英语学院-美国研究中心-中文

2022级硕士生论文摘要

作者:时间:2025-06-09

2025年春季学期美国研究中心硕士论文摘要


第一组:政治与外交

[1] 和子荟

导师姓名:闫循华

中文题目:从多流框架的视角解释《2022年芯片与科学法案》的通过

英文题目:The Passage of the CHIPS and Science Act of 2022: A Multiple Streams Framework Analysis


摘要

在全球技术竞争加剧与美国半导体制造份额持续下滑的背景下,2022年《芯片与科学法案》的出台标志着美国产业政策的重大转向。既有研究多从外部竞争视角解释该法案,却忽视其国内制度变迁与政策哲学转型的内生动力。本文以该法案的立法进程为核心案例,系统分析美国高科技产业政策从效率优先安全优先的范式革命,旨在揭示《芯片与科学法案》背后产业界、政策共同体和政治创新者之间的互动。研究不仅填补了产业政策复兴动因和机制的理论空白,更提供了理解美国国内政策转向、大国技术竞争的新视角,为全球产业链重构与企业战略调整提供实践启示。

本文采取定性的研究方法:通过比较美国2008年以来高科技产业政策法案以及半导体产业政策法案,分析《芯片与科学法案》所体现的不同特点;对法案文本、国会听证记录、议员提案及相关报道进行文本分析,追踪关键条款的演变路径;结合半导体企业游说支出等定量数据与智库报告、政客个人信息等定性资料,解析产业界和政策首创者的宣传策略以及政治创新者的立法策略和动机;共同描述《芯片和科学法案》的通过机制及策略。

研究表明,《芯片与科学法案》并非应对技术竞争的权宜之计,而是国内各主体协同推动的范式转型。政策创新者和产业界通过将芯片制造能力不足建构为国家安全危机增加法案的合法性,对抗国内自由主义思想和财政保守派对法案的质疑;同时,法案通过兼具以往高科技产业政策的低干预强度普惠性特点,融合其他议题等方式争取更多的支持,推动对特定行业的生产补贴政策。这一进程揭示:即便面临自由主义意识形态与分权体制的制约,总统、关键议员与产业界的战略联盟仍可借危机政治推动政策改变。研究同时警示,美国对华技术遏制已从单一出口管制升级为补贴-审查-同盟立体网络,中美技术摩擦风险将持续攀升。

关键字:《芯片与科学法案》;美国高科技产业政策;中美竞争

Abstract

Against the backdrop of intensifying global technological competition and a declining share of U.S. semiconductor manufacturing, the introduction of the CHIPS and Science Act of 2022 signaled a major shift in U.S. high-tech industrial policy. Existing studies have mostly interpreted the Act from the perspective of external competition, but neglected the endogenous dynamics of its domestic institutional change and policy philosophy transformation. This paper takes the legislative process of the Act as the core case, and systematically analyzes the paradigm revolution of the U.S. high-tech industrial policy from “efficiency first” to “security first”, aiming to reveal the interactions between industry, policy community, and political entrepreneurs behind. The study not only fills the theoretical gap of “the motivation and mechanism of industrial policy revival”, but also provides a new perspective to understand the U.S. domestic policy shift and the technological competition among big countries, and provides practical inspiration for the restructuring of the global industrial chain and the strategic adjustment of enterprises.

This paper adopts a qualitative research method: by comparing the U.S. high-tech industrial policy bills since 2008 and semiconductor industrial policy bills, it analyzes the different features embodied in the CHIPS and Science Act; it also conducts textual analysis of the bill, congressional hearing records, legislator's speeches, and related reports to trace the evolution of the key terms; the quantitative data of semiconductor enterprises' lobbying expenditures and the reports of think tanks and personal information of politicians are also collected to analyze their advocacy strategies and the legislative strategies and motivations of political entrepreneurs. All of them jointly describe the mechanism and strategies of the passage of the CHIPS and Science Act.

The research suggests that the CHIPS and Science Act was not a stopgap measure in response to technological competition, but rather a paradigm shift driven by a concerted effort by domestic actors. Policy entrepreneurs and industry increased the legitimacy of the bill by constructing the low share of global chip manufacturing capacity as a “national security issue” to counter domestic liberal ideology and fiscal conservatives' skepticism of the bill; at the same time, the bill reserves the “low intervention intensity” and “inclusiveness” of previous high-tech industrial policies and integrates other issues to garner enough support for the policy of subsidizing production in specific industries. This process reveals that even within the constraints of liberal ideology and decentralization, a strategic alliance between the president, key legislators, and industry can use crisis politics to push for sudden policy change. The study also warns that U.S. technology curbs on China have escalated from a single export control to a three-dimensional network of production subsidies, investment censorship, and collaboration with alliances to contain China, and that the risk of U.S.-China technology friction will continue to rise.

Keywords: CHIPS and Science Act; American high-tech industrial policy; China-U.S. competition


[2] 郅骞斗

导师姓名:闫循华

中文题目:阶级因素和身份认同对美国总统选举的影响——以二者在2016年和2020年大选中的竞争与合作关系为例

英文题目:The Complex Impact of Class Politics and Identity Politics on American Presidential Elections: Their Competition and Cooperation in the 2016 and 2020 Elections

摘要

20世纪60年代身份政治兴起以来,关于身份政治是否正在取代阶级政治影响人们的投票选择的争论一直很激烈,这标志着关注于两种政治之间竞争的学术讨论热潮。FrancoWitko2023)对于阶级政治与选民在不同议题上的立场以及与选民投票结果的关系进行研究,并发现:首先,在国家层面上,阶级政治对投票结果的影响与身份政治相比是微弱和不一致的;其次,尽管阶级政治对投票结果的影响较为微弱,但对选民个体而言,他们的阶级对于他们在文化议题上的态度有较大的影响。在此研究基础上,再结合过往学者对于身份政治与阶级政治在选举中的交叉性的研究,本研究提出了两个假设:(1)阶级政治与身份政治在地区层面的竞争关系模式可能与国家层面的竞争关系模式相似;(2)阶级政治和身份政治可以在各自的因素之间形成合作关系,对人们的投票选择和投票结果产生共同影响。为了验证这些假设,本研究使用了CCES数据库中2016年和2020年的总统大选数据,并在R Studio中将2016年和2020年的全国样本分别进一步分为红州、蓝州和摇摆州三个数据样本,并针对着8个数据样本构建了8个回归模型;为了检验第二个假设,我们还将阶级因素和身份因素形成的交互项加入到八个模型的计算中。本研究希望能为阶级政治和身份政治对人们投票选择和投票结果的影响的评价和比较带来新的视角,也能为阶级政治和身份政治之间的竞争与合作的批判性认识贡献一份力量。

关键词:美国总统选举,阶级政治,身份政治


Abstract

Since the rise of identity politics in the 1960s, it has been heatedly debated that identity politics is replacing class politics in influencing people’s voting choices, signifying the academic discussion on the competition between the two politics. Franco and Witko’s research (2023) on relations between class politics and voters’ issue attitudes and between class and voters’ voting choices discovers that in the national level, the influence of class politics over voting results is weak and inconsistent compared to that of identity politics, and that despite this weak correlation, individuals’ class can be a strong predictor of their cultural attitudes. Based on this, together with previous studies elaborating on the intersectionality across identities and the two politics, this research aims to proposes two hypotheses that the pattern of the competing relationship between class politics and identity politics at the sectional level may be similar to that at the national level, and that besides the competing relationship, the class politics and identity politics can have cooperating relationship between their respective factors to exert collective influence on people’s voting choices. To test these hypotheses, this research uses data of the presidential years 2016 and 2020 from the CCES dataset, and conducted eight regression models based on the eight datasets of national, red states, blue states, and swing states data in r; to test the second hypothesis, the interaction terms formed from class and identity factors are also added to the calculation of the eight models. Hopefully, this research will bring new perspectives to the evaluation and comparison of influences of class politics and identity politics on people’s voting choices, and will also add a contribute to the critical recognition of both the competition and cooperation between class politics and identity politics.

Keywords: American Presidential Election, Class Politics, Identity Politics


[3] 李钰维

导师姓名:陈崛斌

中文题目:美国军事人工智能国际合作政策(2016-2025年)

英文题目:The U.S. Policies on International Collaboration on Military Artificial Intelligence (2016-2025)


摘要

目前,人工智能技术已广泛应用到自主武器、大数据分析和决策支持系统等军事领域。技术对现代战争、战争伦理和国际局势带来冲击日益凸显。出于占领军事人工智能发展头部地位、防范风险、维护国家安全等考量,世界主要大国相继出台了军事人工智能发展规划。军事人工智能的发展引发了美国对其未来科技和军事主导地位的思考,其战略竞争思维日益凸显。然而,人工智能领域并非美国的一言堂,美国军事人工智能战略的一个关键部分就是推动与盟友和伙伴的合作来超越竞争对手。现有研究主要聚焦于军事人工智能的国际竞争、机会与挑战,对美国推动人工智能军事化发展及国际合作的因果机制和内在逻辑的分析略显欠缺。因此,本文提出两个研究问题:1)美国为什么积极推进军事人工智能国际合作?2)美国如何通过各种途径推进军事人工智能国际合作?

本文以2016-2025年美国在军事人工智能方面的国际合作政策为研究对象,以过程追踪为线索,基于合作动机影响路径选择,从而影响合作政策的思路,借助政策文本分析,归纳合作动机和路径选择,深入挖掘美国军事人工智能国际合作政策的因果机制,从而厘清其合作政策的内在逻辑。

本文认为,美国推动军事人工智能国际合作的动机主要可归纳为以下四点:1)维护自身及其盟国和伙伴的国家安全;2)保持美国的国际竞争中优势;3)解决军事人工智能的伦理和法律争议;4)提升国家间人工智能系统的互操作性和兼容性。为此,美国通过多层级机制推进合作,其合作路径包括:战略规划(如《2018年国防部人工智能战略概要: 利用人工智能促进安全与繁荣》)、机构协调(如美国人工智能国家安全委员会、联合人工智能中心和首席数字与人工智能办公室),及维持并灵活创新合作模式(如北约、美英澳三边安全伙伴关系和人工智能防御伙伴关系)。其路径特征体现为:从原则共识到技术共享,兼顾双边与多边合作,融合传统军事联盟与非正式论坛。

2016-2025年间,美国军事人工智能国际合作政策历经三位总统,具有连续性和差异性:上述合作动机和路径选择贯穿始终,但在不同阶段侧重有所不同。奥巴马执政期间,美国军事人工智能国际合作政策与自主武器系统负面关联,意图通过国家间对话降低风险并解决伦理和法律争议;在特朗普第一任期,美国军事人工智能政策更侧重维护国家安全、保持竞争优势和制定军用人工智能伦理原则;拜登更重视通过数据共享、联合军演等合作提高国家间人工智能系统的互通性和兼容性,从而提升美联合作战能力。

本文具有一定的现实意义和研究价值。研究美国近十年在军事人工智能领域的国际合作政策的目的和路径,能够为理解当前国际军事技术合作格局以及大国间的战略博弈提供新的视角。此外,美国军事人工智能的国际合作政策中借助技术合作制约竞争对手的目标是明确的,但不同阶段的路径选择有所区别。本文通过追踪2016-2025年美国国际合作政策的演变,揭示了政策的连续性与差异性。

关键词: 军事人工智能;美国盟友关系;国际合作;动机与路径

Abstract

Artificial intelligence (AI) technology is developing rapidly. Its applications have expanded to the military field, such as autonomous weapon systems, big data analysis and decision support systems. Military AI may have profound impacts on modern warfare, war ethics, and international environments. In order to seize new opportunities, mitigate risks, and safeguard national security, major powers around the world have successively introduced military AI strategic plans. The development of military AI has triggered the US’s concern about its future technological and military leadership, thereby intensifying its strategic competition thinking. However, the U.S. cannot succeed alone. A key part of the U.S. policies on military AI is to cooperate with the allies and partners to surpass the competitors. Existing research mainly focuses on the international competition, opportunities and challenges of military AI. The analysis of the causal mechanisms and underlying logic of the United States’ policies on international collaboration on military AI is insufficient. Therefore, this paper puts forward two research questions: (1) Why has the U.S. actively promoted international collaboration in military AI? (2) How has the U.S. advanced its military AI international cooperation through various pathways?

