberalism

摘要

伯尼·桑德斯在2016年美国大选中异军突起，将美国社会主义推到了风口浪尖上。长久以来，“美国没有社会主义”或者“社会主义在美国终将失败”都是美国例外论的重要组成部分。虽然桑德斯与美国历史上的其他社会主义者并无两样，最终并没有杀出重围，问鼎总统之位，但桑德斯的影响力却贯穿大选始终，其势头甚至在大选结束之后依旧不减，人们对于桑德斯主义的接受程度也证明了他其实并没有失败，反而创造了奇迹。桑德斯主义的成功，向“美国没有社会主义”这一神话发起挑战。然而，当前学界的研究仅仅将桑德斯主义看做是民粹主义的兴起，完全忽视了其本质是美国社会主义在二十一世纪的一种变体，本文将从思想史的角度来分析桑德斯主义，主要回答两个问题：什么是桑德斯主义？桑德斯主义的思想渊源在哪里？

本文认为桑德斯主义是社会民主主义在美国本土化的产物，因此桑德斯主义是社会主义和自由主义的综合体，这也意味着它比传统意义上的社会主义要更加温和，比自由主义更加激进。正是桑德斯主义在思想光谱上这一特殊位置，使得他在大选中备受瞩目。另外，通过分析桑德斯主义的思想根源，本文认为桑德斯主义实际上源自于美国深厚的思想传统。

本文主要由两部分组成：桑德斯主义的定义及其组成元素，桑德斯主义的思想根源。首先，本文构建出一个理论框架，以此来将社会民主主义与社会主义、自由主义区分开来。在此基础上，本文将从以下七个维度来定义桑德斯主义：生产资料所有制、社会阶级、道德理念、经济民主、社会变革的内在驱动力、终极目标、以及实现终极目标的途径。最后，本文认为桑德斯主义的核心组成元素包括：经济民主、政府责任以及道德理念，而桑德斯主义是从西奥多·罗斯福、富兰克林·德兰诺·罗斯福、尤金·维克多·德布兹、马丁·路德·金和约翰·罗尔斯的思想中继承而来的。

关键词：桑德斯主义，社会主义，自由主义，经济民主，政府责任，道德

Abstract

Bernie Sanders’ startling popularity in 2016 Presidential Election pushes American socialism to the front line. For so long, that “there is no socialism” or “socialism fails in America” is part and parcel of American exceptionalism. Although Sanders lost his campaign as other socialists in American history, the influence he exerts through and after the campaign, and the acceptance of Sandersism in people’s minds indicates that he is not a loser but a legend. The success of Sandersism challenges the myth that there is no socialism in America. However, current studies merely regard it as populism, totally ignoring its essence as a variant of American socialism in 21st century. This thesis will analyze Sandersism from the perspective of intellectual history and mainly solve two questions: What is Sandersism? What are the roots of Sandersism?

This research maintains that Sandersism is the result of localization of social democracy in America, therefore Sandersism is a combination of socialism and liberalism, which is more moderate than socialism but more progressive than liberalism. That is the reason why Bernie Sanders’ ideas can gain enormous popularity in 2016. Through analyzing the roots of Sandersism, this research holds that it actually originates from American intellectual tradition.

This thesis mainly can be divided into two parts: the definition and components of Sandersism and the sources of his ideas. First of all, this thesis builds a framework to distinguish social democracy respectively from socialism and from liberalism. Through this comparison, Sandersism is defined from seven dimensions: ownership of means of production, class, economic democracy, morality, agent of social change, ultimate goal, the approaches to achieving the ultimate goal. Finally, this research regards economic democracy, governmental responsibility and morality as core components of Sandersism. The second part of this thesis is dedicated to elaborating the relations and interactions between Sandersism and its sources. This research contends that Sandersism directly draws its inspirations from President Theodore Roosevelt, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Eugene Victor Debs, Martin Luther King and John Rawls.

Key words: Sandersism, socialism, liberalism, economic democracy, governmental responsibility, morality

摘要

政党在美国政治活动中扮演重要角色，为争取政治优势而开展的政党建设对政党组织而言有重要意义。总统兼具国家领袖和党派领袖的双重身份，这两种身份的内在矛盾导致总统对自身政党情感微妙，相应地其在党建上的态度和实践也不尽相同，总统既可能是过度消耗本党派政治资源的“掠夺者”（predator），又可能是积极完善其组织运作的“建设者”（builder）。高尔文发现，自艾森豪威尔总统以来的民主党总统对自己的政党大都采取掠夺政策，对政党的组织建设漠不关心。根据丹尼尔J.高尔文的“竞争优势”理论（competitive standing theory），所在政党的竞争优势越强，总统的党建意愿就越弱。由于民主党在选民政治认同以及各级政府和立法机构席位方面享有“永久多数”（Permanent Majority）的长期优势地位，正是这种优势地位使得民主党总统对民主党的政治优势高度自信，党建意愿渐弱，党建工作长期被忽视。然而，情况在在克林顿执政末期发现了变化——这位民主党总统在经历了七年的优势消亡后，开始对党建工作产生极大热心。根据高尔文的预测，奥巴马虽然在上任初期竞争优势巨大，但共和党革命（Republic Revolution）、金融危机等严峻形势仍会促使其致力于党建。

通过历史研究，奥巴马任内的党建举措可以总结出三个方面：一是新建组织机构“为美国动起来”（OFA）扩大影响力；二是应用高科技开展“数字化党建”提升运作效率；三是致力于募资活动增强财力。从实践效果看，这些举措有得有失：新成立的“为美国动起来”组织（OFA）深入基层社区，对于宣扬民主党的政策、募集志愿者起到了一定作用，但由于“为美国动起来”组织定位争议较大且缺乏与州政府党组织之间的协调，其所带来的党派分裂与内耗大大超过其正面效应；而将自己的竞选技术与民主党所拥有的全国选民个人信息库相结合，极大地提高了实地竞选活动的效率，是其党建的“亮点工程”；最后，尽管奥巴马担任起了主要募资者的角色，民主党的收支状况仍然是入不敷出，党内陷入巨大的资金恐慌。此外，他还试图改革民主党的资金来源向完全依靠互联网和小额募捐的方向靠拢，虽然其改革很快就被后来者所打破。

置奥巴马的党建活动于历史比较中意义将更为深刻，而克林顿的党建活动则是能作为参照的佳例：由于奥巴马和克林顿都在任上经历了相似的优势递减、经济困难、政治极化、政府关门等一系列挑战，且都在党建方面有所行动并具有两任完整任期，因而他们的党建成果具有可比性。通过进一步系统对比二人的党建实践，我们发现高尔文的预测并不完全正确。具体而言，尽管二人在募资方面有相同处，但是二人选择的党建模式迥异：克林顿着眼于在民主党已有的结构和功能基础上通过补齐基层党建等短板“改进”现有党组织；而奥巴马却试图抛开已有政党框架，另建以自身为依托的政治工具，通过将民主党“改造”成一个更加以总统为核心的“奥巴马党”来提升个人声望，随之带动民主党认同扩大。与高尔文给出的动因不同，本文认为奥巴马之所以敢于“改造”民主党主要在于他高估了其总统胜选所造成政治影响力的稳定性和持久性，将自己的当选视为一场超越政党对立的“划时代”政治运动。出于对自身超党派身份政治魅力的高度自信，奥巴马坚信，比之传统的完善政党组织功能的党建思路，借由专门组织推动自身所倡议题以提升个人声望进而扩大党派影响力的路径必将更有利于民主党获得政治优势。正因如此，奥巴马才不惮绕开现有州内党组织，选择将“为美国动起来”作为置于民主党全国委员会之外的独立组织，并在财政上予以大力倾斜，以尽力争取独立选民和温和共和党人。然而事与愿违，新建组织造成了始料未及的党派分裂，严重伤害了民主党的凝聚力和竞争力，这也部分导致了民主党在中期选举中的接连受挫。将政党权力过于集中于总统手中反而使自己常常陷于与国会的纷争之中，经历过这一挫折后的奥巴马在第二任期内改变了策略，将国会阵地主要留给民主党领袖，并以一个政党建设者的身份加快技术革新并削减债务。总的来看，奥巴马的民主党建设有其特定环境因素和个人色彩，其党建举措也较为独特，为后继者开展党建提供了经验教训。

关键词：民主党；政党建设；竞争优势；奥巴马；克林顿；“为美国动起来”

Abstract

Parties play an important role in American politics. Party building that aims at expanding political advantage is significant for party as an organization. The inner contradiction between the dual identity as national leader and party leader results in subtle emotions of the presidents, and accordingly different attitudes and approaches towards their party. Presidents could be both party predator who overspend the political resources of the party, and party builder who positively improve its organizational functioning. Galvin finds out that Democratic presidents since Eisenhower have mostly taken predatory measures towards their party. According to the competitive standing theory of Daniel J. Galvin, the stronger the competitive standing the party enjoys, the weaker the motivation of the president to build his party. Because the Democratic Party had enjoyed Permanent Majority in voter identity and electoral advantage on all levels of government, it was exactly the edge that diminished their motivation to build the party and led to overconfidence and ignorance to party building. However, the pattern changed by the end of Bill Clinton’s second term, who took on great enthusiasm in party building after seven years of edge expiring. According to the prediction by Daniel Galvin, despite the great competitive advantage at the beginning of his presidency, Obama would still choose to build the party due to the recent Republican revolution and financial crisis.

Through historical studies, Obama took measures from three perspectives to build the party: to expand influence by the new organization Organizing for America (OFA); to raise efficiency through digitalized party building using advanced technology; to enrich the coffers through fundraising. There were loss and gains as the result: The newly founded OFA played a role in policy propaganda and volunteer enrollment on the grassroots level but also led to party rift that offset its positive effect due to lack of coordination with existing state parties. Secondly, the spotlight of Obama’s party building was to combine his campaign technology with national voter profile that greatly improve the efficiency of field campaigns. Finally, despite Obama had taken the role of fundraiser-in-chief, the party’s national headquarters still couldn’t make ends meet and fell into cash panic. Besides, Obama also tried to ban the money from interest groups and rely mostly on internet and small donors but quickly got rejected by followers.

It offers more insights by comparing Obama’s achievements and setbacks with historical practices. The comparability of Obama and Clinton’s party building comes from their similarities in facing edge losing, financial challenges, political polarization and government shutdown, as well as party building actions and two consecutive terms. The prediction by Galvin is only partially true. Despite they shared similarity in fundraising, they chose entirely different modes in party building: Clinton tried to reform the party based on its existing structure while Obama tried to transform the party into a more president-centered Obama party to help the party by raising his own profile. Different from Galvin’s view, this study believes that it was Obama’s overestimation on the stability and persistence of one single election that led him to perceive his election as a political movement beyond party lines. It would bring more competitive advantage to the party by proposing new agenda through a group outside the party. Out of great confidence in his post-partisanship, Obama dared to establish OFA as an independent organization to win the support of independents and liberal Republicans. Contrary to his intention, the new organization harmed the cohesion of the party and exacerbated the failures in mid-term elections. The over-centralization of party power into the president’s hand trapped Obama in endless Congressional gridlocks. Learnt from this lesson, Obama returned the battleground of Congress to Democratic party leaders and embrace the role of party builder by accelerating technological renovation and debt slash. Generally, the mode of presidential party building under Obama administration was formed under certain environment and personal style. His party building measures provide lessons for future presidents to engage in party building.