This dissertation collects 12 U.S. official documents related to military AI from 2016 to 2025 as the research materials. This paper takes process-tracing as a clue, basing on a thread that motivations lead to path selection, thereby affecting policy-making. Therefore, with the help of textual analysis, especially thematic analysis, this paper summarizes the motivations behind and pathways of the U.S. policies on international cooperation in military AI so as to clarify the causal mechanisms and underlying logic behind the policy-making.

This dissertation believes that the motivations behind the U.S. international cooperation in military AI can be summarized into four points, including: (1) strengthening national security; (2) maintaining competition advantages; (3) addressing ethical and legal issues; (4) enhancing interoperability and compatibility. Then, the U.S. promotes cooperation through multi-level mechanisms. Its cooperation pathways are embodied in: (1) top-level policy initiation (such as Summary of the 2018 Department of Defense Artificial Intelligence Strategy); (2) institutional promotion (such as the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, the Joint Artificial Intelligence Center, and the Chief Digital and Artificial Intelligence Office); and (3) mechanism maintenance and innovation (such as NATO, AUKUS, and AI Partnership of Defense). The pathways are characterized by the evolution from international discussion to technology sharing, taking both bilateral and multilateral cooperation into account, and maintaining traditional military alliances as well as launching new forums.

The evolution of the U.S. policies on military AI international cooperation from 2016 to 2025 demonstrates both consistency and differences. The above motivations and pathways run through the whole process, but varies in emphasis. In the Obama administration, the U.S. policies were negatively associated with autonomous weapon systems, aiming to address ethical and legal challenges through international dialogue; during Trump’s first presidency, the policies inclined to strengthen national security, maintain competitive advantages, and formulate ethical principles; while the Biden Administration’s policies inclined to deepen the interoperability and compatibility of AI systems thereby enhancing the United States’ joint combat capabilities.

This paper has certain practical significance. Clarifying the motivations and pathways of the U.S. international cooperation policies on military AI in the past decade may provide a new perspective for understanding the current international military technology cooperation dynamics and the strategic game among major powers. In addition, it is clear that the US tends to constrain its “competitors” through cooperation, but the path selection may have differences. This article traces the evolution of U.S. international cooperation policies on military AI from 2016 to 2025, aiming to reveal its policy consistency and diversity.

Keywords: military artificial intelligence, U.S. allies and partners, international cooperation, motivations and pathways


[4] 朱欣敏

导师姓名:李期铿

中文题目:从联盟分歧管理视角解读美国在2023加沙战争中的困境

英文题目:Interpreting U.S. Dilemma in the 2023 Gaza War from the Perspective of Alliance Divergence Management


摘要

美国中东战略目标之一即是推动巴以问题和平解决,然而最新一轮巴以冲突的爆发却表明了美国实现该目标的无力。究其原因,既有文献往往从同盟理论出发解释美国这一政策问题。他们认为,即使美国和以色列之间在巴勒斯坦的威胁程度、冲突解决方式以及冲突责任归属三大层面存在分歧,美国始终将以色列视为重要盟友,其战略价值和美国国内利益集团和历史文化因素持续促使美国支持以色列,从而导致政策失败。

然而本文发现既有研究并不足以充分阐明美国当今在巴以问题上的困境。首先他们以静态的视角看待巴以冲突中的美以分歧,忽略了随着时间推移和环境变化而导致的分歧强度的持续演变。这些演变将会决定美国持续支持以色列的代价大小。二是在分析美以同盟分歧管理时,他们集中于制约美国的国内外因素,然而分歧管理是一个双边协商过程。要对美国妥协做出更准确的解释,就应该揭示在这一过程中两个盟国之间的议价力量平衡。因此,有必要对于以色列给予同等关注。

基于以上观察,本文将采取动态的眼光追踪美以同盟在巴以问题上的分歧演变并借用格伦·斯奈德的同盟理论,分析美以在最新一轮巴以冲突中相对议价能力大小以及最终议价结果给美以带来的得失。本文发现,一方面,随着以色列愈发担心国家安全,偏向采取武力手段,而美国逐渐降低巴勒斯坦问题的战略重要性,号召和平解决问题,美以同盟分歧不断加大。除此之外,美国政府和民众对以色列暴行不满情绪的加深也表明了美以之间在冲突问题上渐行渐远。另一方面,在应对加大的分歧时,美国并未展现强有力的谈判能力,有效施压以色列。相反,按照斯奈德的同盟议价能力比较维度,纵使在同盟依赖程度上美国占有一定优势,但是由于以色列在冲突中有着更强的利益关系,促使其右翼政府一意孤行,置美国利益于不顾,而美国仍然受到国内亲以利益集团的牵制,并且加上2024年总统大选,其急于促成冲突解决,最终重重原因导致美国相对议价能力显著减小,无法产出有效政策减少同盟牵连成本。

关键词:巴以冲突 美以分歧 同盟分歧管理 议价能力

Abstract

One of the strategic objectives of the U.S. in the Middle East is to promote a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian issue. However, the outbreak of the latest conflict has demonstrated its inability to achieve the goal. As for the underlying reasons, existing literature often resorts to alliance theories. Scholars argue that despite divergences between the United States and Israel on three key dimensions — the perception of Palestine as a threat, the means to settle the conflict, the cause of the conflict — the United States continues to regard Israel as a crucial ally. Israel's strategic value, coupled with domestic interest groups and cultural affinity, persistently drives the U.S. to support Israel, ultimately leading to its policy failure.

However, this paper finds that existing research is insufficient to fully elucidate the current U.S. dilemma in the Israel-Palestine conflict. First, existing literature tends to perceive the U.S.-Israel divergences through a static lens, overlooking their evolving intensity. Such evolution is important because it can decide to what extent the U.S. support of Israel is harmful to itself. Second, when analyzing the management of U.S.-Israel alliance divergence, extant research focuses primarily on domestic and international factors constraining the U.S. However, the divergence management is a bilateral negotiation. To provide a more accurate explanation of U.S. compromises, it is necessary to reveal the balance of bargaining power between the two allies. Therefore, equal attention must be paid to Israel.

Based on these observations, this paper sets out to employ a dynamic way to trace the evolving intensity of the U.S.-Israel divergences on the Israel-Palestine conflict. Besides, by applying Glenn Snyder's alliance theory, this paper presents the relative bargaining power of the U.S. and Israel during the latest conflict and the resulting gains and losses for both parties. The paper finds that, for one thing, as Israel grew increasingly concerned about national security and leaned toward the use of force, while the U.S. gradually reduced the strategic importance of the Palestinian issue and advocated for peaceful solutions, the divergences within the U.S.-Israel alliance continued to widen. Additionally, the emerging dissatisfaction among the U.S. government and public towards Israel's aggression reflected growing divergences between the two allies on the conflict. For another, in addressing these widening divergences, the U.S. didn’t demonstrate enough negotiating strengths to effectively pressure Israel. According to Snyder's theory of alliance bargaining power, although the U.S. held some advantage in terms of alliance dependence, Israel's higher interests at stake pushed its right-wing government to act with no regard to U.S. interests. However, the U.S. remained constrained by domestic pro-Israel interest groups. Moreover, the 2024 presidential election also rendered the U.S. more and more impatient with the war. The eagerness for settlement also placed the U.S. in an unfavorable situation. All these factors collectively led to a significant reduction in the U.S.’ relative bargaining power, making it unable to implement effective policies to mitigate the costs of alliance entrapment.

Keywords: the Israeli-Palestinian issue; U.S.-Israel divergences; alliance divergence management; bargaining power  


第二组:女性与族裔

[1] 王格柔

导师姓名:张春波

中文题目:留美归国的中国Z世代女性文化再适应路径分化及其女性身份认知重塑

英文题目:Differential Cultural Readaptation and the Reshaping of Female Identity Among Chinese Z Generation Women Returning from Studying in the United States


摘要

目前,关于中国Z世代留学生文化再适应的研究往往将他们视为性别中立的同质性整体,导致女性留学生群体在文化再适应中的特殊性被遮蔽。因此基于差异性适应理论和跨文化适应模型,本研究对17名在美国留学后归国的中国Z世代女性进行了深度访谈,通过主题分析,从职场、婚恋、日常生活及社会交往四个方面,挖掘了这一群体的文化再适应的主要经历与应对策略,及其女性身份认知的变化。

研究表明,尽管这些女性归国后面临诸多相似挑战,但困难程度及应对策略存在显著差异。最突出的挑战在于国内职场,职业成熟度、归国期待、社交网络,以及突发疫情等因素均对其职场适应产生了深刻影响。在此过程中,个体能动性的关键地位充分彰显,如当社交网络资源的作用方向与个体的能动性相悖时,外界帮助反而成为阻碍。受留学经历影响,她们普遍追求工作生活平衡、性别平等、扁平化管理的工作文化,当工作环境与偏好背离严重时,她们倾向于通过跳槽或创业来优化工作环境,仅有少数女性由于工作性质选择通过自我调试来应对。在婚恋方面,美国留学经历重塑了她们关于约会模式、婚姻模式、生育和性等方面的观念。原生家庭氛围及个人对婚姻和年龄的理解的不同导致压力程度的差异化,也促使她们的再适应策略分化为接受型,回避型以及抵抗型。在日常生活方面,仅有少数女性存在对着装规范、饮食习惯的再适应困难。在社会交往方面,除少数女性对国内人际交往方式存在不适应外,几乎所有受访者都由于对国内社会治理文化的认同、新旧亲密社交圈,及重返同族裔环境,获得了强烈的归属感。

通过对上述叙事主题的整合分析,研究发现这些女性在留学期间对美国社会中以个人主义和自由主义为底色的流行性别文化的纳入程度存在呈现谱系化分布:一端为纳入程度低的国内文化顺从者;另一端则是纳入程度较高的国内文化对抗者,大多数受访者处于中间位置,是不断进行观念选择和策略调试的协商者。总体而言,留学经历增强了她们对女性在职业、亲密关系及生活方式中多样化选择的认知,促进了她们进行自我赋权,使其基于自己的主体性而非外界期待进行决策,并在此过程中逐渐实现了女性身份认知的自我成长。

从女性视角出发,本研究致力于为目前关于中国Z世代留学生的文化再适应研究做一定补充,更充分地展示女性留学生在再适应中面临的挑战。其次本研究为差异性适应理论提供了经验支持,在一定程度上丰富了理论在中国Z世代留美归国女性群体中的解释细节,挖掘了原生家庭氛围、社交网络等外部因素,及对美国文化价值的纳入程度、归国期待、年龄认知等内部因素,并探讨了这些因素对该群体在文化再适应过程中能动性差异化发挥的具体影响。

关键词文化再适应;留美归国女性;差异性适应理论;女性身份

Abstract

Currently, research on the cultural readaptation of Chinese Generation Z students returning from abroad often treats them as a gender-neutral homogeneous group, which leads to the unique experiences of female students being overshadowed. Therefore, based on the differential adaptation theory and the cross-cultural adaptation model, this study conducted in-depth interviews with 17 Chinese Gen Z women who had studied in the United States. Through thematic analysis, this study explored their main experiences and coping strategies in cultural readaptation across four aspects: the workplace, romantic relationships, personal daily routines, and social interactions, as well as the changes in their cognition of female identity.

The study found that although these women faced common challenges upon returning, the degree of difficulty and their coping strategies varied significantly. The most prominent challenge was in the domestic workplace, where factors such as career maturity, pre-reentry expectations, social networks, and the pandemic had a profound impact on their workplace adaptation. In this process, the key role of individual agency was fully demonstrated, especially when the direction of social network resources conflicted with individual agency, turning external help into a potential obstacle. Influenced by study abroad experience, they generally pursued work-life balance, gender equality, and flat management, and when the work environment significantly conflicted with their preferences, they tended to optimize their working conditions by job-hopping or starting their own business, with only a few choosing to adapt through self-regulation. In terms of marital pressure, their experience in the United States reshaped their views on dating patterns, marriage, childbirth, and sexuality. Differences in the environment of their families of origin and their personal perception of marriage and age led to varying degrees of stress, which in turn led to their readaptation strategies being divided into acceptance, avoidance, and resistance. In daily routines, only a few women experienced difficulties in readapting to dressing norms and dietary habits. In social interactions, apart from a few who had difficulties in domestic interpersonal interaction styles, almost all interviewees felt a strong sense of belonging due to their identification with domestic social governance culture, the integration of old and new close social circles, and their return to the co-ethnic environment.

Through the integrated analysis of the above narrative themes, the study further found that the degree to which these women incorporated the popular gender culture, characterized by individualism and liberalism in the United States during their study, showed a spectrum-like distribution: at one end were those who conformed to domestic culture with a lower degree of incorporation, and at the other end were those who were more opposed to domestic culture with a higher degree of incorporation. Most interviewees were in the middle, constantly making trade-offs in their concepts and adjusting their strategies. Overall, the study abroad experience enhanced their awareness of diverse choices for women in careers, intimate relationships, and lifestyles, promoted their self-empowerment, and enabled them to make decisions based on their own subjectivity rather than external expectations, gradually achieving self-growth in their own female identity.

Adding a female perspective, this study aims to provide a certain supplement to the current research on the cultural readaptation of Chinese Gen Z international students, more fully demonstrating the challenges faced by female students. Additionally, this study provides empirical support for the differential adaptation theory, enriching its theoretical interpretations in the context of Chinese Gen Z women’s cultural readaptation. It explores external factors such as the environment of the family of origin and social networks, as well as internal factors such as the degree of incorporation of American cultural values, pre-reentry expectations, and age perception, and discusses the impact of these factors on the differential exertion of agency during the cultural readaptation of this group.

Keywords: Cultural readaptation, Chinese women returning from studying in the United States, Differential Adaptation Theory, Female identity


[2] 杜婕

导师姓名:贾宁

中文题目:对亚裔组织关于种族因素招生政策争论的批判性话语分析:以哈佛与北卡罗来纳大学案为例

英文题目:A Critical Discourse Analysis of Race-Conscious Admission Debates Among Asian American Organizations in the Harvard and UNC Cases


摘要

近期,哈佛大学与北卡罗来纳大学案件再次激起了全美对高校招生领域内平权行动政策的热议。长久以来,学术界主要聚焦于亚裔在关于平权运动的辩论中被描绘的形象,但对于亚裔组织体自身如何介入这些争论的探讨却相对较少。通过审视亚裔在法庭之友意见书中的话语,可以了解亚裔组织是如何围绕种族公正和教育平等话题展开讨论并对法庭裁决产生影响。

本研究以批评性话语分析为研究方法,具体来讲采用了露丝·沃达克的五个话语分析策略,系统分析了六份亚裔组织提交的从美国最高法院官方网站获取的相关法庭之友意见书,来探讨这些组织如何通过语言及话语策略来建构亚裔的形象并传达其背后的意识形态。

研究发现,不同的意识形态影响了亚裔形象的建构。反对平权行动的一方将亚裔描绘为录取政策中歧视行为的受害者;同时他们也是勤奋的、讲求精英治绩的成功者,却被考虑种族的招生政策不公平地削弱了其竞争优势;亚裔作为历史上受压迫的少数族群,却反而被排除在旨在补偿历史歧视的政策之外;同时,他们被视作过度代表,导致其自主性与主体性被剥夺。这种叙事反映了一系列意识形态,包括色盲主义、精英治绩主义、个人主义、对种族意识政策的怀疑论、强调历史的延续性,以及对制度权威的不信任。相较之下,支持平权行动的一方将亚裔美国人构建为一个内部多元化的群体,这种多元性受到阶级、族裔及移民身份等交叉因素的共同影响。亚裔还被描绘为遭受边缘化的群体,但仍积极团结亚裔内部小群体以及其他少数族裔群体来推动社会正义。此外,亚裔美国人也被呈现为平权行动政策的受益者,该政策缩小了亚裔群体内部的差异。这些表述反映了支持者的交叉性意识形态、对种族不平等的结构性理解以及跨种族团结对于实现种族正义的重要性。值得注意的是,双方都策略性地利用亚裔美国人的历史受害经历来强化各自的论点:反对者将平权行动描述为过去歧视的延续,因而要求司法介入加以纠正;而支持者则将相似的历史作为继续实施种族意识措施、以纠正持续存在的不平等的正当依据。这揭示了双方策略性地利用了历史受害者叙事,从而影响哈佛与北卡罗来纳大学案的司法决策。

关键词:平权行动;亚裔美国人;批评性话语分析


Abstract

The Supreme Court cases pending against Harvard University and the University of North Carolina  have again placed affirmative action in college admissions into the national attention. The much publicized cases are particularly noteworthy because they place the experience and status of Asian Americans into the center of the debate over race-conscious admissions. There is a large body of scholarship that has examined how Asian Americans are represented in the media and in public debate, but comparatively less that has examined how Asian American organizations themselves participate in these discourses, and especially through powerful forums such as Supreme Court amicus briefs. An examination of these briefs can yield rich insight into how Asian American organizations actively participate in public debate, influence legal decisions, and strategically address the issue of racial justice and equity in education.

This thesis investigates how these Asian American organizations construct images of Asian Americans and convey ideological messages through language and framing strategies in their amicus briefs. Six briefs from Asian American organizations, obtained from the official U.S. Supreme Court website, were systematically analyzed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), guided by Ruth Wodak's discourse approach.

Findings reveal that constructions of Asian American images in amicus briefs are closely linked to ideological frameworks.Opponents construct Asian Americans as victims of discriminatory admissions practices and harmful stereotypes, diligent meritocratic achievers unfairly disadvantaged by race-conscious policies, historically marginalized minorities paradoxically excluded from remedial programs, and disempowered individuals stripped of agency by institutional labeling as "overrepresented." These representations reflect ideologies grounded in colorblindness, meritocracy, individualism, constitutional skepticism toward race-conscious policies, historical continuity narratives of discrimination, and distrust of institutional authority.  Conversely, proponents construct Asian Americans as internally diverse populations whose experiences are shaped by intersecting factors such as class, ethnicity, and immigration status. They are portrayed as historically marginalized yet resilient communities who actively engaged in collective struggles for social justice.Asian Americans are also depicted as beneficiaries of affirmative action policies that recognize and address subgroup disparities. These representations reflect ideologies grounded in intersectionality, structural understandings of racial inequality and cross-racial solidarity as essential for achieving racial justice.Interestingly, both sides strategically invoke the historical victimization of Asian Americans to strengthen their arguments: opponents frame affirmative action as perpetuating past injustices requiring judicial intervention, while proponents cite the same history as justification for continued race-conscious remedies to rectify ongoing inequities.

Keywords: affirmative action; Asian Americans; Critical Discourse Analysis


[3] 王煜紫

导师姓名:刘杨

中文题目:新塑她我:中国赴美高学历中国陪读妈妈的差异化适应与交叉身份协商

英文题目:Reinventing Herself: Differential Adaptation and Intersectional Identity Negotiation of highly-educated Chinese “Study Mothers” in America

摘要

近年来中国母亲赴美陪读现象日益增多,其中不乏取得高学历且放弃国内高薪职业的女性。通过质性研究方法,结合对十五位研究对象的一对一深度访谈,本研究深入探讨了高学历陪读妈妈区别于普通陪读妈妈的独特经历,且希望回答高学历陪读妈妈在陪伴子女赴美留学过程中面临的挑战为何;她们如何通过采取不同策略应对挑战并在这一过程中实现跨文化适应;她们在跨文化适应过程中如何重构其多重身份。本研究在以主题分析为分析方法的数据解读中,参考差异适应理论和交叉性理论,提炼出职业素养、族裔认同、母职担当三个维度,探讨高学历陪读妈妈的跨文化适应与多重身份建构。

高学历陪读妈妈在跨文化适应过程中,常处在中间状态:职业女性到全职主妇、中国文化与美国文化、家庭内部不同角色的平衡。她们在移民初期难以处理状态的转变,因而处于不同的夹缝之中。但通过能动性的发挥、文化习得和家庭沟通,受访者以独特的策略有效应对了以上挑战,并在过程中实现了文化适应和身份重构。高学历陪读妈妈在职业素养、族裔认同、母职担当三个维度的交织中,逐渐形成了一个更加灵活的身份认同,她们在保持中国文化根基的同时,逐步融入美国社会,展现了身份的流动性和多维性。在这一过程中,高学历陪读妈妈曾经中间状态的错位感转化为一种独特的混合认同,这种重新建构的身份认同虽然复杂却维持了其状态的稳定。

本研究通过探讨高学历陪读妈妈的跨文化经历,揭示了此群体文化适应的复杂性和特殊性,突破了传统研究中对母亲身份建构的单一化理解。传统的移民母亲研究往往将母职作为分析的核心,忽视了母亲身份背后多重社会角色的交织与互动,导致对移民母亲经历的理解过于简化。而高学历陪读母亲群体所体现出的身份建构过程,呈现出更加复杂的面貌:她们不仅要在异国他乡平衡母职与家庭责任,还需要调和与职业身份、族裔认同等多重身份的冲突与融合。因此,本研究提供了关于移民女性跨文化适应的另一视角。

关键词:中国移民;高学历陪读妈妈;跨文化适应;身份建构;差异适应理论;交叉性


Abstract

In recent years, the phenomenon of Chinese mothers accompanying their children to study in the U.S. has been on the rise, with many of these mothers having higher education attainment and having given up high-paying careers in China. Through qualitative research methods, combined with in-depth interviews with 15 participants, this study explores the unique experiences of highly-educated study mothers. The research aims to answer three key questions: What challenges do study mothers face when accompanying their kids to study in the U.S.? How do the study mothers enact intercultural adaptation? How do the study mothers reconstruct their multiple identities?