Key Words: Democratic Party, Party Building, Competitive Standing, Obama, Clinton, Organizing for America

 [4] 李玉婷

导师：贾宁

中文题目：探索美国当代畅销言情小说中不同阶级女性的自我实现方式—以丽莎.克里帕《查韦斯家族系列》为例

英文题目：Demystifying U.S. Best-Selling Contemporary Romance Novels: An Exploration of Women’s Class-Based Paths to Self-Actualization in Lisa Kleypas’ Travis Family Series

摘要

随着电子书的兴起，言情小说在美国受到广大读者前所未有的追捧。事实上，日趋流行的“垃圾文学”自20世纪80年代以来一直受到学界的密切关注。本文在查阅大量有关文献后发现20世纪和21世纪均有不少学者坚称言情小说尽管在不断变化，但其本质始终是公式化的爱情幻想，小说中的女性完全依附于最终与男性的结合取得自我实现。然而本文以《纽约时报》畅销言情小说家丽莎.克里帕的《查韦斯家族系列》为研究样本，提出美国当代言情小说中的女性并非被动等待着白马王子给她们带来幸福美满的结局，而是根据自己的阶级背景定义何为自我实现并采取相应方式取得自我实现。

本文结合自我实现在字典中的定义及其在言情小说文献中的具体内涵将女性在言情小说中的自我实现范围拓宽至个人奋斗，两性关系和家庭关系三个层面，并列出女性在每个层面取得自我实现的具体标准。此外，本文采用吉尔伯特-科尔的阶级划分模型将所选小说中的四个女主人公划分为顶层阶级, 中层阶级和底层阶级，并据此探讨不同阶层的女性如何定义自我实现并达到自己定义中的自我实现。

本文经分析得出如下发现：在个人奋斗层面上的自我实现，顶层阶级追求自主决定权，中层阶级追求事业上的成功，底层阶级追求经济独立。在两性关系层面上的自我实现，顶层阶级追求两性平等，中层阶级追求激情，底层阶级追求性满足。在家庭关系层面的自我实现，顶层阶级追求家人的物质支持和情感支持，中层追求家的情感慰藉，底层阶级以家人的幸福快乐为自我实现。另外，本文还发现不同阶级的女性根据自己的手中的资源采取不同的方式取得各人定义中的自我实现。

基于上述研究结果，本文进一步分析不同阶级女性的诉求并非一成不变地被原生家庭的阶级所固化，而是在不同的时期利用积累的资源实现最迫切的诉求。此外，本文还联系美国社会现实讨论言情小说中反映出的现下美国女性生存状态以及小说中与现实不符的择偶趋势。总的来说，此研究从阶级的角度切入美国当代言情小说，在一定程度上填补了学术空白，并向大众揭示所谓的“垃圾爱情故事”中也蕴藏着养分。

关键词：言情小说，女性，自我实现，阶级，《查韦斯家族系列》

Abstract

Thanks to the emergence of e-books, romance novels are rendered more accessible to the general public than ever before in the United States. Actually, the enormous popularity of “scorned literature” has arrested much scholarly attention since 1980s. After teasing out the existing scholarship, this paper finds quite a few scholars in the 20th and 21st century hold the view that romance novels, despite their evolving nature, are formulaic fantasies where women’s self-actualization utterly lies in their ultimate union with men. However, taking New York Times’ best-selling author Lisa Kleypas’ Travis Family Series as its sample of study, this paper asserts that women in American contemporary romance novels have class-based definitions of self-actualization and in turn actively take class-based approaches to attaining it instead of waiting passively for their prince charming to give them a happy denouement.

Absorbing the dictionary meaning and the connotations extracted from the existing romance scholarship, this paper expands the scope of women’s self-actualization in romance novels to include personal pursuits, gender relations and family ties and sets out specific criteria for self-actualization in each dimension. Moreover, drawing upon Gilbert-Khal model, this paper classifies the four heroines in the novels selected into top class, intermediate class and bottom class. Therefore, this paper will explore how women from different class backgrounds in contemporary romances define and attain their self-actualization.

The research findings are as follows: In terms of self-actualization in personal pursuits, the top-class woman prioritizes self-determination; the intermediate-class women prioritize occupational success; and the bottom-class woman prioritizes economic independence. As for self-actualization in gender relations, the top-class woman pursues gender equality; the intermediate-class women pursue passion; and the bottom-class woman pursues sexual satisfaction. With regard to family ties, the top-class woman demands both material support and emotional support; the intermediate-class women demand emotional comfort; and the bottom-class woman derives self-fulfillment from altruism. Additionally, given the wherewithal in hand, women from different class backgrounds attain their self-defined self-actualization through varied channels.

On the basis of these findings, this paper further discusses that women’s self-actualizing priorities are not calcified by their class backgrounds, instead, they make the most of the resources in hand to fulfil their most pressing self-actualizing pursuit at every stage of their life. Furthermore, this paper relates romances to America’s social reality, discussing romances’ representation of women’s situations and misrepresentation of assortative mating. All in all, apart from contributing a bit to the romance scholarship by approaching romance novels from the perspective of class, this research also serves to reveal that there are masqueraded nutritional values in these so called “trashy love stories”.

Key Words: romance novels, women, self-actualization, class, Travis Family Series

导师：宋颖

中文题目：关于鲍勃·迪伦60年代政治思想转型的后现代研究

英文题目：A Postmodern Examination on the Transformation of Bob Dylan’s Political Views in the 1960s

摘要

2016年，美国著名音乐家兼诗人鲍勃·迪伦荣获诺贝尔文学奖，引发了社会各界的热烈讨论。该奖旨在表彰迪伦在将诗歌的文学表达与美国音乐传统结合中所做出的卓越贡献，因此掀起了一股研究迪伦作品的文学价值与音乐价值的热潮。迪伦的伟大成就并不局限于音乐和文学领域，他的作品还与美国社会、政治的方方面面息息相关。在他长达半个多世纪的音乐生涯中，迪伦的作品不仅反应了美国社会、政治领域在不同时代的深刻变迁，更以其独到、深邃的思想内涵引领时代的潮流。

一直以来，无论是学者、乐评人抑或文学评论家，都尤为关注鲍勃·迪伦作为“时代的声音”在美国60年代社会所代表的重要意义，尤其是他为民权运动和反越战抗议活动等具有进步意义的社会政治运动所做出的伟大贡献。60年代即是美国政治与社会风起云涌、各种社会运动和思潮层出不穷的时期，也是迪伦创作生涯的黄金阶段，在这期间涌现出大量优秀的作品，直指美国政治、社会的内涵。然而值得注意的是，从60年代中期开始，迪伦逐渐抛弃自己作为时代代言人的光荣身份，割裂自己先前与大规模社会运动的紧密联系，拒绝为时代精神发声甚至嘲弄此前信奉的政治理念，作品也呈现出一种去政治化的创作倾向。

正是着眼于这样的变化，本文旨在探索、分析鲍勃·迪伦在60年代的政治思想转型。基于对这次转型细节的判断，本文选取盛行于美国60年代的后现代主义思想作为理论支撑。具体而言，本文运用法国学者弗朗索瓦·利奥塔提出的打破宏大叙事的理论，以及雅克·德里达主张的对二元对立的解构，对鲍勃·迪伦的政治思想转型进行理论性的探究与剖析。

经过对鲍勃·迪伦代表作品的回顾与分析，本文指出，在60年代前期，即其致力于政治参与并积极投身社会运动的阶段，迪伦的政治思想呈现出对民主、平等、自由、人文主义等理念的信奉与追求，而这些理念不仅是指引民权、反战等60年代社会运动的时代精神，更是基于这些群体性社会实践的宏大叙事。同时，迪伦在这一时期密切美国政治、社会的各种二元对立，如发动战争的政客与饱受战争摧残的弱势群体，作为种族主义受害者的少数族裔与白人至上主义者，以及因阶级而分化的上流人士与底层民众。在代表歌曲中，迪伦对此类二元对立进行直接而猛烈的批判与抨击，同时鼓励处于弱势的一方去扭转对立形态。随着迪伦政治参与热情的降低，且划清与各类社会运动的联系，他在作品中对从前笃信不疑的60年代宏大叙事进行深刻的嘲讽或否定；对于美国社会的二元对立，迪伦不再采取简单粗暴的批判，而是消解对立双方之间因阶级分化而生的差异，让二者以反传统的形态相互融合，从而在根本上解构了二元对立。

关键词：鲍勃·迪伦 六十年代 民权运动 宏大叙事 二元对立

Abstract

Bob Dylan is not merely a great poet and musician who has made considerable contribution to the combination of poetry and music, but also a significant social and political figure whose works represent and discern the essence of the American politics and society. The decade of the 1960s is particularly unique in the history of the United States because a series of social movements occurred and a number of new thoughts emerged during the period. Meanwhile, the decade witnesses Bob Dylan's rise from a greenhorn of Folk music to a worldwide famous musician who had profound interaction with the US politics and society in a unique social and historical context.

The years of the mid-1960s witnessed a profound transformation of Bob Dylan's political views. In the early 1960s when Dylan just began his career, he was enthusiastic about participating in the US politics, playing a crucial role in the progressive social movements of the decade, namely the Civil Rights Movements and the protests against the Vietnam War. Dylan’s intensive political participation in such social movements in the early 1960s manifested his dedication to the dominant ideology of the era or the Zeitgeist, which is constituted by the concepts of freedom, equality, and humanity and so forth. Accordingly, the ideology or Zeitgeist that Dylan inherited was the essence of the Civil Rights Movement and protests against the Vietnam War. In the mid-1960s, Dylan began to withdraw himself from the US politics and refused to continue serving as the spokesman of the Zeitgeist of the era and the “voice of a generation”. He gradually discarded his allegiance to the both the social movements and the principles embedded in them.

On the basis of such political transformation, this paper aims to explore and analyze the transformation of Dylan's political views with postmodernist theory, which was popular in the United States in the 1960s. First of all, the ideology of the prevailing social movements can be seen as a collection of metanarratives in the social and historical context of the 1960s America. While cutting off his connection with such social movements, Dylan disdained, dismantled and dismissed the metanarratives including equality, justice, freedom, and humanity and so on. Meanwhile, Dylan managed to deal with the binary oppositions in the US society with a new strategy. Accordingly, he transformed his straightforward denunciation and condemnation on the unfairness and inequality of the US society into the profound deconstruction of social stratum and identity hierarchy. Such changes implicate his farewell to the previous self that is dedicated to the politics of the turbulent but unique era.

Key Words: Bob Dylan, The Sixties, The Civil Rights Movement, Postmodernism

 [6] 任朝飞

导师：付美榕

中文题目：美国顶尖华人科学家的成才之路：基于人力资本理论的定性研究

外文题目：The Making of the Top-notch Chinese Immigrant Scientists in America: A Qualitative Study Based on Human Capital Theory

摘要

自1949年成立以来，新中国自主培养的世界级科学家寥寥无几。与此形成鲜明对比的是，来自中国大陆的美国华人科学家在世界科学舞台上星光璀璨，不仅有杨振宁、李政道、崔琦、丁肇中和高锟五位诺贝尔奖获得者，也有张首晟、庄小威等被视为诺贝尔奖有力争夺者的后起之秀。毫不夸张而言，在顶尖华人科学家的世界里，美国华人科学家占据大半壁江山。这一现实不禁令人深思：美国顶尖华人科学家是如何成才的？

本文采用定性研究方法，基于人力资本理论，围绕家庭影响、高等教育、职业轨迹、移民经历、社会交往五个方面，探究美国顶尖华人科学家的成才之路，与促进其人力资本提升的制度、文化与社会因素。本文选取41位来自中国大陆的美国科学院院士作为研究对象，同时依据20世纪上半叶和改革开放后两次中国学生赴美留学热潮，将41位顶尖华人科学家划分为两组进行组间对比，探讨这一群体成才的变化与延续，以及其背后的社会因素。本文大量运用原始文献，如回忆录、文集、访谈、传记与政府报告等。

现代人力资本理论起源于以加里·贝克尔与西奥多·舒尔兹为代表的芝加哥经济学派。人力资本表现为知识、技能、实践经验的特质总和，主要通过教育、培训、科研、迁移、医疗获得；人力资本被认为是个人发展的资本也是国家经济发展的源泉。此外，社会资本作为连接人与人、人与组织之间的纽带与桥梁也被证明是人力资本提升的重要影响因素。借助人力资本理论探究美国顶尖华人科学家的成才之路，对华人科学家成才和中国科技人才培养具有一定启示和借鉴意义。

本文总结出美国顶尖华人科学家在个人层面人力资本积累的五个关键因素。首先，家庭影响起到了重要作用。美国顶尖华人科学家大多成长于中上层家庭，父母的表率和家庭教育对其人文素质培养和科学启蒙受益匪浅。第二，高等教育起到了关键作用。在国内接受的大学教育为其打下了扎实的知识储备基础，赴美留学后在美国一流大学追随顶尖大师的研究生学习，使其科技人力资本得到进一步提升。第三，美国顶尖科研机构的研究氛围与杰出的科研团队，促进其通过做中学继续提升人力资本，在科学职业生涯中不断进取。第四，移民至美国为其提供了开放、宽松与自由的学术环境，远离政治禁锢与迫害，帮助其接触并融入世界一流的科学社群。第五，社会交往是其积累人力资本的重要途径。作为外来移民，出众的社会沟通能力尤其重要；通过积极参加学术会议和加入学术组织，同其他科学家的交流、协作与互查，促进了他们的人力资本积累。

两组美国顶尖华人移民科学家的成才因素对比发现，首先，家庭条件的影响在逐渐淡化，第二组科学家中出现了更多出生于社会中下层的科学家；这主要源于中国文革时期（1966-1976）工人阶级家庭与知识分子家庭之间的差距被缩小。其次，美国顶尖的女性华人科学家的数量和比例显著增加，这一方面得益于新中国成立后，基础教育的普及使更多女性接受教育，另一方面则受益于美国科技体制在20世纪下半叶对女性科研工作者的支持。最后，相较而言，第二组美国顶尖华人科学家在科研工作中更多参与学术合作，这反映在其与导师和同事的合著论文数量与比例上；此外，第二组更需要进行博士后阶段的训练才能完成学习与工作的过渡；此变化源于美国二十世纪五十年到七十年代高等教育改革与扩张，科研人员数量的剧增加剧了科研工作者的竞争。

从制度性因素来看, 第一，崇尚科学训练的中国基础科学教育理念与制度为美国顶尖华人科学家打下了坚实的科学知识基础。第二，美国高等教育特别是研究型大学独立自主与市场结合的创建模式，丰富了科研经费来源，吸引各领域的世界顶级科学家加入其教研团队。第三，成熟的美国科研制度体系为美国顶尖华人科学家提供了有利的科研环境。美国通过研究型大学、政府机构与工业实验室之间的竞争与合作，形成了极具创造力的科研生态系统。第四，美国移民政策，特别是其留学生计划，帮助且筛选了优秀的中国学生赴美学习与工作。

此外，作为中美文化的结合产物，中国传统儒家思想对教育的重视促使美国顶尖华人科学家受到了很好的家庭教育，培养了其刻苦学习的精神；而美国自由平等的思想则使其想象力不受权威限制，促进了其在科学领域的不断创新。最后，作为移民，自身社交能力，纽带性和桥梁性社会资本对其成才作用不可忽视。社会资本通过推动学习、工作与移民等方面进展，帮助了美国顶尖华人科学家融入美国社会，促进了其人力资本提升。

本文的创新之处在于：首先，本文借助经济学的人力资本理论，首次聚焦美国科学院院士中华人科学家，系统探讨了其成才的共同点，并从制度与文化角度进行了分析；此外，本文将社会交往对美国顶尖华人科学家成才的影响纳入研究范围，凸显了社会资本对于移民科学家成才的重要性；最后，本文将两组美国顶尖华人科学家进行对比，弥补了现有文献对改革开放后新一批华人科学家研究的不足，探讨了美国顶尖华人科学家这一群体成才的变化与延续以及背后的社会因素。

关键词：美国顶尖华人科学家 人力资本 社会资本 人才机制

Abstract

For decades since 1949, few Chinese homegrown scientists could rise into world-class prominence. By contrast, a batch of Chinese immigrant scientists in America (hereinafter referred to as CISAs) have become world’s leading scientists in various fields. This brilliant scientist group includes five Nobel Prize winners, Chen-Ning Yang, Tsung-Dao Lee, Daniel Tsui, Samuel C.C. Ting, and Charles Kuen Kao, and a cohort of rising scientific elites such as Shou-Cheng Zhang and Xiaowei Zhuang. It is no exaggeration to say that the CISAs make up the majority of the leading Chinese scientists in the world. The mystery of how did these top-notch CISAs rise into world-class prominence is worthy of exploration.

Guided by the human capital theory, this thesis aims to explore the making of the top-notch CISAs by tracing their social origin, higher education background, immigration experience, professional trajectory and the working of socialization, examining how the experience at each phase contributed to their human capital uplifting, and investigating how institutional systems and socio-cultural factors facilitated their human capital formation. In addition, the sample CISAs are divided into two cohorts based on the arrival time in America. By comparing the experience of the two cohorts of CISAs, this study intends to grasp the changes in the making of the top-notch CISAs, as well as the social factors behind such changes. The study adopts a qualitative approach and draws upon various sources of data such as biographies, essay collections, interviews, and government reports.

The modern human capital theory was proposed by Chicago school economists Gary S. Becker and Theodore Schultz. Human capital refers to the skills, knowledge, and experience possessed by people. It encompasses the notion that there are investments in people including education, training, migration, and health care and these investments could increase an individual’s productivity. Meanwhile, human capital investment is also considered as an engine for economic growth. Besides, social capital, embodied in social networks, is also proved to be a vital element in facilitating individuals’ human capital formation. Adopting human capital theory to explore the making of the top-notch CISAs could be exemplary for future Chinese immigrant scientists in America and China’s talent policy.

At the personal level, this study finds five factors that had played critical roles in the making of the top-notch CISAs. First, family influence mattered significantly in the making of the top-notch CISAs. They mostly came from upper-middle social strata and sound family influence warranted good parenting, positive role modeling and advantageous educational opportunities. Second, formal education served as a key contributing factor; while the undergraduate study in China helped them build a solid foundation in science, the higher learning in elite American institutions further uplifted their human capital through the apprenticeship with elite masters. Third, affiliation with American elite research institutions allowed them to further accumulate S&T human capital through learning by doing in evocative research environment. Fourth, moving to the United States was a critical step for their human capital built-up as it provided them the congenial research environment which distanced themselves from war and political suppression, and helped incorporate them into the top-class scientific community. Lastly, social networking facilitated their career upward mobility. It was manifested in the apprenticeship with masters, research collaboration, and involvement in various academic associations.

In addition, a comparison between the trajectory of the two cohorts of CISAs reveals three major differences and trends in the making of the top-notch CISAs. First, the impact of social origin among top-notch CISAs was weakened. More CISAs in the second cohort came from families of lower social strata, which was primarily due to the narrowing of inequality between working-class and intellectuals during the Cultural Revolution. Second, the gender inequality among top-notch CISAs was also attenuated. More women CISAs rose to prominence in the second cohort of top-notch CISAs; this was partly because more women received education in China in the second half of the 21st century; and it was also because of the increasing support for the women researchers in America. Lastly, research collaboration is becoming more common in the scientific output of the top-notch CISAs. The second cohort co-authored more publications with their masters and colleagues. And a larger proportion of the top-notch CISAs among the second cohort pursued postdoctoral training. This mainly resulted from the expansion of the American higher education from the 1950s to the 1970s. The dramatic increase in the number of researchers had intensified the competition for those who wanted to pursue a scientific career.

At institutional level, this thesis highlights four mechanisms facilitative to the human capital formation of the top-notch CISAs. The Chinese formal education which strongly emphasizes vigorous training helped lay a solid scientific knowledge foundation for the top-notch CISAs. Second, the American higher education system, notably its research university, excels in knowledge creation with sufficient funding and elite teacher. Third, the American S&T system formed by research institution, governmental agency, and industrial lab provided the most evocative research environment for the top-notch CISAs. Lastly, the American immigration policy had facilitated the top-notch CISAs to pursue higher education in America.

Meanwhile, this thesis finds that the eminence of the top-notch CISAs was an edification of both traditional Chinese culture and American core values. While the emphasis on education embodied in Confucianism cultivated their hardworking attitudes on study, the tolerant cultural environment in America stimulated the top-notch CISAs to break the shackles of establishment in science and inspired their unbounded imaginations to pursue constant progress in science. Lastly, the study highlights the role of social capital, within and across ethnic groups, in the shaping of top-notch CISAs as a special cohort of immigrants in America.

The contribution of the study lies in three aspects. First, this paper gives a systematic analysis on the making of the top-notch CISAs from the perspective of human capital formation. And it is the first scholarly attempt to focus on the CISAs among the NAS members. Second, it examines the impact of socialization and the role of social capital on the human capital formation of the top-notch CISAs. Lastly, this paper draws a comparison between the two cohorts of top-notch CISAs and explores the changes and continuities in the making of top-notch CISAs.

Key Words: The Top-notch CISAs Human Capital Social Capital American Talent System 

[7] 黄诗潞

导师：宋颖

中文题目：叛逆精神之乌托邦——帕蒂·史密斯诗意朋克摇滚 乐话语分析:1975-2012

英文题目：Utopia for Rebellious Spirit — Discourse Analysis of Patti Smith’s Poetic Punk Music: 1975- 2012

摘要

帕蒂·史密斯是富有影响力的著名美国摇滚音乐家、词作者、诗人以及视觉艺术家,有“朋克教母”和“摇滚桂冠诗人”的美称,音乐评论界普遍认可其为朋克摇滚乐的 缔造者。帕蒂·史密斯创造性地结合了诗歌和车库摇滚,并将体制批判引入摇滚乐中, 被视为上世纪七十年代朋克摇滚的首要代表人物。在法国诗人兰波和“垮掉的一派”影 响之下,史密斯的音乐呈现了诗歌的特征和反叛的精神。音乐作为一种独特的声学现 象,是文化的载体,被视为社会意识形态和社会文化运动的缩影。朋克音乐作为一种 充满感染力和变革精神的化身,代表着意识形态的解放和反文化的态度,拥有大量听 众。但是,对于朋克摇滚乐的解读与研究一直流于片面化和极端化,忽略对于朋克摇 滚精神的探究。本文以帕蒂·史密斯在 1975 年到 2012 年发行的十张专辑为样本,综 合分析音乐歌词和专辑封面,旨在解读朋克文化符号,研究史密斯如何在不同的历史 文化语境中建立朋克话语权,探索朋克音乐话语背后主要蕴藏的意识形态。

针对帕蒂·史密斯所处的不同历史文化语境,本文将她的摇滚生涯划分为三个阶 段,分别是第一阶段 1975 年-1978 年;第二阶段 1979 年-1988 年;第三阶段 1996 年 -2012 年,旨在发现在不同的历史发展阶段,史密斯朋克摇滚乐呈现的特点,她建立 摇滚乐话语权方式的异同,探究其呈现出的朋克摇滚精神。

本文从两个视角综合分析帕蒂·史密斯的朋克摇滚话语:批判话语分析和多模态 话语分析,用这两种分析方法分别解读帕蒂·史密斯的音乐代表作和专辑封面。研究 采用了费尔克拉夫(Norman Fairclough)的三维度批判话语分析,从微观到宏观的分 析视角如下:文本分析、话语实践(互文性)、社会实践,旨在发现朋克音乐话语背 后蕴含的意识形态以及意识形态和音乐话语之间的联系。基于对歌词文本特征的观察,

文本分析主要从词汇选择和修辞手法两个角度展开。话语实践角度的分析主要从具体 互文性(specific intertextuality), 体裁互文性(generic intertextuality)和文化互文性 (cultural intertextuality)三个层面进行。社会实践角度的分析,主要结合创作时期的 历史文化语境和帕蒂·史密斯本人的访谈记录,探究摇滚话语背后的意识形态。