Using thematic analysis as the data interpretation method, this study draws on Differential Adaptation Theory and Intersectionality to identify three facets: professionalism, ethnicity, and motherhood. These facets remain salient in highly-educated study mothers’ intercultural adaptation and identity construction.

In the intercultural adaptation in the U.S., highly-educated study mothers often find themselves in a state of “in-betweenness”: transition from professional elites to full-time mothers, balance between Chinese and American cultures, and management of various domestic roles. At the beginning stage of immigration, the mothers are inclined to struggle with the changes and find themselves caught between different cultural and social dimensions. Nevertheless, through agency, cultural learning, and family negotiation, the mothers are likely to navigate these challenges with diverse strategies. During and through intercultural adaptation, the mothers are able to reconstruct their multi-faceted identity to better cater to their lives in America.

With the intersection of professionalism, ethnicity, and motherhood, highly-educated study mothers form a flexible sense of identity. While maintaining their Chinese cultural roots, they also manage to integrate into American society. In this process, the sense of dislocation they initially experience in the “in-betweenness” transforms into a form of hybrid identity, which is complex yet stable.

By examining the intercultural experiences of highly-educated study mothers, the research reveals the uniqueness of this group’s adaptation, challenging the traditional perspective of studying immigrant mothers. The majority of studies on immigrant mothers often center on motherhood, overlooking the intertwining and interaction of multiple facets that shape a mother’s identity. As a result, the perspective on understanding immigrant mothers’ experiences can be narrow. In contrast, the identity construction process demonstrated by the highly-educated study mothers presents a more sophisticated picture: they not only need to balance motherhood and family responsibilities in a foreign country but also navigate the conflicts and integration of multiple identities, including professional and ethnic identities. Hence, this research presents a novel approach to the study of immigrant women’s intercultural adaptation and identity construction.

Keywords: Chinese immigrants; highly-educated study mothers; intercultural adaptation; identity construction; Differential Adaptation Theory; Intersectionality


[4] 沈素芬

导师姓名:张春波

中文题目:后#MeToo时代美国媒体对性侵事件的报道框架研究——以《纽约时报》对CarrollTrump案报道为例

英文题目:Framing Sexual Assault in the Post-#MeToo Era: A Case Study of The New York Times Coverage of E. Jean Carroll v. Donald Trump


摘要

2019621日,据《纽约时报》报道,时尚杂志《世界时装之苑ELLE》前专栏作家简·卡罗尔(E Jean Carroll)控告时任美国总统唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)于1996年在一家商场试衣间对其实施性侵。由于特朗普的持续否认和言语攻击,卡罗尔起诉特朗普性侵和诽谤,并最终在20235月和20241月两度胜诉。这是自201710#MeToo运动爆发以来第一个涉及美国总统的性丑闻,特朗普也成为美国历史上第一位被裁定性侵的总统。因此,该案件对于探讨美国媒体在后#MeToo时代如何报道性侵相关的政治丑闻以及揭示报道背后的社会动因具有重要意义。

本文以框架理论为研究路径,选取《纽约时报》20196月至20241月间涉及本案的103篇报道为样本,融合恩特曼(Entman)、潘忠党和坦卡德(Tankard)的框架分析模式,探讨《纽约时报》对该案件的框架建构及其社会动因。研究发现,《纽约时报》在此案报道上采用了五个核心框架,分别为戏剧框架、受害者框架、司法框架、社会议题框架和党派框架。在案件初期,戏剧框架占主导,通过渲染冲突与娱乐化叙事,吸引读者眼球,消解性侵事件和法律案件的道德严肃性。在庭审阶段,司法框架最突出,同时受害者框架和社会议题框架显著性也明显提升。司法框架强调法律程序与法律权威,维护民主秩序与媒体专业性。受害者框架通过强化受害者证词可信度及揭露权力失衡,挑战了强奸迷思并赋予女性话语空间。社会议题框架则通过进一步批判强奸迷思,将个案与#MeToo运动进行联结,对女性群体进行赋权并呼吁系统性改革。而在案件后期,随着党内选举的进行,党派框架成为绝对主导,通过突出党派斗争与选举策略,将案件建构为党争工具。

研究进一步发现,框架的建构及动态变化实质上是美国社会文化及政治张力与《纽约时报》自身媒体偏见和商业逻辑相互作用的结果。媒体的结构性偏见和商业逻辑对阅读量的追求导致戏剧性叙事的持续存在,#MeToo运动激发的性别进步话语促进了媒体对强奸迷思的挑战,不断极化的政治生态催生了媒体对党派性框架的武器化使用。此外,这些力量的多重博弈也揭示了后#MeToo时代美国媒体在呈现性别正义话语上的象征性进步”——尽管受害者框架和社会议题框架部分挑战了强奸迷思,但政治意识形态依旧是媒体寻求报道进步性中的最大阻碍。一旦涉及政治叙事,性别议题依旧会被边缘化,乃至沦为政治工具。本研究拓展了框架理论在性侵报道中的解释维度,并为理解后#MeToo时代美国媒体在性别议题上的角色异化提供了新的分析视角。

关键词:#MeToo时代;《纽约时报》;框架理论;性侵;


Abstract

On June 21, 2019, The New York Times reported that E. Jean Carroll, a former columnist for Elle magazine, accused then-U.S. President Donald Trump of sexually assaulting her in a department store dressing room in 1996. Following Trump’s persistent denials and defamatory remarks, Carroll filed lawsuits against him for sexual assault and defamation, ultimately securing two legal victories in May 2023 and January 2024. As the first sexual misconduct scandal involving a U.S. president since the #MeToo movement erupted in October 2017—and the first time a U.S. president was legally adjudicated for sexual assault—this case holds critical significance for examining how American media cover politically charged sexual violence scandals in the post-#MeToo era and for uncovering the sociopolitical dynamics underlying such reporting.

Employing framing theory as the analytical framework, this study examines 103 articles published by The New York Times from June 2019 to January 2024, utilizing Entman, Pan Zhongdang, and Tankard’s framing analysis models to investigate the media’s framing strategies and their societal drivers. The findings reveal five dominant frames in the coverage: drama frame, victim frame, judicial frame, social issues frame, and partisanship frame. During the initial phase, drama frame predominated, characterized by sensationalized conflict narratives and celebrity scandal tropes, which diluted the moral gravity of the sexual assault allegations. In the judicial phase, judicial frame emerged as the most salient, prioritizing legal procedures and institutional authority while marginalizing gender-critical perspectives. Concurrently, victim frame amplified Carroll’s testimonial credibility and exposed power asymmetries, directly challenging rape myths and carving discursive space for survivors. Social issue frame further linked the case to systemic critiques of gender inequality under the #MeToo movement, advocating structural reforms. In the third phase, partisanship frame dominated, reframing the litigation as an electoral battleground and weaponizing it for ideological warfare.

The study demonstrates that these shifts of frames reflect the interplay of sociocultural tensions, media bias, and commercial imperatives. Structural media biases and profit-driven clickbait strategies perpetuated dramatic narratives, while #MeToo-inspired gender-progressive discourse partially subverted rape myths. However, escalating political polarization ultimately instrumentalized the case, exemplifying what this study terms “symbolic progress” in post-#MeToo media—where advancements in victim-centered reporting coexist with the persistent marginalization of gender justice when it conflicts with partisan agendas. This research extends the application of framing theory to political sexual misconduct coverage and offers new insights into media’s paradoxical role in navigating gender equity amid ideological fragmentation. By exposing how gender issues are systematically deprioritized or co-opted in politicized contexts, the study underscores the unresolved tensions between performative progressivism and substantive social change in contemporary media ecosystems.

Keywords: Post-#MeToo era; The New York Times; Framing Theory; Sexual assault


第三组:经济与社会

[1] 申悦

导师姓名:李莉文

中文题目:达拉斯晨报对中美半导体贸易关系及德州角色定位的新闻框架分析

英文题目:News Framing of Texas’s Role and China-U.S. Semiconductor Trade Relations in the Dallas Morning News


摘要

中美半导体贸易关系在中美两国的报纸中都是一个热点话题。报纸对事件的报道影响着大众对事件的认知及评价。主流媒体更加关注国际或国家事务,而本地报纸有着独特的本地视角,其报道会受到当地政治和经济环境的影响,同时又影响着当地人对政治和经济环境的认知。美国采取联邦制,所以各个州有着相对的贸易自主性选择。并且由于各个州的地理和政治环境不同,其贸易选择也可能存在着差异。德州的半导体产业较为发达,且是半导体及相关电子器件出口大州,连续14年(截止20253月)其出口量位居美国第一[1],因此其对半导体的关注相对来说会比较高。本文关注德州当地的报纸对中美半导体贸易关系和对德州角色的报道,以此关注其报道中独有的德州本地的视角。

新闻提供事实同时也提供视角。新闻的评价影响着大众对事件的认知,因此,本文结合框架理论和其研究方法,研究新闻报道中的框架及其可能带来的效果。本文选择德州订阅量排前的报纸——达拉斯晨报,在其官网上搜索关键词中国,半导体,筛选出201711日到20241231日的相关新闻53篇,总字数达四万余字。本文运用系统的内容分析方法,借助Nvivo进行编码,从恩特曼的四个框架元素出发,发现了四个主要的框架:冲突框架,经济框架,两党共识框架,代表框架。最后,通过文献研究,本文将这四个框架与主流媒体(以《纽约时报》为主)使用的框架进行了对比。经对比发现,《纽约时报》和《达拉斯晨报》都运用了冲突和经济框架,而德州当地报纸《达拉斯晨报》更加强调经济框架,《纽约时报》更加强调政治框架。《达拉斯晨报》突出使用两党共识框架和代表框架,而相关研究强调《纽约时报》通过调整冲突框架的强弱来实现两党共识框架的效果:获得民众对相关政策的支持。

关键词:新闻框架,中美半导体贸易关系报道,德克萨斯州,《达拉斯晨报》


Abstract

China-U.S. semiconductor trade relations have been a topical issue in both China and America newspapers whose reportages can influence public awareness and evaluation of some issues. While mainstream national newspapers tend to focus on international or national events, local newspaper has a unique focus on local context. The reportage of local newspapers is influenced by local politics and economy and can in turn influence local awareness of politics and economy. Federalism in the U.S. has allowed states to enjoy relative autonomy in trade choices. Different geographical and political environment in different states of the U.S. lead to variations in trade choices. With the advanced development of semiconductor industry and being the largest exporter of semiconductors and other electronic components for 14 consecutive years until March, 20251, Texas pays more attention to semiconductor industry. Thus, this thesis focus on the reportage of Texas’s local newspaper on China-U.S. semiconductor trade relations and Texas’s role to analyze its news framing in local context.