本研究也采用了克雷斯和范·劳文(Kress and Van Leeuwen)的三维度多模态分析 理论:再现意义(representational meaning)、互动意义(interactive meaning)和构图意义 (compositional meaning),以分析帕蒂·史密斯的十张录音室专辑封面。朋克话语不限 于文字形式,而是与图像、颜色、板式等相互作用,视觉语法元素也参与到了意义建 构中。

基于歌词文本和唱片封面的分析,帕蒂·史密斯的诗意摇滚乐话语总体呈现了三 个主要的意识形态:反一致性(Anti-conformity)、反物质主义(Anti-materialism)、反 理性(Anti-rationality)。结论总结,每个时期帕蒂·史密斯构建朋克音乐话语权的方式 大同小异,呈现出了较为稳定的意识形态。帕蒂·史密斯创作的朋克摇滚乐,在不同 的历史文化语境下,以这三种核心意识形态反抗着主流、权威和理性。

本文对朋克摇滚进行话语分析,折射出资本主义社会表面上的物质繁华与人们实 质上的内心荒原,所谓朋克摇滚的“疯狂”和“非理性”以及主流社会的“理性”都是被强 势文化所建构出来的。朋克音乐体现出的疯狂的生活方式和对边缘化人群的主动接近 其实是对主流文化的反叛。作为叛逆精神的乌托邦,朋克音乐话语表达对诗意生存状 态的渴望,对自我的关怀和对自由精神的追求。朋克音乐话语通过表达对“理性”主流 社会的反叛来追求真正的精神自由。

从语言学角度出发,以批判话语分析和多模态话语分析为框架,对具有文化意义的音乐作品进行解读,这样的交叉点具有创新意义,为全方位探究美国大众文化拓展 了一个新的视野。帕蒂·史密斯通过摇滚创作表达了朋克音乐对自由精神的探索和对 社会现实的抨击。朋克音乐启发人们大胆质疑理性,以批判性思维看待权威,勇于追 求真实的自我。

关键词: 帕蒂·史密斯;朋克摇滚乐;批判话语分析;多模态话语分析;摇滚精神

Abstract

Patti Smith is a famous and influential American rock musician, songwriter, poet, visual artist, called as “godmother of punk” and “punk poet laureate”, is officially acknowledged by the music critics as the creator of punk music. Smith creatively combines poetry and garage rock and introduces institutional critique into rock music, regarded as a prominent representative of punk rock in the 1970s. Under the influence of French Rimbaud and the “Beat Generation”, Smith’s lyrics demonstrates the features of poetic genre and rebellious spirit. As a unique acoustic phenomenon, music is considered as a microcosm of social ideologies and sociocultural phenomenon. Punk music, as a contagious and revolutionary embodiment of music, representing ideological emancipation and the attitude of anti-culture, has a large member of audiences. However, the interpretation and research on punk music restricts to unilateral and extreme perspective, neglecting the exploration of punk rock’s spirit. The thesis adopts as the ten albums released by Patti Smith from 1975 to 2012 as research samples and comprehensively analyzes the music lyrics and album covers, aiming to interpret the cultural symbols demonstrated in punk culture. It attempts to find out how Patti Smith establishes the discourse power in different sociocultural context and see through the hidden ideologies behind punk music discourse.

According to the different sociocultural contexts of Patti Smith’s musical career, the thesis categorizes her musical career into three stages. Respectively, the first stage refers to 1975 to 1978; the second stage refers to 1979 to 1988; the third stage refers to 1996 to 2012, aiming to find out the features of Smith’s punk music demonstrated in different historical development stages. The thesis attempts to explore the similarities and differences in the ways that Smith establishes the discourse power of punk rock and find out the punk rock spirit displayed.

The thesis comprehensively analyzes Patti Smith’s punk rock discourse from two perspectives: critical discourse analysis and multimodal discourse analysis, using these two analytical methods to respectively interpret Patti Smith’s representative music works and album covers. The research adopts Norman Fairclough’s three dimensional critical discourse analysis, the microscopic to macroscopic perspective is as follows: text analysis, discourse practice (intertextuality) and social practice, aiming to find out the hidden ideologies behind punk music discourse and their relations with music discourse. Based on the observation of the characteristics of lyrics content, text analysis is mainly conducted from two perspectives: lexical choice and rhetoric choice. Discourse practice analysis is conducted from three perspectives: specific intertextuality, generic intertextuality and cultural intertextuality. Social practice analysis mainly combines the historical sociocultural context in Smith’s creation period and her interview records, aiming to explore the ideologies behind rock discourse.

The research also adopts Kress and Van Leeuwen’s three dimensional multimodal discourse analysis method: representational meaning, interactive meaning and compositional meaning in order to analyze the ten album covers of Patti Smith. Punk music discourse is not limited to the form of text, but also interact with images, color, format and so forth as visual grammar elements also participate in constructing meanings.

Based on the analysis of lyrics content and album covers, Patti Smith’s poetic punk music discourse generally display three major ideologies: anti-conformity, anti-materialism and anti-rationality. The conclusion summarizes that the ways that Patti Smith establish punk music discourse power are similar in essentials, displaying relatively stable ideologies. Patti Smith create punk music to resist mainstream culture, authority and rationality with the three core ideologies in different historical cultural contexts.

The thesis conducts discourse analysis on punk music, reflecting the material prosperity on the surface of the Capitalist society and people’s actual inner emptiness. The so-called “craziness” and “irrationality” of punk rock and the “rationality” of the mainstream society are constructed by the dominating culture. The seemingly crazy lifestyle displayed by punk music and the close interaction with marginalized culture and people also demonstrate their rebellious attitude towards mainstream culture. As a utopia for rebellious spirit, punk music discourse expresses the aspiration for poetic life, solicitude for self and pursuit of the spirit of freedom. Punk music discourse seeks for real spiritual freedom through expressing their rebellious attitudes toward the “rational” mainstream society.

From Linguistic perspective, the thesis adopts critical discourse analysis and multimodal discourse analysis as theoretical framework to interpret the musical works with cultural connotations, creating a research intersection. The intersection is innovative, expanding the view for all-roundly researching American pop culture. Patti Smith expresses punk music’s exploration of the spirit of freedom and critique of reality through her music. Punk music provides enlightenment to people to boldly doubt rationality, to view authority with critical thinking and dare to pursue real self.

Key words: Patti Smith; Punk Rock; Critical Discourse Analysis; Multimodal Discourse Analysis; Rock Spirit

[8] 刘心怡

导师：王镇平

中文题目：从李安的银幕粉色三角探究其进化式的酷儿思想

英文题目：Exploring Ang Lee’s Evolving Queer Philosophy through His Cinematic Pink Triangle

摘要

好莱坞一直以来都是推崇异性恋正统制度,作为一个极为重要的文化窗口, 它在级化人的生理性别、社会性别和性取向上起到了不可小觑的作用,同时,在 构建、修饰、传播有关性少数群体的文化话语中扮演着相当重要的角色。在异性 恋正统制主导的大背景下,李安作为一个杰出的好莱坞异性恋导演,且同酷儿政 治运动无任何直接的联系,成功拍摄了三部以酷儿为主题的电影,并获得了高度 评价。这些电影分别是《喜宴》(1993),《断背山》(2005)和《制造伍德斯 托克音乐节》(2009)。尽管这三部电影在流派上,拍摄水准上,以及政治深度 上均有不同,它们都探讨了关于酷儿个体性的自我发现。因为酷儿理论本身也是 探讨与酷儿有关的问题,如人的社会性别和性取向,揭露了诸如男人/女人,男 性化的/女性化的,同性社交/同性恋情,同性恋/异性恋这样的二元对立的不当 之处,挑战了异性恋正统制度主导下的意识形态和权力机制,所以作者将把其作 为理论框架来辅助对李安进化式酷儿哲学的研究。哲学一词会在文章中反复出现, 此处指的是李安对于人的社会性别、性取向以及性身份认同这三面议题的看法。

文章旨在应用酷儿理论来分析这三部电影中李安关于酷儿角色塑造的变化, 试论证其对于人的社会性别、性取向以及性身份认同这三方面的观点是在不断转 化和演变的。文章作者发现三部影片中对酷儿的塑造是有内在联系和发展的,这 也折射出了李安本人进化式的酷儿思想。具体来说,其一,在社会性别方面,李 安从《喜宴》中把伟同刻画为男性的、占主导地位的、有主动权的“丈夫”,把 西蒙刻画为其对立的女性化的、从属的、被动接受的“妻子”, 到《断背山》 中对杰克和艾尼斯社会性别的模糊化——他们身上既有传统意义上典型的男子 气概,又有女性特质,最后到《制造伍德斯托克音乐节》中把艾略特和威尔玛塑 造为性别酷儿。其二,在性取向方面,李安也从把伟同和西蒙按照同性恋、异性 恋二元对立来区分刻画,到把杰克和艾尼斯刻画为既不是传统意义上的同性恋或 异性恋或双性恋,最后到把艾略特和威尔玛刻画为性向酷儿,即他们的性倾向是 多元化的,并且他们的性吸引力是流动的。其三,李安也将他的酷儿主人公逐渐 从“边缘”移到了“中心”,这是从个人和社会两个角度来探讨的:个人角度指 的是自我认同和自我确信这一维度;社会角度指的是社会接纳和社会融入这一维 度。总的来说,经过多年的探索和刻画,李安愈发体现出对性别身份及性向身份多样性、流动性、非标准性的认可,他也对各种形式的差异性和模糊性都展现出 了一种日渐增强的包容感和欢迎度。

从李安的荧幕粉色三角探究其进化式的酷儿思想有两方面的研究意义。其一, 从酷儿视角来看,现有的关于这三部影片的主要研究焦点在于它们是否是真正意 义上的酷儿电影。文章将不再局限于对这个问题的讨论,而是试图分析这三部电 影中关于酷儿个体的刻画是怎么变化的。除此之外,很多学者都已经讨论过李安 电影中一个不断出现的主题,即身份的斗争。文章将继续这方面的研究,但重点 放在关于性身份斗争的讨论上。通过影片中酷儿角色塑造的变化,读者可以进一 步理解李安进化式的酷儿思想。其二,尽管公开的性少数群体已经是司空见惯, 但恐同心理,即对性少数群体怀有的消极情绪,以及异性恋情结,即对非异性恋 身份和关系的歧视,依然存在。大多数流行文化,包括好莱坞电影,都在持续不 断的将人的社会性别和性取向简化为二元对立来呈现。李安作为当代好莱坞最杰 出,最具影响力的导演之一,这些年来不惧争议的把酷儿个体搬上荧幕,并且探 讨的内容逐渐深入,基调愈加尖锐和犀利。研究他的作品不仅能够提供一个让大 众看到美国对性少数群体不断变化的态度的平台,同时也能在推进与性少数群体 相关议题,推动建立一个更加包容,善良,友好的社会方面贡献一份力量。

关键词:李安;酷儿刻画;社会性别;性取向;身份认同;哲学

Abstract

Hollywood has long been a heteronormativity-dominated world. As a significant outlet of cultural discussion, it contributes to the ordering of human understanding surrounding gender, sex, and sexuality, and it plays a crucial part in constructing, modifying and spreading cultural beliefs about the LGBTQ community. Against the background, Ang Lee, a prominent heterosexual director with no explicit ties to queer political work, managed to produce three queer-themed films—The Wedding Banquet (1993), Brokeback Mountain (2005) and Taking Woodstock (2009) that received critical acclaims. Although these films differ in genre, levels of sophistication and depth of political engagement, they all have shared insight on the ethics of queer sexual self-disclosure. Since queer theory also tackles with queer-related issues concerning human gender and sexuality, exposes the inadequacy of binary categories like male/female, masculine/feminine, homosocial/homosexual, and heterosexual/homosexual, and challenges the ideologies and institutions of heteronormativity, this thesis will adopt it as the theoretical framework to facilitate the study of Lee’s evolving queer philosophy. The adoption of the term philosophy, which occurs frequently throughout this study, refers to Ang Lee’s particular view toward issues concerning human gender, sexuality, and identification.