News provides both facts and perspectives which can influence public awareness of some events. Thus, this thesis employs framing and frames to analyze news framing of China-U.S. semiconductor trade and Texas’s role and analyze its possible effects. The Dallas Morning News, one of the most circulated local newspapers in Texas, is selected for analysis. By searching “China and semiconductor” and limiting the time from January 1, 2017 to December 31, 2024, 53 relevant news articles are selected for analysis with a total word count of more than 40 thousand. Systematic content analysis is conducted through Nvivo. Entman’s four framing elements are firstly identified and four frames are further identified, including conflict frame, economic frame, bipartisan frame, representative frame. Lastly, by referring to previous research to compare identified news frames in the mainstream national newspaper, especially New York Times, and Dallas Morning News, this thesis finds both similarities and differences between the two newspapers. They both had a similar employment of conflict and economic frame. Dallas Morning News paid the majority of attention to economic frame while New York Times focused more on political frame. Dallas Morning News had a unique emphasis of bipartisan and representative frame which were not identified in New York Times. However, by hardening or softening the use of conflict frame, New York Times got the similar effects as bipartisan frame did: to gain public support of some policies.

Keywords: news frame, reportage of China-U.S. semiconductor trade, Texas, Dallas Morning News


[2] 刘倩倩

导师姓名:李莉文

中文题目:重启分析解读美国版权法的失灵:从新制度经济学视角看生成式人工智能带来的挑战

英文题目:Interpreting U.S. Copyright Failure: A New Institutional Economics Perspective on the Challenges Posed by Generative AI


摘要

生成式人工智能为版权法带来了前所未有的挑战,尤其是对人类作者身份和独创性等核心原则的冲击。美国版权体系在全球范围内具有引领作用且对技术变革有着丰富应对经验,本文以美国版权法为研究案例,探讨了两个研究问题:美国版权法在应对人工智能生成作品时如何以及为何陷入困境,旨在为人工智能时代的版权法重新调整或改革提供洞见。同时,本文指出人工智能技术并非版权法失灵的直接原因,而是暴露更深层次制度缺陷的催化剂。

本研究采用跨学科方法,将多层级的法理分析与新制度经济学理论相结合。法理分析涵盖以下三个层面:(1)人工智能生成内容是否符合版权法中的作品定义;(2)其是否具备受版权保护资格;(3)鉴于版权法的宗旨和公共利益考量,是否应对其提供保护。其中,第三层分析超越了直接的法律问题,强调识别版权失效根源及潜在原因的必要性,而新制度经济学在这一过程中发挥了关键作用。

研究发现,制度惯性——即既有版权法律框架对实质性改革的抵制——是版权体系在人工智能冲击下失效的根源。这种惯性主要表现为对人类中心主义作者身份的固守,此路径依赖导致了人工智能生成作品所有权归属的持续不确定性。此外,利益相关者(包括内容创作者、创意行业和技术公司等)的寻租行为作为制度惯性的另一种表现形式,持续推高交易成本,加剧了版权法体系的僵化。

本文的创新点在于,并未依赖已有理论框架来解释版权法的失灵原因,而是通过引入新制度经济学的理论概念,深入挖掘版权法在生成式人工智能时代失效的根源,并在分析过程中构建了一个全新的解释性理论框架。该框架不仅回答了版权法为何失效,还为学术讨论提供了新视角,较全面揭示了其失效的核心机制。

解决版权法的失效问题不仅需要渐进式调整,还需制定综合改革策略,在寻求解决方案时将制度惯性这一根源纳入考量,降低权利分配不确定性和不断攀升的交易成本。因此,本研究将学术讨论从表层修补转向更深层次的系统性改革,强调未来改革应聚焦于制度变革,以构建一个更具包容性和适应性的版权体系。

关键词:美国版权法;生成式人工智能;新制度经济学


Abstract

Generative AI introduces unprecedented challenges to copyright law, particularly to doctrines such as human authorship and originality. Focusing on the U.S. copyright system—a global trendsetter with a rich history of responding to technological change—this thesis investigates two research questions: how and why U.S. copyright law struggles to accommodate AI-generated works, aiming to offer insights for recalibrating or reforming copyright law in the AI era. It also argues that AI is not the direct cause of copyright’s failure to adapt but rather a catalyst exposing deeper institutional flaws.

The study employs an interdisciplinary approach that combines a three-level doctrinal analysis with insights from New Institutional Economics (NIE). The doctrinal analysis examines: (1) whether AI-generated outputs qualify as “works” under copyright; (2) whether they meet the criteria for protection given requirements like originality and human authorship; and (3) whether they should be protected, given the purpose of copyright law and the public interest Notably, the third level of analysis extends beyond immediate legal questions, highlighting the need to identify and interpret the root and underlying causes of copyright failure, where NIE plays a key role.

The findings reveal that institutional inertia—the resistance of established legal frameworks to substantive reform—stands as the root cause of the copyright system’s failure in the AI context. This inertia manifests primarily through the law’s human-centric conception of authorship, a path dependence that generates ongoing uncertainty over the ownership of AI-created works. Moreover, the rent-seeking behavior of stakeholders, including content creators, industries, and technology firms, is another manifestation of the inertia that drives up transaction costs, compounding the system’s inflexibility.

The innovative aspect of this paper lies in its departure from relying on established theoretical frameworks to explain the failure of copyright law. Instead, it draws on theoretical references from the perspective of NIE to delve into the root and underlying causes of copyright failure. In the process of analysis, the paper constructs a novel explanatory theoretical framework. This theoretical framework not only addresses the research question of why copyright law fails but also contributes to the academic discourse, offering a comprehensive understanding of the core mechanisms of its failure.

Addressing copyright law’s failure requires more than incremental adjustments; it requires a comprehensive reform strategy that takes into consideration the root cause of institutional inertia, aiming to reduce rights-related uncertainty and escalating transaction costs. Therefore, this research shifts the academic debate from surface-level fixes toward deeper systemic reform, highlighting the need for future reforms to focus on institutional changes, aiming to build a more inclusive and adaptable copyright system.

Keywords: U.S. Copyright Law; Generative Artificial Intelligence; New Institutional Economics


[3] 李傲秋

导师姓名:李期铿

中文题目:在中美人工智能竞争背景下美国人工智能跨国公司的作用

英文题目:The Role of the U.S. AI Multinational Corporations in the U.S.-China AI Competition


摘要

人工智能一直是中美重点发展的领域之一,特别以美国公司OpenAI发布的ChatGPT为代表的生成式人工智能发布之后,新一轮人工智能竞争在中美之间爆发。美国将人工智能产业视为国家的主导产业、关键产业和支柱产业,同时也是美国维护国家安全和技术霸权重要支撑。美国将中国视为最主要的竞争对手,在国内运用财政手段,扶持人工智能产业发展,对中国以出口限制为抓手,打击中国人工智能产业和公司,并在国际上联合盟友,建立多边机制共同限制中国。

生成式人工智能的发展是以算力、算力和应用为基础,而相关领域的重要技术多为美国跨国公司所掌握,其在人工智能基建、人工智能算法、人工智能应用等领域都有着突出的实力和广泛的全球影响力,在这场人工智能竞争中扮演着关键角色。美国人工智能企业与代表美国国家利益的政府,二者利益在根本上是一致的,美国政府对人工智能产业的重视与美国跨国公司在人工智能技术上的优势也推动着双方建立战略伙伴关系。但是由于美国国内普遍存在利益争端,在利益关联方对他者的期望或诉求没有得到满足之时,国家利益和企业利益会出现分化。而对华政策就是双方分歧最大的领域。中国作为美国人工智能跨国公司海外最大的市场,跨国公司同中国在贸易、投资及供应链等多维领域联系紧密,其不得不制定战略与策略以应对政府对华政策带来的挑战。这些企业往往通过为政府提供政策咨询,游说政府机构乃至消极执行政策等方式来影响政府决策。

鉴于美国人工智能企业对美国政治和政策制定的重要影响,可以作为分析美国对中国进行技术竞争的方法和政策取向的重要依据,因此本文以案例分析为主要研究手段,对英伟达、微软-OpenAI、特斯拉三大具有代表性的人工智能跨国公司,基于政企关系的视角分析美国人工智能跨国公司在美国对华技术竞争中的作用。本文发现尽管这些公司在美国国内因产业发展与美国政府有着相同的利益而开展合作,但是在对华问题上企业利益却与美国政府的利益相悖,美国政府的政策使得这些公司面临公司营收受到影响,供应链不稳定性增加,中国市场机遇丧失等问题,而这些问题促使这些公司以游说、消极执行政策等方式,尽可能保持其在华业务和产业链稳定,减轻美国政策的负面影响。据此,本文建议中国政府应正确看待美国人工智能跨国公司与美国政府的关系,进一步推动美国跨国公司与中国市场的深度融合,发展国内产业以实现对美国跨国公司更有力的牵制,促进中国人工智能产业的高质量发展。

关键词:中美科技竞争;美国跨国公司;人工智能;政企关系


Abstract

Artificial intelligence has always been one of major fields for both China and the United States in terms of technology development. Especially after the release of generative artificial intelligence represented by the ChatGPT, an exemplary product developed by the American company OpenAI, two powers have been engaging in a new round of technology competition featuring AI. As the U.S. considers the AI industry as a leading, critical, and pillar industry, providing solid support for the government to safeguard national security and technological supremacy, the U.S. has taken various and comprehensive measures against China, seen as its primary competitor.  The U.S. employs fiscal measures to support the development of the domestic AI industry, impose restrict export control to undermine China’s AI industry and companies, and internationally unites with allies to establish multilateral mechanisms aimed at jointly constraining China.

Since the development of generative artificial intelligence is based on computing power, data, and applications, critical technologies in these areas are predominantly controlled by the U.S. multinational corporations, which hold outstanding strength and extensive global competitiveness in terms of AI infrastructure, AI algorithms, and AI applications. Thanks to these technology advantages, these multinationals have played a pivotal role in this AI competition between two major powers. As the U.S. government and multinationals have convergence of fundamental interests between corporate interests and national interests, both sides have established the strategic partnership fostered by the emphasis of the U.S. government and the technological advantages of the corporations. However, as there exists differences between corporate interests and national security, both sides tend to have inevitably divergence of interest when the expectations or the demands of stakeholders fail to be satisfied. The policy towards China is one of the most conflicting fields. Since China serves as the largest oversea market for the U.S. multinationals, they have maintained extensive ties with China in terms of trade, investment, and supply chain. As the challenges brought by the government policies require their proper strategies and measures as countermeasures, the multinationals to exert their influence on government actions by offering policy consultations, lobbying government agencies, and negatively implementing policies.

In light of the significant role of the U.S. AI MNCs in the America’s politics and policy-making, these corporations can serve as an important basis for analyzing America’s approach and policy-orientation in the technological competition with China. Therefore, this paper employs a case study approach to analyze the role of the U.S. AI multinational corporations in U.S.-China AI competition from the perspective of government-business relations. This paper selects three representative companies, including Nvidia, Microsoft-OpenAI, and Tesla, each representing one of key sectors in the AI industry. The study finds that although these multinationals cooperate with the U.S. government domestically in pursuit of common industrial development goals, their interests regarding China diverge from those of the U.S. government. As the government policies towards China led these companies to face challenges such as revenue impacts, increased supply chain instability, and loss of market opportunities in China, these companies have responded with adopted strategies such as lobbying and negative policy implementation to maintain stability in their Chinese business and supply chains, thereby mitigating the negative impacts of U.S. policies. Based on the analysis, this paper recommends that the Chinese government should properly acknowledge the relationship between the U.S. AI multinational companies and the U.S. government, promote the deeper integration of American multinationals into China’s market, and develop domestic industries to keep the engagement with American multinationals, thereby fostering high-quality development of China’s AI industry.