By adopting the tools and methods of queer theory for analysis, the author intends to argue that Lee’s view toward issues concerning human gender, sexuality and identification transforms and evolves gradually through years of exploration. The author finds that there are internal developments in terms of queer portrayal in these films which in turn reveal Lee’s changing queer philosophy. First, as for gender issue, Lee moves from portraying Wai-Tung as the masculine, dominant and active “husband” and Simon as the effeminate, subordinate and passive “wife” in The Wedding Banquet, to the ambiguous portrayal of Jack and Ennis as both with traditional exemplary masculinity and feminine traits in Brokeback Mountain, then to the portrayal of Elliot and Vilma as gender queer in Taking Woodstock. Second, with regard to sexuality, Lee also moves from portraying Wai-Tung and Simon strictly along homosexual/heterosexual binary, to the vague portrayal of Jack and Ennis as neither being gay or straight or bisexual, then to the portrayal of Elliot and Vilma as sexual queer in terms of their diverse sexual orientation and fluid sexual attraction. Third, Lee also moves his protagonists from the “margin” to the “center” at both the individual level and societal level. The former refers to the dimension of their self-recognition and self-assurance, and the latter refers to the dimension of social acceptance and inclusion. Generally, through years of exploration and portrayal, Lee becomes more and more aware of the diversity, fluidity, and non-standardization of identities. He now shows an ever-growing tolerating and welcoming attitude toward ambiguity and difference in all its forms.

Two reasons can be accounted for the significance of studying Ang Lee’s evolving queer philosophy through his cinematic pink triangle. First, from a queer perspective, the existing literature concerning these three films focuses on the aspect of whether they are queer enough or not. This thesis will go beyond such discussions and endeavor to explore how the portrayal of queer individuals changes in these films. In addition, many scholars have discussed the recurring theme of the struggle of identity in Lee’s films. This thesis will continue this trend of study but exclusively center on the discussion of sexual identity. Through the changes of queer portrayal in these films, one can further understand Lee’s evolving queer philosophy. Second, while openly LGBTQ people are a much more common sight today, homophobia, which refers to a range of negative feelings toward people from the LGBTQ community, and heterosexism, which refers to a system of discrimination in favor of opposite-sex sexuality and relationship, still persist. Most popular cultures, including Hollywood movies, consistently contribute to the simplistic understanding of gender and sexuality as either-or binaries. Lee, as one of the most prominent and influential straight director in Hollywood, audaciously presented queer individuals on the screen with increasing complexity and sharp sensitivity over the years. Studying his work not only can provide a way for others to see America’s changing attitude toward sexual minorities, but also can contribute to the advance of LGBTQ agenda and the building of a kinder, gentler as well as more inclusive society.


Key Words: Ang Lee, Queer Portrayal, Gender, Sexuality, Identity, Philosophy

导师：贾宁

中文题目：YouTube上的亚裔美国人：表征，策略与平台

英文题目：Asian Americans on YouTube: representation, strategy and institution

摘要

亚裔美国人在媒体上处于边缘化的位置。首先，亚裔很少出现在传统媒体上，媒体工作者中只有极少数是亚裔，仅有的一些亚裔角色通常由白人来扮演。其次，他们在媒体上大多是片面化的负面形象。新世纪以来，亚裔人口激增，并且在经济收入上一枝独秀。研究表明，亚裔使用新媒体的比例和频率最高。与此同时，亚裔也在新媒体上不断发出自己的声音，并取得了一定的成功。YouTube就是一个典型的例子，在这个平台上亚裔摇身一变成为拥有几百万甚至上千万粉丝的明星。YouTube给予亚裔的不仅仅是大批粉丝，还有对创作内容的绝对控制。在这种情况下，他们有机会挑战对亚裔的刻板化表征。目前对亚裔形象的研究集中在传统媒体与文学作品，鲜有对亚裔在新媒体形象的研究。因此，本文旨在研究亚裔YouTube明星在新的传播模式下对亚裔群体的表征。本文主要研究如下的几个问题。亚裔YouTube明星呈现出了怎样的亚裔的表征？这种表征与传统媒体对亚裔的表征有何异同？亚裔又采取了怎样的表征策略？YouTube作为一个平台是如何介入亚裔表征的？

本文主要基于用霍尔的表征理论和他者景观的相关论述，采取定量和定性两种方法在视频和人物两个层面来回答研究问题。主要发现如下。绝大多数的人物挑战了传统媒体的刻板表征。而且形成了一系列主要的表征，主要包括归化美国人，永久外国人，批判观察者，不“模范”亚洲人，阳刚气质的男性, 以及非传统亚裔角色，包括饶舌歌手，视频游戏高手和运动达人等。研究发现，亚裔采取的主要表征策略是霍尔提出的融合策略，即向主流靠拢，同化美国主流社会的价值观和生活方式，从而获得主流大众的认可。采取这种策略的代价就是放弃亚洲文化认同和把亚洲他者化。第二种表征策略就是霍尔提出的从内部反抗策略，这种策略从内部否定了主流媒体对于亚裔“模范族裔”的表征。

YouTube作为一个大众参与的平台显然使亚裔挑战了一部分刻板印象。但是需要指出的是YouTube本质上是一个商业公司，利润至上。近年来，为了实现经济利益最大化，YouTube逐渐有了有娱乐化和强化人们已有观点的倾向。而且，YouTube从来不是一个彻底的民主表达的平台，媒体精英依然在幕后掌控着主导权。亚裔YouTube明星的视频虽然在一定程度上反抗了传统媒体的刻板化表征，但是这些反抗显然不够深刻，而且在某些方面加深了对亚裔的负面表征。另外，为了实现在YouTube上的利益最大化，亚洲被嘲弄和他者化。再次，很大一部分视频内容实质上是对主流媒体原创内容的再创造。这说明亚裔YouTube明星并未逃离主流媒体的控制，因此缺乏真正的独立性。

关键词： 亚裔美国人，YouTube，表征，平台，刻板印象

Abstract

Asian American is a marginalized group on American media. First, they are underrepresented in media exposure and workforce. Second, Asian roles are often played by Caucasians. Third, they are subject to misrepresentations. With a rapid growing population, impressive economic achievement and high percentage of internet users, Asian Americans are becoming increasingly vocal, especially on new media. YouTube is a typical example. On this platform, famous Asian Americans have gained millions of subscribers and billions of views. In addition to popularity, they have gained absolute control over their content. With their popularity and control, if they will, they can challenge the entrenched misrepresentations prevalent on traditional media. Researches on Asian American representations almost exclusively concentrate on traditional media and literary works. This paper intends to fill the existing gap by studying the representation of Asian Americans on YouTube based on Stuart Hall’s representation theory and his discussion on the spectacle of the other. Specifically, this paper will answer the following questions. What are the representations of Asian Americans on YouTube? Are the representations of Asian Americans on YouTube different from those on the mainstream media? What strategies do those Asian American YouTubers employ in the representation of Asian Americans? What is the role of YouTube in the representation of Asian Americans on YouTube?

This paper employs both quantitative and qualitative methods and analyzes from both the video and character levels. Research finds that the vast majority of the characters challenge the stereotypes. Several recognizable representations emerge, including assimilated American, forever foreigner, critical observer, not model Asian, masculine Asian males and other non-traditional roles, including rap singer, gamer and sportsman. The major representation strategy is the integrationist strategy put forward by Stuart Hall. Those YouTubers gain popularity by assimilating the mainstream American values and way of life and treating Asians and Asia as the “other,” something to be studied and ridiculed. The application of this strategy is at the cost of abandoning Asian cultural identity and reducing Asia to the “other”. The second strategy is Hall’s “fight-from-within” tactic. This strategy is mainly employed in combating the model minority stereotype.

As a potentially democratic platform, YouTube does enable Asian American YouTubers to challenge some of the stereotypical depictions. However, it should be noted that YouTube is essentially a commercial company. Its primary goal is profit maximization. To achieve this goal, YouTube is gradually assuming a playful atmosphere and tends to reinforce people’s predispositions. Besides, traditional media still plays a dominant role on that platform. In the case of Asian American YouTubers, their videos lack in-depth critique of racism and sometimes they even make fun of Asian stereotypes. Their popularity is at the cost of abandoning Asian American identity and portraying Asia as the “other.” What’s more, they are still living under the shadow of mainstream media because some of their most popular videos are just reproductions of original mainstream content. It’s fair to say that Asian American YouTubers are not yet truly independent producers.

Key words: Asian American, YouTube, representation, institution, stereotypes

导师：李莉文

中文题目：返回实质性正当程序原点？—对斯卡利亚大法官在麦当劳诉芝加哥案中实质性正当程序逆转的研究

英文题目：Reverting to the “Status Quo” of the Substantive Due Process? —A Study on Scalia’s Substantive Due Process Reversal in McDonald v. Chicago

摘要

长久以来，对美国最高法院大法官、 法学学界而言，实质性正当程序是一个富争议性的话题。视其为“矛盾体”，斯卡利亚出人意料地在麦当劳案中泰然接受它，并在最高法院其它案件中悄悄对其加以欣然运用。这与他布道的原旨主义方法大相径庭。斯卡利亚在麦当劳一案中的附和意见同样也在挫败试图复苏于屠宰场系列案例中丧失实际宪法效力的特权和豁免条款助其一臂之力。原旨主义被公认为斯卡利亚的遗产，学者们因而对斯卡利亚在麦当劳案与实质性正当程序握手言和，持有此事与其宣称的原旨主义理念相悖的论断。因此，找出斯卡利亚在麦当劳案中的逆转是否代表着他致力于防止将更多权利编纂入宪法或使其停留在天下太平的现阶段尤为重要。同为重要的是斯卡利亚对实质性正当程序逆转的动机，对斯卡利亚原旨主义遗产的影响，以及缘何此逆转乃为下策。

本研究致力于解决三个问题。第一，致使斯卡利亚在实质性正当程序做出逆转的究为何种动因？探其究竟，这些动因不仅展现了斯卡利亚对实质性正当程序的真正态度，也同样揭示出他的权力观和对编纂原则的态度。因此，本研究相较于明显逆转，更侧重于对其动机的探索。第二，此研究论证，斯卡利亚为防止编纂更多个人权利，特别是源于第十四修正案的个人权利所做出的努力已付诸东流，因为原告同样可以用实质性正当程序的条款来主张权利。本研究接着分析斯卡利亚在实质性正当程序方面逆转对原旨主义和最高法院所带来的影响。本研究结论为：如此逆转会更有利于扩大个人议题，但此种彰显往往建立在削弱原旨主义作为一项理念存在的基础上。

关键词：实质性正当程序 斯卡利亚 逆转 原旨主义

 

Abstract

Substantive due process has long been a controversial subject for Supreme Court Justices and legal professoriates. Regarding substantive due process an “oxymoron”, Scalia unexpectedly “acquiesced” with it in McDonald v. Chicago. That is at odds with the Originalist method he fervently preached. Scalia’s concurrence in McDonald also helped to scuttle the attempt of the Originalists to revive the dormant Privileges or Immunities Clause constitutionally annulled in Slaughterhouse cases. As Originalism is widely regarded as Scalia’s legacy, scholars often view Scalia’s reconciliation with substantive due process a deviation from his professed creed. It is important, then, to find out if Scalia’s Substantive Due Process reversal in McDonald is emblematic of his devotion to not incorporating more rights or keeping the happy “status quo”. Equally important are what motivations of Scalia’s backtrack on substantive due process in McDonald were and how they might influence on Scalia’s legacy of Originalism and why it was a bad strategy.

This study is set to resolve three questions. First, the study sets to find out whether Scalia’s Substantive Due Process reversal in McDonald was a one-time stunt or considered alteration in jurisprudence. Upon establishing that fact, what were the motivations of Scalia’s backtrack on denying Substantive Due Process became the second priority to tackle with. For those motivations of Scalia’s reversal regarding Substantive Due Process not only show Scalia’s real attitude to Substantive Due Process, they also reveal Scalia’s view of liberty and attitude towards the Incorporation Clause. This study, thus, is less focused on that obvious digression than what motivated Scalia’s backtrack on substantive due process. Second, the study contends that the effort of Scalia’s reversal in McDonald to ward off the incorporation of individual rights, especially those derived from the Fourteenth Amendment didn’t pay off, as it could not forestall plaintiffs from using Substantive Due Process Clause to assert the constitutionality of liberties. Last but not least, the study weighs the influence of Scalia’s substantive due process reversal on Originalism and the Court, concluding that it will facilitate it as an approach to aggrandize one’s own agenda at the cost of depreciating Originalism as a creed.

 

Keywords: Substantive Due Process Scalia reversal Originalism

 [11] 詹婷婷

导师：梅仁毅

中文题目：社交媒体与美国政治——奥巴马与特朗普在竞选与 执政期间对社交媒体的使用

英文题目：Social Media and American Politics--The Use of Social Media in Elections and Governance by Obama and Trump

摘要

社交媒体涌现与发展影响着社会生活的方方面面,在政治领域,社交媒体的作用更是不容小觑。特别是特朗普时代下的美国政治,也因社交媒体而发生复杂而深刻的变化。特朗普的推特治国牵动着社会各界的神经。一方面,人们认为特朗普的社交媒体使用给美国政治带来了革命性的突破,另一方面,美国建制派、主流媒体又无时不刻在担忧一波又一波的推特风暴会破坏美国的民主、增加美国政治的不确定性。那么,社交媒体对未来政坛将带来怎样的变化?其产生的影响是喜是忧?我们该如何看待社交媒体在政治中的作用?这一系列问题都值得深思。然而,社交媒体的飞速发展与如今美国政坛的变幻莫测让问题的答案难以预料。以史为鉴可以知兴替。因此,对现有的、历史上的社交媒体与美国政治的复杂关系的研究则显得尤为迫切。奥巴马与特朗普都是玩转社交媒体的政治家。然而,大多数学者仅仅聚焦于奥巴马竞选期间的社交媒体使用,对于奥巴马执政、以及特朗普竞选和执政期间的社交媒体使用,却少有深入研究。本文以奥巴马与特朗普在竞选与执政期间的社交媒体使用作为案例分析,试图挖掘社交媒体在美国政治中的变化与突破。

本文采用历史学、政治学、传播学的研究视角,采用大量一手资料,在已有历史 文献的基础上创新:全面收集、梳理了奥巴马推特账号上所有关于奥巴马医改的推 文、及特朗普竞选与执政期间的 13701 条推文。细致分析了二者使用社交媒体的表 现、不同及原因。

本文发现,在竞选期间,尽管奥巴马与特朗普在政治传播中表现出不同特点,但两者都十分注重社交媒体的使用。为了赢得大选,奥巴马使用社交媒体传播信息、动员群众和筹款,而特朗普则使用社交媒体传播信息、攻击对手。而这背后的原因有些许不同。在奥巴马时代,社交媒体刚刚兴起,变革的传播环境与社交媒体的强大吸引力为奥巴马使用这一新传播途径提供了可能;而如今,社交媒体在美国政治中已经成熟发展,特朗普对推特的娴熟与成功运用不单纯是受传播环境影响,更与他曾做为商人的传播理念密切相关。在执政期间,奥巴马与特朗普对社交媒体的重视程度有所不同。奥巴马回归传统的政治传播方式,社交媒体仅发挥辅助作用;特朗普则依然十分依赖社交媒体,并用其对抗主流媒体、进行内政外交。而这背后的原因,则与总统和主流媒体间的复杂关系有所关联。

总体而言,如果说 08 年奥巴马的美国大选,让社交媒体半只脚踏进了美国政坛, 那么如今,特朗普的推特治国,则让社交媒体正式步入美国政治的舞台。社交媒体将 何去何从?又将如何影响美国乃至国际政治?一系列的未知还有待进一步发掘与探究。

关键词:社交媒体,美国政治,奥巴马,特朗普,竞选,执政

Abstract

The emergence and the rise of social media asserts tremendous influence in current society. In politics, social media plays a prominent role, bringing complex and profound changes. In Trump’s era, his running the country by tweets catches the eyeballs from all walks of life. On one hand, he is praised for using Twitter in an unprecedented way in the history of American politics. On the other hand, his Twitter storms appear to upset the American establishments and the mainstream media almost every single day. Does social media do good or do harm? What changes it may bring to America politics in the future? Why will changes occur? What kind of role will social media play in politics? How we should look upon the role of social media? Those are important questions waiting to be answered. But the rapid development of social media and the complexity of politics make it difficult to predict how social media usage will develop and how it will change the politics in the future. In order to pave way to answering those questions, it is urgent and necessary to figure out what is happening right now and what had happened in the past.

Obama and Trump are both the masters of social media in American politics. The current research has done a lot in studying Obama’s use of social media in elections. But there lacks systematic in-depth study on Obama’s use of social media in governance and Trump’s in both election and governance. Therefore, this paper conducts a case study of Obama and Trump’s use of social media, trying to explore the changes of the social media use in American politics.

I undertake my research combining the perspective of history, politics and media. Based on a considerable number of first-hand materials, the research makes contribution to the existing research: For Obama, I collect all the tweets about Obamacare on @BarackObama within 14-month period as my case study. For Trump, I make content analysis of 13,701 tweets which are collected by the software named “Bazhuayu” from Trump Twitter Achieve. I carefully examine the features of Obama and Trump’s use of social media and try to analyze the reasons behind it.

The paper finds that in elections, although Obama and Trump’s use of social media show different features, they both rely heavily on social media. In order to win the election, while Obama used social media in messaging, mobilizing and fundraising, Trump used Twitter to get the words out and fight against his rivals. But the reasons are slightly different. For Obama, the revolutionized communication environment and the great potential of social media made it possible for Obama to leverage the latest technology in his campaign. For Trump, as the social media has became a common tool in political campaign, what distinguished himself was his personal philosophy of promotion.

In governance, differences occur in their use of social media. While Obama did not emphasize social media as he did in elections, Trump frequently and strategically uses Twitter to resist to the mainstream media and govern the country. The reason has something to do with their relations with the mainstream media.

In short, Obama made a breakthrough in social media use in elections, Trump puts the social media the central role in whole political process. How will social media influence politics in the future, there still needs more exploration.

Key words: social media, American politics, Obama, Trump, election, governance

 [12] 赵小侠

导师：李莉文

中文题目：美国孤立主义“三时段”重要影响因素

英文题目：Explaining US Isolationism: Factors at Play During “Three Isolationistic Periods”

摘要

孤立主义是美国最重要的传统外交思想之一。纵观美国的历史,孤立主义经 历了产生、拓展、盛行、高潮、衰退、回潮等不同发展阶段,在一定的历史背景 下其表现形式也不尽相同,或作为国家外交战略、或作为外交政策,或作为一种 外交策略,但其作为一种政治文化始终存在于美国发展的历史中。

本文首先分析了美国早期、十九世纪三十年代、二十世纪七十年代至九十年 代这三个时期孤立主义产生的各类因素,对比了这三个时期主要历史时期孤立主 义影响因素的不同,同时对这三个时期孤立主义的表现特征进行了􏰀述,加深了 孤立主义对美国外交等各个方面影响的认识。

早期孤立主义产生有着深刻的历史、宗教、经济和地理因素,清教主义向来 被认为是美国文化的精髓,因而对美国早期孤立主义的形成起了极其重要的作用, 得天独厚的地理位置在客观上对美国早期孤立主义思想的形成也具有不可或缺 的作用,北美殖民地的政治现实正是其产生的最主要的根源,由于商业资本的发 展带来的商业精神、扩张意识和孤立思想,为后来美国孤立主义外交政策的萌生 􏰁供了适宜的气候和肥沃的土壤。

十九世纪二三十年代孤立主义的盛行的原因主要包括,一战后大量的反战著 作出笼为孤立主义发展􏰁供了理论依据,反战思潮影响了美国各阶层人物;经济 上 1929-1933 年的大萧条使得美国外交趋向于政治上的孤立主义和贸易上的保护 主义,外交上美国多次拒绝承担国际义务,以中立原则成为安身之本,一定程度 了助长了胆子更大的法西斯势力发展;政治上,罗斯福执政前 10 年是国会权力 的复兴时期,国会中的孤立主义者对行政机关形成了有效制衡,为孤立主义发展供了良好的时机。

1973 年以美元为中心的固定汇率机制土崩瓦解、90 年代美国国家国际收支 严重失衡和巨大的财政赤字,为“新孤立主义”的产生􏰁供了滋生的土壤。如今孤 立主义思潮在美国再次抬头与经济全球化失衡、国内经济利益分配不均、人口结 构发生变化、美国国内挑战增多密切相关。

本文发现,美国从以前的避战到二战以后四处挑起战争,战争的付出与失败, 之后总会出现反战思潮,使得国人对战争产生憎恶和恐惧。另外,伴随着国内经 济问题、媒体报道,民众悲观情绪上涨,总会引起孤立主义思想的发展。

关键词:孤立主义 外交政策 新孤立主义 表现特征 影响因素

Abstract

Isolationism is one of the most important traditional foreign policies in the United States. Since the birth of America, isolationism has gone through different development phases including the emergence, prevalence, climax and recession, with different manifestation in different historical periods. Either being adopted as the country's diplomatic policy or a diplomatic strategy, isolationism, as a political culture, runs through the history of American development from the beginning to the end.

This paper analyzes the factors influencing isolationism in three main history stages, the early times, the 1920s-1930s and the1970s-1990s, compares the factors influencing the isolationism in different historical periods, and provides the characteristics of isolationism in each period, so as to deepen the understanding of the isolationistic influence on American diplomacy.

In the early times, the birth of isolationism constitutes a series of political, economic, social and religious factors. Puritanism has always been considered the essence of American culture, and undoubtedly, plays an extremely important role in the formation of the early American isolationism. Besides, the advantaged geographical position of America also has an indispensable role in the formation of early isolationism. But as for the root cause, it should be the political reality of colonial American government. The business spirit, expansionist sentiments and the isolationist thoughts brought by the accumulation of commercial capital, provide the breeding ground for the isolationist foreign policy in the United States.

The factors contributing to the prevalence of isolationism in the 1920s-1930s mainly include the influence of anti-war masterpieces, which provided the theoretical background, and the relevant anti-war sentiments upon all walks of life. Meanwhile, the Great Depression fosters political isolationism and economic protectionism. Due to its refusal to undertake the international task for multiple times, and its adhering to the principles of isolationism, the US facilitated the bolder of fascists to some degree. Additionally, in the first ten years of Roosevelt Administration, the main period for the revival of the congressional power, the isolationists in the congress became an effective balance for the administrative branch, which leads to the further development of isolationism in the nation.

After the World War II, a fixed exchange rate mechanism pegged to the US dollar collapsed in 1973 and the national balance of payments was out of balance in the 1990s; coupled with the huge fiscal deficits, they contributed to the rise of neo-isolationism. Moreover, the trend of isolationism in the United States is closely related to the imbalance of economic globalization, the uneven distribution of domestic economic interests, the change of population structure, and the increase of domestic challenges in the United States.

The paper finds out that as the United States transforms from a nation avoiding world conflicts to one provoking conflicts after World War II, there is always the anti-war sentiment. The accompanying loss and failure during the war make people hate and fear wars. The authority’s insistence in involving wars, together with the national economic problems, related news reports, and public’s pessimistic minds altogether facilitate a rise of isolationist thoughts.

Keywords: isolationism, foreign policy, neo-isolationism, features of manifestation, influencing factors.