Keywords: U.S.-China AI Competition; Multinational Corporations; Artificial Intelligence; Government-Business Relations


[4] 邱悦雯

导师姓名:付美榕

中文题目:留美归国女性科学家在新中国职业发展轨迹的生物生态学分析——以留美中国科学工作者协会会员为例

英文题目:A Bioecological Analysis of the Professional Trajectories of the American-educated Chinese Women Scientists in New China: The Case of Members of the Association of Chinese Scientific Workers in U.S.A.


摘要

近年来,有关20世纪50年代归国留美科学家的口述和书面历史的采集工作受到学术界的广泛关注。留美学者的去留抉择、中国共产党对于留美学人回国的动员工作、留美科学家曲折的归国历程等研究开始涌现留美中国科学工作者协会(The Association of Chinese Scientific Workers in U.S.A.,简称留美科协作为中共重要科技团体,由当时留美的青年学生和科技工作者组成,在动员留美学者归国中发挥了重要作用。该协会成员怀着强烈的爱国情怀回到新中国,致力于将先进知识应用于国家建设。现有研究多强调留美归国科学家对中国国防工业的贡献,而对他们回国后职业发展经历的关注相对较少,女性归国人员的相关研究则更为稀缺。因此,20世纪50年代归国留美女科学家在新中国的职业发展轨迹值得深入探究。

本论文采用定性研究方法,以留美科协25名归国女性科学家为研究对象。数据资料主要来源于25位科学家的自传、口述史料、传记和科学家作品集等相关文献,采用历史分析法与文本分析法进行梳理归类,再现她们在新中国的职业发展轨迹,并借助布朗芬布伦纳的生物生态学理论框架,进一步分析影响样本科学家职业发展的多层次因素。

本文研究发现,样本科学家在新中国的职业轨迹呈现出“U”型曲线特征,具体表现为三个阶段:五十年代初,留美归国女科学家被分配到高等院校和科研机构的关键岗位,并取得了开创性的成就;六七十年代,她们受政治运动影响而陷入低谷;改革开放后,这些科学家重回工作岗位,在职业生涯末期继续投身国家建设,攀登科技高峰。25位样本科学家的职业道路大体相似,仅存在少许差别。在25位研究对象中,仅有5位当选为中科院或工程院院士,其余因各种原因未能充分发挥学术潜能。

研究发现,新中国女性科学家的职业发展受到个人特质和过往经历(微观系统)、家庭与工作之间的相互作用(中观系统)、学术界事件和政策变化(外在系统),以及社会、文化和政治环境(宏观系统)的综合影响。

此外,本文发现,在美国的教育和研究经历对归国女性科学家的职业发展具有双重影响。当国家政策对归国人员较为友好时,她们能够充分利用在美国所学的知识与理念,积极投身于教学和科研工作。然而,在政治动荡时期,她们的海外背景使她们成为被攻击的对象,严重阻碍其职业发展。因此本文得出结论,20世纪50年代归国留美女科学家的个人命运随时代变迁而起伏。在探讨职业发展时,有必要引入尤里·布朗芬布伦纳的生物生态学理论框架,从微观系统、中观系统、外在系统和宏观系统的角度进行分析。

关键词:50年代留美归国科学家,留美科协,女性科学家,尤里·布朗芬布伦纳生物生态学理论,职业发展

Abstract

In recent years, the recovery and compilation of the oral and written histories of the 1950s returned American-educated scientists has attracted increasing attention. Studies on the American-educated scientists’ leave-or-stay decisions, CPC’s efforts to mobilize the American-educated scientists for return, as well as the tortuous process of return are emerging. Among the mobilization groups, the Association of Chinese Scientific Workers in U.S.A. (ACSW-USA) was a science and technology group associated with the CPC, consisting of Chinese professionals with advanced degrees in science and technology. The ACSW-USA members returned to New China with great patriotic fervor and desired to devote themselves to China’s construction with the advanced knowledge they acquired in the U.S. Despite numerous studies highlighting the contributions of the returnees to China’s defense industry, their post-return career experiences are seldom mentioned, and there’ re few researches specializing in the women returnees. The career trajectories of the 1950s returned American-educated women scientists in New China are worth noticing. Thus, this thesis is designed to look into the women returnees’ career experiences and the contributing factors for their development in New China.

Qualitative study approach is applied by this thesis. Twenty-five ASCW-USA returned women scientists are chosen as samples. Primary sources, such as autobiographies, oral historical materials, biographies and scientists’ work collection, and secondary sources including written documents relevant to the women scientists are used to reveal their career trajectories in New China. The theoretical framework of Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological analysis for human development was used to explore factors that influence the career development of the sample scientists.

The thesis finds that the career trajectory of the sample scientists in New China was similar to a “U” curve. This is reflected in their career experiences and achievements in three distinct periods. In the 1950s, the women returnees were assigned to key positions in higher education institutions and research institutes, and some of them did make groundbreaking work. In the 1960s and 1970s, however, they suffered a lot in political movements. After reform and opening-up, the sample scientists were restored fame and positions and were able to make greater contributions and pursue academic new heights in their late careers.

The 25 sample scientists shared a similar but differentiated career paths in New China. Only five of the women returnees under study were elected as academicians of CAS or CAE, while others failed to employ their full academic potential due to a variety of reasons. The thesis identifies contributing factors from the perspective of the bioecological theory. Findings show that the career development of the women scientists in New China was influenced by their personal characteristics and past experiences (microsystem influences), the interaction between family and work (a mesosystem), events and policies in academia (exosystem influences), and broader social, cultural and political environments (macrosystem influences).

Last but not least, this thesis finds that the educational and research experience in the U.S. can be a double-edged sword to the career development of the women returnees. When the country showed a supportive attitude towards the returnees, they can actively engage in teaching and scientific research, bringing their American-acquired knowledge and ideas into full play. But their overseas experience can also be a target in political turmoil, leaving them in untold sorrow and suffering.

This thesis draws the conclusion that the destinies of the 1950s returned American-educated women scientists rise and fall with the times. When discussing the career development, it was necessary to consider Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bioecology theory encompassing micro-, meso-, exo-, and macrosystem.

Keywords: The 1950s Returned American-educated Chinese Scientists, The Association of Chinese Scientific Workers in U.S.A., Women Scientists, Urie Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Theory, Career Development


第四组:思想与文化

[1] 陈美璇

导师姓名:王一鸽

中文题目:超越美国主义:流动身份视域下的战后日本爵士乐异质网络研究——基于行动者网络理论

英文题目:Beyond Americanism to Fluid Identity: Jazz as a Heterogeneous Network in Postwar Japan through an Actor-Network Theory Lens


摘要

本文以行动者网络理论(Actor-Network Theory)为框架,探讨二战后日本爵士乐的流变及其与社会权力、文化身份和经济转型的复杂互动。研究时间跨度从美国占领期(1945-1952)至二十一世纪初,聚焦爵士乐如何超越美国性Americanness)的单一标签,在日本本土语境中演变为一种异质的、混杂的、流动的文化实践。本文运用平坦本体论(Flat Ontology)、混杂化(Hybridization)、转译 Translation)、行动者(Actor)以及异质性网络(Heterogeneous Network)等行动者网络理论的核心概念,解构爵士乐作为稳定文化符号的本质主义叙事,强调其通过人与非人行动者的异质网络动态生成过程。在实证分析部分,根据爵士乐在日本的发展和演变历程,分为三个历史阶段,即占领期(1945-1952)、身份重构期(1952-1975)、以及泡沫及后泡沫经济时代背景下视觉化转型期(1975-2000)展开具体分析。

首先,占领期时期的爵士乐身份具有混杂流动性,既是现代化的象征也是美国文化霸权的体现,同时还是美国在日展开民主文化宣传、以及实行冷战政策的媒介;借助行动者网络理论和福柯的规训权力等概念,剖析了美国占领军(SCAP)如何将爵士乐作为声音武器,通过审查制度和文化政策推行民主化叙事,同时也揭示了爵士乐在权力不对称背景下如何成为美日文化、冷战博弈的场域。其次,身份重构期(1952–1975),受到越南战争、日美新安保条约、安保运动以及日本左翼势力壮大的共同影响,爵士乐被转译为探寻国家身份、抒发个人情感的自由颂歌,文章以行动者网络视角下和风爵士的形成和日本独特爵士景观东京中央线爵士现象为例,分析战后日本如何通过爵士乐构建国家身份,将爵士乐转化为本土身份表达的混杂集合体,抵抗本真性焦虑Authenticity Complex)与美国性霸权,并重构战后民族认同。第三,在泡沫经济、后泡沫经济影响下的都市文化发展时期,爵士超越两极叙事,越来越成为个人主体性的表达和现代化的体现:泡沫经济时期,行动者网络理论揭示了爵士乐与City Pop音乐的交融映射了日本经济高速增长期的都市幻象与物质文化,强调爵士乐作为流动性实体在消费社会中的符号意义;后泡沫经济时期,以爵士乐与日本动画的跨媒介合作为例,文章分析了异质行动者如何通过异质工程Heterogeneous Engineering)和转译(Translation)重构爵士乐的感知与传播模式,成为个人主体性表达的方式。

总之,论文分析表明,爵士不是静态稳定的既有物,而是不同社会范式中(Modes of Ordering)通过人类和非人类行动者多重相互关系不断叠覆、调节和转译的文化混合体;爵士乐在日本的流变不仅是文化移植的产物,更是多重行动者网络持续转译的结果。这一过程既反映了美国文化霸权的渗透, 也彰显了日本本土能动性对全球文化流动的创造性回应,为理解非西方社会的现代性经验提供了新视角。

关键词:行动者网络理论;美日关系;爵士离散;文化混合体;异质性

Abstract

This thesis employs Actor-Network Theory (ANT) as the framework to explore the reinterpretation of jazz in post-World War II Japan and its complex interactions with social power, cultural identity, and economic transformation. The study spans from the American occupation period (1945–1952) to the early 21st century, focusing on how jazz transcended its singular label of “Americanness” and evolved into a heterogeneous, hybrid, and fluid cultural practice within the Japanese context. Utilizing core ANT concepts such as flat ontology, hybridization, translation, actors, and heterogeneous networks, this thesis deconstructs the essentialist narrative of jazz as a“static entity”, emphasizing its dynamic formation through the interactions of human and non-human actors within heterogeneous networks. The empirical analysis is divided into three historical phases: the occupation period (1945–1952), the identity reconstruction period (1952–1975), and the visual transformation period during and after the bubble economy (1975–2000).

First, during the occupation period, jazz embodied a hybrid and fluid identity, serving simultaneously as a symbol of modernization, a manifestation of American cultural hegemony, and a medium for democratic cultural propaganda and Cold War policies. Drawing on ANT and Foucault’s concept of disciplinary power, this section analyzes how the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) utilized jazz as a “sonic weapon” to promote a “democratization” narrative through censorship and cultural policies. It also reveals how jazz became a site of cultural negotiation and Cold War dynamics amid asymmetrical power relations.