 [13] 朱浩

导师：李今朝

中文题目：在美国读大一:中国学生在美国大学的“再文化” 过程研究

外文题目：Being a Freshman in America : A Qualitative Study on the Acculturation Process of Chinese Undergraduate Students

in American Universities

摘要

本研究探究中国留美本科生头两到三个学期的大学生活中的再文化过程,提出了 三个研究问题:(1)中国留美本科学生在头两到三个学期会经历哪些挑战?(2) 影响这些挑战的主要因素有哪些以及它们是如何影响这些挑战的?(3)学生采 用了怎样的再文化策略应对这些挑战?本研究运用质性研究手段分析了 11 个目 前正在美国读本科一年级的中国学生的访谈。这些访谈是基于一个预拟的模型组 织的。该模型包括受到留学决策、预再文化以及大学环境三个因素影响的学生面 临的挑战以及他们采取的解决策略。在本研究中,Berry 的再文化模型以及其他 研究中国学生再文化过程的研究是主要的模型参照和对比对象。本研究有五点主 要发现。第一,本研究中的大多数学生都不把融入当地社会作为一项必要的任务, 这与过去一些研究中的中国留学生不同。第二,在留美前的外语教育不一定能够 让学生和美国老师同学在学术环境下成功沟通。第三,这些学生发展出了他们自 己的一套特殊的文化,这种文化是为了适应他们自己所处的独特环境而适应出来 的。第四,本研究发现影响再文化过程最重要的因素之一便是选课。第五,本研 究发现再文化策略甚至在个人层面上都可能是高度依赖具体环境的。现存相关研 究大多数是关注中国留美研究生和博士生的量化研究。本研究中的学生无论在人 口学特征上还是在文化上都和以往研究中的学生不同。

关键词：留美本科生 质性研究 再文化

Abstract

This study explores acculturative process of Chinese international undergraduate students studying in American universities in their first two or three semesters of college life. It askes three research questions: (1) what challenges do Chinese undergraduate students experience during their first two or three semesters at American universities? (2) What are the major factors that influence these challenges and how do these factors influence them? (3) What acculturative strategies do they adopt in response to the acculturative stress? Using qualitative research method, this study analyzes the responses from interviews conducted with 11 Chinese students currently studying in the freshmen year of American universities. The interviews were conducted based on a tentative model, which consists of the challenges faced by students and solutions adopted influenced by the triple factor of decision-making process, pre-acculturative experiences, and the university environment. Berry’s acculturation model, along with other studies on the acculturation process of Chinese students, serves as the main frame of reference and object of comparison. Five major findings characterize this study. First, most students in this study do not find assimilation a necessary task, as opposed to the students in many previous studies. Second, it is found that receiving language education does not necessarily translate into successful communication with American teachers and students in academic settings. The third finding is that these students have a culture of their own, adapted specifically for their own distinct situations. The fourth finding is that one of the most important factor influencing the acculturation process is course selection. Fifth, this study found that the acculturative strategies employed by student may be highly context-specific even on an individual level. Existing studies are mostly quantitative studies and are mostly focused on Chinese international students of graduate and post-graduation level while my study investigates a group of Chinese international students who are demographically and culturally different from students involved in previous studies.

Keywords: Chinese Undergraduate in America, qualitative study, acculturation

 [14] 田畅

导师：谢韬

中文题目：国会与对华政策:南海问题与台湾问题的对比分析

英文题目：Congress and China Policy: A Comparative Study of the South China Sea Issue and Taiwan Issue

摘要

近些年,中国与南海周边国家关于南海诸岛主权争端不断升级,美国加大其 介入力度,致使该地区局势急剧恶化,引发国际社会深度担忧南海问题是否会成 为影响中美关系的“第二个台湾问题”。现有研究大都把美国当做一个整体去研 究其南海政策。随着南海问题在中美关系中的重要性日益凸显,很有必要去研究 影响美国外交政策的另一个重要机构——美国国会,从而全面把握美国的南海政 策。同时,南海问题与台湾问题同属安全问题,具有很大的相似性。因此,本文 从国会的角度出发,一方面研究国会在美国南海政策中的作用具体是怎样的,另 一方面对比研究美国国会是否会把南海问题变成第二个台湾问题。

本文发现,美国国会从 1995 年提出第一条南海决议案以来,在南海问题上 都是持对中国强硬的立场,在奥巴马政府时期达到顶峰。然而,克林顿政府与小 布什政府在南海问题上都比较低调,奥巴马政府抛弃了在南海问题上的战略模糊 政策,全面干涉南海问题,奥巴马政府与国会在南海问题上达成了一致,两者相 辅相成,共同维护美国在南海的利益。国家利益与利益集团的影响都驱使国会关 注南海问题和台湾问题。但是,台湾问题同时也受党派斗争以及台独运动影响。 另外,在台湾问题上,美国国会更为强硬,与行政分支经常是主动-被动的关系。 究其原因,国会在台湾问题上的强硬主要源于冷战思维及台湾游说集团的影响。 这也决定了美国国会不会强硬到把南海问题变成第二个台湾问题。但是,南海问 题与台湾问题存在着溢出效应,美国失去任何一个都会对减弱其在另一个的影响 力。因此,我们应该警惕国会中的保守派,尤其是台湾的支持者,炒作南海问题, 或者同时在两个问题上向行政部门施压。本文希望通过对南海问题的研究,来丰 富对美国国会的认识与研究。

关键词:美国国会,美国政府,南海问题,台湾问题

Abstract

In recent years, the South China Sea disputes have been intensified. With the United States strengthening its presence in that area, the situation in the South China Sea further deteriorates, and the international community is deeply concerned whether the South China Sea issue would become the second Taiwan issue that impacts Sino-U.S. relations. Most of the existing researches treat the United States as an intact and monolithic entity. With the South China Sea issue becoming more and more important in Sino-US relations, it is necessitated to study another important branch that would influence US’ foreign policy---the U.S. Congress. Therefore, this study attempts to study US’ South China Sea policy from the perspective of Congress. One one hand, this study tries to probe into the specific role Congress plays in the making of the South China Sea policy. On the other hand, this study wants to investigate whether the U.S. Congress would make the South China Sea issue a second Taiwan issue.

It is found that the U.S. Congress has been hostile towards China in the South China Sea issue ever since the first South China Sea resolution. The Clinton Administration and the Bush Administration stuck to strategic ambiguity in the South China Sea issue whereas the Obama Administration abandoned that strategy and conducted full intervention in the region. The Congress and the Obama Administration converged on that point. In contrast, the U.S. Congress is much more active and assertive in Taiwan issue than it is in the South China Sea issue. What accounts for the unusual “enthusiasm” is the Cold War mindset and years’ lobbying activities from Taiwan Lobby. Because of that, the U.S. Congress will not become the force in making the South China Sea issue another Taiwan issue.

Key Words: the U.S. Congress, the U.S. Administration, the South China Sea issue, Taiwn issue

 [15] 桂鹏

导师：梅仁毅

中文题目：中国在美游说:历史与发展

英文题目：China Lobby in the United States: History and Developments

摘要

中美之间的交往日益密切,中美关系的复杂性与日俱增。中美关系的复杂性决定了普通美国人、立法者和政府官员对于中国的观点具有多面性。在美国社会中存在着部分反对中国的力量与声音。为了更好地促进中国在美国各项活动的顺利进行,避免冲突。中国政府和企业在美采取各种游说行动来更好的实现目标。

本文系统的回顾了中国游说在美国的历史和发展进程。首先介绍了国民政 府在美国的游说情况, 随后回顾了中国大使馆在上世纪80年代开展的非常初期 的游说活动,再对90年代由美国跨国公司主导的中国游说进行了分析。但本文 并不仅仅停留在对于历史事实的回顾之上,更多的侧重点放在了中国游说在21 世纪的情况,特别是自2010年以来的情况。为了更深入的讨论这个问题,本文 的分析主要包含以下五个部分(1) 游说的主体;(2)游说的原因;(3)游 说中涉及的具体议题;(4)效果评估;(5)对未来的启示。

本文充分展示出了中国游说的曲折发展历程。随着时间的推移,中国游说的 主体不断增加,从以驻美政府机构为主,到中国企业公司的加入。游说的原因不 断丰富,从抵消台湾游说的考量到中美关系的变化,从中国公司在美国的某一具 体交易到美国对外投政策的管控。本文的分析来源基于不同的渠道,并且很好地 运用了一般定性研究的各种方法。

关键词:中国游说;美国国会;跨国公司;

Abstract

With growing connections and communications between the United States and China, Sino-U.S. relations have become unprecedentedly complex. The complexity of the bilateral relations determines that ordinary Americans, legislators and government officials' viewpoints towards China are multifaceted. There is a stringent and continuous anti-Chinese voice within U.S. society. In an effort to better promote their operations in the U.S., Chinese government agencies and companies have begun to accept the practice of lobbying in the United States.

This article systematically reviews the history and developments of the China lobby in the United States. Starting from the Old China lobby under the nationalist government to the primitive lobbying work done by the Chinese embassy in the 1980s, then to the massive grass-roots commercial-centered lobbying efforts lead by multinationals in the late 1990s. This article does not stop here, and the research focus of this paper is the China lobby in the 21st century, especially from 2010 to 2017. The analysis of China lobby in the United States are divided into five parts, namely, subjects of the China lobby, reasons for lobbying, specific issues in the lobbying, effect of the lobbying, and future implications.

This paper finds that China lobby has a winding course of development in the United States. Chinese agencies in the United States, as well as multinational firms, have become major subjects of the China lobby. The specific reasons for lobbying vary, ranging from counter-Taiwan lobby influence, to broader issues in bilateral relationship; from a trade specific deal, to tightening policy from the U.S. side on foreign investment. In this article, the analysis is multi-sourced, with a good combination of different methods in qualitative research.

Key Words: China Lobby; American Congress; Multinationals

 [16] 方雪

导师：

中文题目：华丽表象下的伤痛: 莫里森作品《上帝帮助孩子》的创伤研究

英文题目：Festered Pain beneath Splendid Facade: A Trauma Study on God Help the Child by Toni Morrison

摘要

作为一个成就非凡、名闻遐迩的非裔美国女性作家,托尼.莫里森的小说总能凭借其诗性的语言和天马行空的想象力揭示美国社会生活中极为重要而特殊的一面, 即黑人女性的生活和内心世界。《上帝帮助孩子》是莫里森在2015年出版的最新小 说,也是她创作生涯中唯一一本以21世纪美国当今社会作为故事背景的小说。小说 以女主角布莱德的创伤遭遇为主线,讲述了布莱德以及其他人物的不同创伤故事。 通过刻画布莱德的创伤,莫里森将当今美国黑人女性的生存困境与内心伤痛推至聚 光灯下。

本论文以创伤理论为基础,旨在探求莫里森在《上帝帮助孩子》中如何呈现刻 画创伤并进一步启发读者思考美国种族关系以及性别关系的现状以及背后因素。本 论文详细论述了三方面的内容。首先论文对布莱德创伤的形成因素、表现以及疗伤 策略做了细致的文本分析;其次,论文总结了莫里森在此部小说中创伤创作的写作 特点,既通过比较她的早期作品《宠儿》与《最蓝的眼睛》探讨了其创伤创作模板 的传承和一致性,又探讨了其作为一本以当下为背景的特殊小说在创伤写作上的个 性与时代性。

研究发现布莱德的创伤的根源来自于畸形的母爱。母亲内化的种族观造就了消 极扭曲的母女关系。母亲的情感疏离和严酷控制使布莱德一直处于缺爱的状态,极度渴 望外界的关注和对其自我价值的认可。同时母亲对白人主导审美观的盲目崇拜以及消极 的种族观念和自我认知也潜移默化地影响并传递给女儿,导致布莱德无法形成一个稳定 自信内心世界和健康的自我认知。扭曲母爱的破坏性影响主要体现在三个方面。首先其 导致了布莱德为博得母亲关注认可而作法庭假证冤枉索菲亚,这一事件给布莱德造成了 二次创伤。其次她的创伤也激起了其他角色如男友布克等的连锁创伤反应。另外扭曲的 母女关系也是布莱德日后沉迷于物化商业化的美容业并夸大其改变黑人女性命运作用的 根源,美容业受制于市场的观念以及晋升规则等进一步恶化了布莱德受残缺母爱创伤影 响本已不健全的自我认知和心理机制。小说在探索创伤的治愈上,展现了将创伤记忆转 化成叙述记忆、建立女性互助关系纽带、以及自我重建等策略的重要功效。