Second, during the identity reconstruction period (1952–1975), influenced by the Vietnam War, the revised U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, the Anpo protests, and the rise of leftist movements in Japan, jazz was translated into a liberating anthem for exploring national identity and expressing personal emotions. Through the lens of ANT, this section examines the formation of Japanese-style jazz and the unique jazz landscape along Tokyo’s Chuo Line, illustrating how post-war Japan reconstructed national identity through jazz. By transforming jazz into a hybrid assemblage of local expression, Japan resisted the hegemony of “Americanness” and the “authenticity complex”, redefining post-war national identity.

Third, during the bubble and post-bubble economy eras, jazz transcended binary narratives, increasingly becoming a medium for individual subjectivity and a reflection of modernity. In the bubble economy period, ANT reveals how the fusion of jazz and City Pop music mirrored the urban fantasies and material culture of Japan’s rapid economic growth, highlighting jazz’s symbolic significance as a “fluid entity” within a consumer society. In the post-bubble era, this section analyzes cross-media collaborations between jazz and Japanese animation, demonstrating how heterogeneous actors reconfigured jazz’s perception and dissemination through heterogeneous engineering and translation, making it a mode of individual self-expression.

In conclusion, this paper argues that jazz is not a static or pre-existing entity but a cultural hybrid continuously shaped, mediated, and translated through the multifaceted relationships of human and non-human actors across different modes of ordering. The evolution of jazz in Japan is not merely a product of cultural transplantation but the result of ongoing translation within multiple actor-networks. This process reflects both the permeation of American cultural hegemony and Japan’s creative agency in responding to global cultural flows, offering new perspectives for understanding non-Western experiences of modernity.

Keywords: Actor-Network Theory; US-Japan Relationship; Jazz Diaspora; Cultural Hybridity; Heterogeneity


[2] 谢文婧

导师姓名:伊蕊

中文题目:萝斯玛丽·萝特神学视域下的女性与自然

英文题目:Woman and Nature in Rosemary Ruether’s Theology


摘要

萝斯玛丽·雷德福·萝特(1936-2022) 是美国女性神学研究的先驱,也是生态女性主义神学的开创者之一。生态女性主义作为第三波女性运动中的重要流派,它将女性与自然联系在一起,并探讨女性歧视和自然歧视之间的关系。萝特从神学的视角讨论了这两个重要的生态女性主义话题,为此领域做出了独特的贡献。

本文主要研究萝特的著作《盖亚与上帝:地球愈合的生态女权主义神学》(1994),重点关注她对于女性与自然联系的讨论。部分传统生态女性主义者认为女性与自然存在先天的亲缘关系,即女性和自然都是孕育和养育者,又都多带有关怀、温柔、同情等特质。本论文认为萝特的《盖亚与上帝》以及其他著作《新女性,新地球》(1975)和《性别歧视与上帝之谈》(1983)中的相关内容表明她反对如此固化的形象特质和连结。她的生态女性主义神学发现,女性与自然之间存在联系,但这种联系更多是由基督教文化建构的,是象征意义上的,即女性和自然的关联在于他们在基督教文化中均受父权意识所支配。萝特认为这种父权意识拥有两大特性:等级性和二元对立性。这种父权意识的建立来源于基督教叙事中对上帝与人、人与自然、男性与女性这三对关系的解释。她认为基督教在有关起源、天启、罪恶的叙事中,通过身体和灵魂、生命和死亡、善和恶的二元对立来理解上帝与人、人与自然、男性与女性三对关系。女性和自然在上述宗教叙述中均被描述为无灵魂的、代表死亡的、代表恶的,女性与自然在此意义上构建了联系且均处于受辖制的地位。萝特认为,这种基督教教义中的等级性二元对立观是女性与自然受压迫的真正根源。

然而,尽管萝特批判基督教圣经中的等级二元论,她并不想放弃基督教神学,依旧试图在基督教教义中寻找对女性与自然的救赎力量,以期对抗父权意识。她发现,圣经传统的某些教义中蕴涵着整体观。萝特认为,圣经的盟约传统指示着人与自然和谐共存的思想;圣经的圣礼传统蕴含着身体和灵魂统一的启示;萝特还提出圣经中上帝形象的兼容性,它是世界的创造者和解放者,是男是女,也非男非女。通过对上述圣经中三种传统的再解释,萝特论证基督教教义中亦存在解放女性和自然的积极力量。由此可见,作为宗教内部人士,萝特对基督教既有批判揭示亦有期望和信心。

萝特从神学视角到探讨女性和自然的关系,点明了女性与自然联系的真正根源。她的发现丰富了生态女性主义思想,为进一步讨论生态女性神学奠定了基础。另一方面,萝特通过重新解释圣经传统也为基督教解放女性压迫和自然压迫提供了新思路。

关键词:萝斯玛丽·萝特;神学;女性;自然;生态女性主义


Abstract

Rosemary Radford Ruether (1936-2022), a pioneer of American feminist theology and one of the first ecofeminist theologians. Ecofeminism, an important school in the third wave of the feminist movement, associates woman with nature and debates over how the domination of woman and that of nature are connected. Ruether approaches these two ecofeminists’ discussion with a theological view and makes unique contribution.

This thesis examines Ruether’s Gaia and God: An Ecofeminist Theology of Earth Healing (1994), focusing on her thoughts about woman – nature connection. Traditionally, some ecofeminists believe that woman and nature have an inherent tie of kinship for they both have the image of life-giver, nurturer and are usually depicted as being caring, gentle, and compassionate. This thesis finds that Ruether’s Gaia and God, other related writings in New Woman, New Earth (1975) and in Sexism and God Talk (1983) all prove her disagreement on affirming the stereotypical link between woman and nature. The connection is not innate. Woman – nature connection, from her theological perspective, is culturally constructed by Christianity and thus is symbolic. Ruether contends that the real connection lies in the fact that woman and nature are both dominated by the same “patriarchal consciousness” existent in Christianity. This patriarchal consciousness is hierarchical and dualistic. Meanwhile, Ruether argues that the formation of this consciousness results from the theological misunderstandings of the three relations, including God – human, human – nature, and man – woman relations. Through her analysis of stories of origin, of apocalypse, and of sin and evil, Ruether believes that the misunderstandings are based upon the hierarchical dualisms of body over soul, of life over death, and of good over evil/sin in Christianity. Therefore, woman and nature usually are described as representations of materiality, mortality, and evil/sin, and it is in this sense that woman and nature are connected because of their similar dominated status. Ruether therefore claims that the hierarchical dualisms in Christian thoughts are the true source of oppression for women and nature.

However, though Ruether criticizes the hierarchal dualisms of Christianity, she does not reject Christianity but tries to find a redemptive power for women and nature in Christian teachings in order to counteract the “patriarchal consciousness”. She found that teachings of the biblical tradition imply a holistic vision. Ruether rediscovers Bibles’ holistic approach in three traditions. Covenantal tradition signifies the harmony between human and nature, and the idea of natural life – death cycle. Sacramental tradition indicates the unity of body and soul, and of materiality and spirituality. Ruether also proposes the inclusiveness of God’s complex image. God is both the creator and liberator; God can be female and male; God is neither female nor male. Through Ruether’s reinterpretations, she argues that there are still positive forces in Christian traditions that help to free women and nature from domination. Therefore, the thesis believes that Ruether, as a religious insider, is both highly critical of Christianity and confident of its healing powers.

From a theological perspective, Ruether explores the true connection between women and nature. Her discovery enriches eco-feminist thoughts and lays the groundwork for further studies of ecofeminist theology. On the other hand, by reinterpreting biblical traditions, Ruether also searches into Christianity’s potentials of liberating woman and nature.

Keywords: Rosemary Radford Ruether; Theology; Woman; Nature; Ecofeminism  


[3] 白皎

导师姓名:伊蕊

中文题目:帕特里夏·希尔·柯林斯黑人女性主义思想研究

英文题目:A Study on Patricia Hill Collins' Black Feminist Ideas

摘要

帕特里夏·希尔·柯林斯(Patricia Hill Collins1948-),当代美国非裔社会学家、女性主义思想家和女权倡导者,主要因对交叉性理论的延伸而闻名。她致力于推动社会公平的学术创作和社会活动,其黑人女性思想也以此为基础。她对黑人女性思想的独特贡献具有研究价值。 本研究聚焦分析柯林斯黑人女性主义思想所提出的重要主题和观点,并探究各个主题间是如何有机联系,共同为黑人女性在自身解放道路上的自我赋能提供指引。

通过对柯林斯阐述其黑人女性主义思想作品中最全面、最具代表性的一部——《黑人女性主义思想:知识、意识与赋权政治》进行文本分析和历史分析,本文探讨柯林斯如何运用黑人女性在社会结构中的独特位置来构建自己的黑人女性主义思想。本文研究发现,柯林斯的黑人女性主义思想主要包含三个核心主题:自我定义,知识和赋能,交叉性理论和支配矩阵。关于自我定义,柯林斯强调通过自我定义身份认同,保持自我意识独立的重要性。她将个人意识视为自由的重要领域之一,通过保留安全空间并发出黑人女性自己的声音,从而达到从黑人女性内部为自身赋能。关于知识和赋能,柯林斯承认权力在知识产生和验证过程中的影响,提出了以黑人女性为中心的认知论。柯林斯提出的黑人女性认知论以生活经验、对话、道德关怀、个人责任作为判断新知识是否合理的标准,从而反抗欧洲中心认知论的霸权,通过构建黑人女性相关的知识体系达到外部赋能。另外,柯林斯在交叉性理论的基础上提出支配矩阵的理论框架,明确了权力关系在结构性、规训性、霸权性和人际性四个维度的运作方式,从而突出压迫的复杂性与流动性,对交叉性理论进行了延伸。通过对交叉性理论的延伸,柯林斯为黑人女性反抗压迫在理论和实践上提供了具体的方向。

柯林斯对黑人女性思想和交叉性理论都做出了独特贡献。通过主张黑人女性在定义自身身份和构建自身知识过程中的中心位置, 柯林斯提供了反抗支配性群体对黑人女性客体化的有效方法,确保黑人女性的观点得以呈现,将其经历的压迫转化为追寻平等的灵感来源; 在知识生产过程中引入情感和道德元素挑战了欧洲中心的知识体系中情感和理性的二元对立传统,增加了不同受压迫群体理解彼此观点的可能性,同时确保知识的提出是为了给受压迫群体赋能。柯林斯对交叉性理论的独特贡献主要在于明确了权力运行以实现其支配地位的四个方面,凸显出黑人女性所受压迫的复杂性和流动性,使交叉性理论应用跨越了学科和国家的边界。她对交叉性理论作为理论探索和指导实践的双重意义的强调,为黑人女性和其他受压迫群体寻求反抗的社会活动提供了具体的策略。

本文通过分析得出结论,柯林斯黑人女性主义思想的核心主题都来源于黑人女性在社会结构中的独特位置,三个主题相互关联,从内部自我定义身份、外部构建和自己相关知识、了解权力的压迫点几个方面为黑人女性识别并反抗压迫提供了有力工具。然而由于其以具体情境为基础,柯林斯的黑人女性思想可以跨越学科、种族和国家的边界,为后续的不平等研究和社会运动提供指导,为黑人女性也为其他处于弱势的群体成员提供指导。

关键词:帕特里夏·希尔·柯林斯; 黑人女性思想; 黑人女性认知论; 交叉性理论; 支配矩阵


Abstract

Patricia Hill Collins (1948-), esteemed African-American contemporary sociologist, feminist thinker and activist. She is most renowned for her expansion of the intersectionality framework. Collins devotes her life to promoting social justice both through academic work and social practice, which also lays the foundation for her Black feminist ideas. Her unique contributions to Black feminist thinking merits research. This study focuses on analyzing major themes and perspectives of Collins’ Black feminist ideas, exploring how these themes are built coherently to inform Black women’s empowerment in their pursuit of freedom.    