莫里森在《上帝帮助孩子》中的创伤写作沿用了其惯用的创伤创作模板,如扭 曲的母爱以及对外表美的迷恋等。黑人对白人美的欣赏,表象是关注外表,实质是 否定自我,迷失自我,失去自我。小说也采用了莫里森惯用的魔幻现实主义手法等 呈现人物创伤。除了与《宠儿》与《最蓝色眼睛》等早期作品的一致性外,《上帝帮助孩子》的特殊背景即当下美国社会也使创伤写作呈现了区别与之前作品的特点 和时代性。比如,莫里森赋予女主角一个成功的事业,弱化了对不同人物角色种族 身份背景的交代,设置了更加乐观、更充满希望的小说结尾以传达她对创伤治愈的 希冀和信心。

创伤是呐喊,是抗议,是谴责, 是拷问,更是自省和自醒。对小说人物的创伤 刻画呈现了莫里森对当下美国种族以及性别关系现状的揭示以及思考。尽管布莱德在 化妆行业获得了事业成功和物质满足,但在华丽的外表下仍存留着未解的创伤和伤痛。 这暗示着表面华丽的虚像是不堪一击的,种族主义和性别歧视的残根仍在,并以更加隐蔽、 复杂的形式继续运作侵蚀着黑人女性的生活和内心。

总之,通过探索布莱德来自于扭曲母爱的创伤以及其顽固的消极影响,莫里森解释了 后种族、后女性主义等话语的虚伪性和对实现种族和性别平等的阻碍而非推动作用。她呼 吁人们关注内化的种族观念和性别观念的危害,如黑人的自我歧视、自我憎恨、对黑人身 份的畏惧和消极理解以及女性的自我贬低以及对等级审美观念的内化等。

关键词:《上帝帮助孩子》,创伤, 托尼.莫里森, 扭曲母爱, 后种族, 后女性主 义, 自我认知

Abstract


Renowned as a highly accomplished black female writer,Toni Morrison “gives life to an essential aspect of American reality, in her novels characterized by visionary force and poetic import”(Morrison Lecture and Speech of Acceptance 6). And this “essential aspect of American reality” is none other than the particular plight of African Americans, especially African American women, a group Morrison herself belongs to. Morrison brings the trauma and plight of black women into spotlight through Bride’s trauma story entwined with other characters’ trauma stories in her latest novel God Help the Child, her only novel set in the 21rst century.

Grounded on trauma theory, this paper is aimed at exploring how Morrison represents trauma in the novel and how she provokes people’s thoughts, re-examination and refection on the present realities concerning race and gender in present America and its causes. This paper involves three aspects: an analysis on the formation and representation of the protagonist Bride’s trauma; a probing into Morrison’s trauma writing in the latest novel compared with previous works; and a dig into the practical relevance attached to the novel, namely Morrison’s criticism on the proliferation of post-discourses in contemporary America.

Motherhood has always been at the crux of Toni Morrison’s novels. The root of Bride’s trauma lies in her mother Sweetness’s destructive motherhood she suffers in her girlhood, which is the outcome of Sweetness’s internalization of racialized discourses and characterized by maternal neglect and authoritarian parenting in the name of protection and love. The destructive motherhood saddles Bride with insecurity and entraps her in an everlasting struggle for self-worth and a standing thirst for acceptance and affirmation from the outside. The mother also passes to Bride racial self-loating and negative feelings of blackness, preventing her construction of a strong self-hood. The destructive effects of toxic motherhood is manifested in three aspects: Bride’s court lie to earn maternal love, trauma’s ripple effects triggered among different characters and Bride’s fetchism with body beauty and materialism, taking beauty industry as a liberating tool.

God Help the Child is not only about trauma, but also about transformation and healing. As for Bride’s healing path, there are three key points , narration, formation of woman bonds for mutual help as well as reconstruction of self-hood emancipated from imposed beauty standards and materialism.Bride takes Booker as her empathetic listener and finally builds a reciprocal tie with him where the couple play both roles of speaker and each other’s listener, helping each other pour out the haunted trauma. In sisterhood with Queen, Bride gets an alternative motherly figure who guides her to rebuild self-confidence and essential sex relationship. In sisterhood with Rain, she learns to mitigate her pain by walking out her self-centered world and harvesting pleasure from helping others and responding to others’ needs. Bride’s voyage of self-definition becomes a quest for love, for a sense that black women are worthy and for what’s essential in life.

In terms of trauma writing, Toni Morrison remains her frequently-used patterns like dramatizing destructive maternal acts and fixation on physical beauty and some writing techniques like magical realism, which the recent novel shares with Beloved and The Bluest Eye. But God Help the Child takes on new characteristic and its distinctive modernness, such as endowing the girl protagonist with a successful career, its understatement of the racial category of characters, and more optimism in healing of black trauma.

Morrison engages herself with the present dialogues regarding race and gender through exploring why Bride is still hurting even after she goes through a supposedly emancipating makeover. By showing off her lucrative blackness, Bride seeks vengeance against her tormenting childhood ghosts.But even if Black has become the new commodity, it does not mean that racism is over. Bride’s transformation and material success is achieved under the precondition of wearing bridal white. This shows the restrictions Bride have to embody whiteness in clothes to climb up the ladder in advertising beauty industry.Though there are multiple ways for characters in God Help the Child to be Black, all of them are within a white apparatus intended to alienate and objectify blacks. Morrison also reveals in the novel that male’s perception on females and women’s self-cognition still haven’t broken through traditional sexist mindsets. She alludes to the essence of post- feminist discourses, the evolution of male gaze into a “ self-policing narcissistic gaze”, which makes the world appear post-feminist no longer requiring political action in order to gain equal rights.

In all, the novel discloses the festered pain beneath Bride’s splendid life facade after the “makeover”. The paper insists that Bride is shallow, emotionally stunted and enamored of the glitzy professional world she works in and the world she lives in is far from post- racial and post-patriarchal. The paper argues that, through exploring formation and lasting effects of Bride’s trauma, Morrison calls into question those “post”discourses, indicts against its hindering effects in promoting racial and gender equality, and calls on people to concern the unresolved trauma still alive in black women’ s heart and thus to jointly overcome the ways internalized notions of race and gender(like self- loathing of one’s ethnicity,fear of blackness and obsession with socially-constructed beauty standards) still injure black women’s sense of self and the social relations as a whole.

Key words: God Help the Child, Trauma, Toni Morrison, Destructive Motherhood, Post- raciality, Post-feminism, Sense of Self,blackness

 [17] 沈萍

导师：谢韬

中文题目：红色迪克西:探究文化战争在当代美国南方州对于党派重组的影响

英文题目：Painting Dixie Red: Culture Wars and Party Realignment in the Contemporary American South

摘要

当林登·约翰逊总统于1964年签署了民权法案成为法律,他非常有预见性地 为民主党预测了未来。历史证明了他是正确的。美国南部,由来自旧邦联的 11 个南方州组成,曾经是一个坚不可摧的民主党堡垒,被称为“坚实的南方”,但 随着时间的推移,它开始走向共和党。保守的白人放弃了他们的民主党,转而投 向共和党,共和党在整个地区变得越来越强大。

这个角色逆转趋势已经被很好地记录下来了,这两个政党的选民的转型经历 了很多理论和实证的验证。总之,历史学家和政治学家通常将其归结为三个主要 的解释: 种族、经济和宗教。尽管有相当多的证据证明了这三种因素的力量,这 项研究打算重新审视过去二十年中在南方白人中发生的区域政治重新调整。

在 1990 年代,“文化战争”这个词出现在美国政治的前沿,和闪闪发亮的政治、 新闻和知识话语。尽管人们对这种无形战争的存在和程度存在分歧,但最近的研 究表明,美国党派平衡的变化可以归结为文化问题、堕胎、妇女地位、同性恋权 利等方面的政治显著性增强。道德保守者和进步人士之间的实质的文化分裂,而 这在美国社会中变成了政治两极化的另一种形式。一维的失去一个中间立场的程 度双方地理分类出来,随着南方共和党倾向严重,和其他国家与民主流。在色彩编 码的政治术语中,裂变继续在“红州”和“蓝州”之间表现出来,从而加剧了两极分 化。当代南方人口经历了显著的变化,经济、宗教和政治取向,导致许多学者认为 的新南方赔上许多杰出的文化和政治模式。然而,这项研究采用了2000- 2012 年的联合ANES调查数据和定量方法来确定党派和文化战争问题之间的关系,反 对这些论点。这些发现即使不令人惊讶,也会引发进一步的思考。南方和北方之 间的道德观念差距并没有缩小,而是不断增加,因为南方在堕胎、同性婚姻和其 他文化问题上的保守性较高。这些问题,以及问题的重要性的不断变化,转化为 南方白人政党认同的转变,推动了共和党在这一地区的长期重组。当美国朝着自 由和进步的方向前进时,南方仍然是保守主义的坚定阵地,保守主义仍在上升。 从这个意义上说,美国的两极分化绝不是一个虚构的故事。

关键词: 政党重组,党派政治,文化战争,保守主义,南部

Abstract

When President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law in 1964, he foreseeingly augured the future for the Democratic Party, “There goes the South for a generation”. History had proven him partially right. The American South, consisting of 11 southern states from the old Confederacy, was once an impregnable Democratic stronghold known as “the Solid South”, but came to embrace the GOP with the passage of time. Conservative whites yielded their Democratic affiliation and moved to the Republican fortress, making the GOP increasingly strong region- wide.

This role reversal trend has been well documented, and the transformation of both parties’ electorates has undergone much theoretical and empirical scrutiny. To sum up, historians and political scientists generally put it down to three primary explanations, race, economics, and religion. Albeit considerable evidence points to the power of the three driving forces, this research intends to take a fresh look at this regional political realignment that has occurred among southern whites over the past two decades.

During the 1990s, the term “culture wars” showed up at the forefront of American politics, and sparkled much political, journalistic and intellectual discourse ever since. Though opinions are divided as to the existence and extent of this intangible war, recent scholarship suggests changes in the U.S. partisan balance can be attributed to the enhanced political salience of cultural issues, abortion, women’s status, homosexual rights, to name but a few. In this schema, the paradigm facilitates us in understanding the substantial cultural cleavage between moral conservatives and progressives, which morphs into an alternative form of political polarization within the American society.

One dimension of this losing a middle ground is the extent to which the two parties have sorted them out geographically, as the Dixie leans heavily to the Republican Party, and the rest of the nation goes with the Democratic flow. In color- coded political terminology, the fission continues to manifest itself between “red states” and “blue states”, hence compounding polarization.

The contemporary South has experienced remarkable changes in population, economics, religion and political orientation, leading many scholars to conclude that the new South forfeits many of its exceptional cultural and political patterns. However, this study, by adopting pooled ANES survey data from 1992- 2012 and quantitative approaches to identity the relationship between partisanship and culture wars issues, disapproves these arguments. The findings, if not astonishing, still provokes further thoughts. Gaps of moral attitudes between South and North are not shrinking but ever increasing, as the South reports higher rates of conservatism with regards to abortion, gay marriage and other cultural issues. These issues, and the changing importance of issues, translate into transformations in party identification for white southerners, propelling the secular realignment of the GOP in this region. While America is marching toward the liberal and progressive direction, the South remains as a firm battleground for conservatism, and conservatism is still on the rise. In this sense, American polarization is anything but a myth.

Key Words: Party Realignment, Partisan Politics, Culture Wars, Conservatism, South