By conducting textual and historical analysis of her most comprehensive and representative work, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, this thesis explores how Collins uses Black women’s unique position in social structures to construct her own Black feminist ideas. Collins’ Black feminist ideas consist of three core themesself-definition, knowledge and empowerment, as well as intersectionality and matrix of domination. In terms of self-definition, Collins emphasizes the importance of maintaining a free mind through self-defined identity. She views consciousness of an individual as one important sphere of freedom and argues that Black women have always recorded and expressed their self-defined identity in historically safe spaces, thereby achieving empowerment from within themselves. In terms of knowledge and empowerment, Collins recognizes the influence that power has on knowledge production and validation, proposing a Black feminist epistemology that centers African-American women. Her proposal of Black feminist epistemology uses lived experience, dialogue, ethics of caring, ethic of personal accountability as standards to assess whether new knowledge claims are valid. Such criteria resist hegemony in Eurocentric epistemology, empowering Black women by constructing an alternative knowledge system of their own. Thus, empowerment is achieved through external knowledge structure. In addition, Collins furthered intersectionality framework by proposing matrix of domination, identifying how power relations operate in structural, disciplinary, hegemonic, and interpersonal domain. Collins’ framework highlights the complex and dynamic nature of oppression, providing specific directions for Black women’s resistance both in theory and practice.

Collins made significant contributions both to Black feminist thinking and the intersectionality framework. By advocating Black women’s central position in defining their own identity and constructing knowledge of their own, she provides effective approach for Black women to resist objectification from dominant groups. Such centrality ensures Black women’s standpoint is properly represented and can turn their experience with oppression into inspiration for pursuing equality. Introducing emotion and ethics into knowledge production challenges the binary opposition between reason and emotion in Eurocentric knowledge system. It increases the chance for different oppressed groups to understand each other’s standpoint and ensures that knowledge is proposed for their empowerment. Collins’ contribution to intersectionality lies in specifying the four dimensions of domination and highlighting  its complexity and fluidity, fulfilling intersectionality’s potential to cross disciplinary and border lines. Her emphasis on intersectionality as both critical inquiry and critical praxis offers specific empowerment strategies for social activist movements of Black women and other disadvantaged groups alike.

This thesis concludes that all major themes of Collins’s Black feminist ideas originate from African-American women’s specific localities in the overall social structure. Her ideas provide powerful tools for Black women to identify and resist oppression in various social settings. However, the context-based rationale in her Black feminist ideas makes it possible to transcend disciplinary, racial and border lines, serving as guiding principles for both future inequality researches and social activist movements, both African-American women and members of other underprivileged groups.

Keywords: Patricia Hill Collins; Black feminist thinking; Black feminist epistemology; intersectionality; matrix of domination  


[4] 王元江

导师姓名:贾宁

中文题目:新梅斯蒂扎意识:墨裔美国思想家安扎杜尔对于奇卡诺/纳混杂身份的母性、神性视角

英文题目:New Mestiza Consciousness: Mexican American Thinker Gloria Anzaldúa’s Matriarchal and Divine Perspectives on Chicano/a Hybrid Identity


摘要

墨西哥裔美国人常常在文化上遭受美国主流社会和墨西哥裔故土的双重压迫,既不被美国完全接纳,也不再得到墨西哥文化的认同。墨西哥裔美国思想家格洛丽亚·安扎杜尔出版于1987年的理论阐述作品《边土(Borderlands/La Frontera)》以极具创新的手段融合了历史叙事、个人回忆录、诗歌,以及虚构文体,表达了她的新梅斯蒂扎意识(New Mestiza Consciousness)主张。在作品中,安扎杜尔诠释了墨西哥裔美国,即奇卡诺/纳混杂身份的新内涵——并非是美国文化和墨西哥文化的简单叠加;而是两种社会与文化体系的碰撞和交织。因此,安扎杜尔认为,边土不是理想化的多元文化缤纷和谐的乐园;而是充满了痛苦、冲突、矛盾的复杂场域。在那里,奇卡诺/纳人被迫面对着历史、社会、文化、种族与族裔、身份认知的断裂。

安扎杜尔通过重新解读阿兹特克(Aztec)母系神话,指出母性与神性力量在奇卡纳身份构建中的核心作用。她认为母系神话中蕴藏着赋能墨西哥裔美国人身份的本质力量——母系神话中的原始而独特的反叛精神和能量打破了白人主流文化、父权文化的压迫,为奇卡纳文化认同提供了全新的可能性。安扎杜尔指出,阿兹特克母系神话在现代社会发展的过程中被扭曲和误解。这一过程正是文化权力的表征。她重新塑造包括瓜达卢佩圣母(Guadalupe)在内的母系神,使其不再是被矮化的弱小形象,也不再是被污名化的可怖怪兽,而是具有强大力量和反叛精神的新奇卡纳符号。再创造的神话形象成为抵抗父权压迫、反对二元对立、挑战主流话语的有效工具。

在阿兹特克母系神话的赋权下,新梅斯蒂扎意识得以被建构和完善。安扎杜尔通过这一意识的建构为处于社会边缘地位的群体,尤其是女性、性少数群体,以及移民,创造了可以质疑、重构身份的理论空间基础。在安扎杜尔的理论下,新梅斯蒂扎意识并非对于现有主流文化的简单对抗;而是打破二元对立的僵化刻板定义,通过创造性融合、再生,超越既定文化界限,建立全新、灵活的身份认同的尝试。这意味着奇卡诺/纳人不再局限于单一的立场选择或是文化归属;而是可以同时归属于这些文化形成的间隔,甚至超越多文化边界,获得独特的跨文化认同。

若说阿兹特克母系神话为新梅斯蒂扎意识提供了文化能量支撑和理论合法性赋权;体裁和语言的混杂则是安扎杜尔实现新梅斯蒂扎意识的途径。这一混杂性是新梅斯蒂扎意识在实践层面的体现;也帮助加强和印证了新梅斯蒂扎意识的核心观念。安扎杜尔打破了传统学术写作的边界。《边土》的诗性语言和理论叙述交织,形成独特的文化表达方式。安扎杜尔将诗歌、历史叙事、回忆录、自传以及理论分析融合在一起,使得作品在语言和题材上都具备高度混杂特性。她亦通过多种语言的交织,尤其是英语、卡斯蒂利亚西班牙语(Spanish)、美国-墨西哥语言(Tex-Mex)、奇卡诺西班牙语(Chicano Spanish)和纳瓦特尔语(Nahuatl)的结合,创造出全新的边土语言。这种语言不仅反映了墨西哥裔美国人身份认同的复杂性,也成为了他们独立于强势的主流文化,确立自身存在价值的秘密语言

安扎杜尔通过母性与神性视角为奇卡纳混杂身份的建构提供了理论支撑,通过《边土》中体裁与语言的混杂,打破文化边界,创造超越二元对立的身份认同空间。在对阿兹特克母系神话原型的再塑造过程中,安扎杜尔不仅赋予了奇卡纳文化全新的文化合法性,也为美国更多处于边缘地位的群体提供了重新定义自我和抗争美国主流社会压迫的力量。

关键词:格洛丽亚·安扎杜尔;美国墨西哥裔;奇卡诺/纳文化;美国女性主义

Abstract

Mexican American cultural thinker and theorist Gloria Anzaldúa develops and interprets the theory of New Mestiza Consciousness[2] in her groundbreaking work Borderlands/La Frontera in 1987. The work innovatively blends historical narratives, memoirs, poetry, and fictions. Anzaldúa re-defines Chicano/a hybrid identity – not as simplistic combination or mixing of American and Mexican cultures, but as a dynamic collision and interweaving of two distinct sociocultural systems. Mexican American people often endure two oppressions from both American mainstream society and their Mexican ancestral homeland, being fully accepted or recognized by neither of them. Consequently, Anzaldúa contends that the borderlands are not an idealized multicultural utopia of harmonious diversity, but rather a complicated terrain fraught with pain and contradictions, where Chicano/as confront fractures in historical, social, cultural, racial-ethnic, and identity formations.

By re-interpreting Aztec maternal myths, Anzaldúa points out the essential role of matriarchal and divine power in the construction of Chicana identities. She believes that there is foundational energy in maternal myths, which can empower Mexican American identities – the indigenous, unique, rebellious spirit breaks the oppressions of white-dominated, mainstream, patriarchal cultures, and offers completely new possibilities for Chicana cultural identities. Anzaldúa notes that Aztec maternal myths had been distorted and misunderstood in the development of contemporary society. This process is the manifestation of cultural powers. Anzaldúa re-shapes the matriarchal goddesses including Guadalupe, making her into a strong, independent new Chicana sign instead of the weakened image or the stigmatized monster. The re-invented mythological images become the effective tool to fight against patriarchy, binary oppositions, and the control of mainstream discourses. With the empowerment of Aztec maternal myths, New Mestiza Consciousness is re-constructed and amplified. Through the consciousness, Anzaldúa creates a theoretical space for the marginalized groups including women, queers, and immigrants, where they can doubt, and re-build their own identities. New Mestiza Consciousness is not a sheer resistance against the mainstream culture. Instead, it is trying to destroy the rigid, stereotypical, binary definitions, and building fresh, flexible identities through innovative integration and re-production, and the transcendence of cultural frontiers. This means that Chicano/as are not limited to one and only position choices or cultural belongingness. They can belong to the in-betweenness, and surpass the cultural borders to achieve unique multicultural identities.

Aztec matriarchal myths provide cultural energy and theoretical legitimacy for New Mestiza Consciousness; generic and linguistic hybridity constitutes Anzaldúa’s methodology. This hybridity both embodies the consciousness in practice and reinforces its core. Anzaldúa dismantles conventional boundaries in Borderlands, mixing poetic language with theoretical expositions to forge her distinctive Chicana cultural discourse. By blending poetry, historical narrative, memoir, autobiography, and theoretical analysis, she achieves textual hybridity at both linguistic and generic levels. The polylingual form interlaces English, Castilian Spanish, Tex-Mex, Chicano Spanish, and Nahuatl. A new borderland language is invented. The linguistic innovation reflects the complexity of Chicano/a identities and works as “secret language” that asserts autonomous cultural values against hegemonic forces and norms.

Through her maternal-divine perspective and borderland-hybridity, Anzaldúa constructs theoretical foundations for Chicana identities, and creates safe liminal space beyond binary oppositions for the marginalized. By reworking Aztec matriarchal archetypes, she legitimizes New Mestiza Consciousness, and empowers the marginalized groups in the U.S. to redefine their own value of existence beyond prescribed boundaries and limitations.

Keywords: Gloria Anzaldúa, Mexican American, Chicano/a culture, American Feminism



[1] Office of the Texas Governor. (2025, March). Top Texas touts: Economy. Retrieved March 10, 2025 from https://gov.texas.gov/top-texas-touts-economy

[2] Also know as Una Cultural Mestiza or la conciencia de la mestiza.


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