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2014级硕士生论文摘要

作者:时间:2018-07-19

姓名:鲍添⽻  导师:马丽媛

论文题目(中文):美国教育中的反智主义

论文题目(英文):Anti-intellectualism in American Education

论文关键词(中文):反智主义, 美国教育, 平等主义, 实⽤主义

论文关键词(英文): anti-intellectualism, American educational history, egalitarianism, utilitarianism

 

中文摘要

2016年总统⼤选的最终结果引发了民众关于美国反智主义传统的⼲泛讨论。因为新任总统,唐纳德•特朗普的胜利被认为是反智主义在美国政治领域的回潮。⼀些学者已经注意到这样⼀种现象,在美国⻓期存在着⼀种针对知识分⼦及其⽣活⽅式的敌对态度。但是着重分析反智主义或是反智主义与美国历史之间联系的⽂献却寥寥⽆⼏,研究反智主义与教育之间的关系的⽂献更是少之⼜少。尽管少数学者,诸如理查德•霍夫斯塔特,亚伦•莱克⾥德尔,确实从教育⾓度追溯过美国的反智历史,学术界在很⼤程度上忽视和低估了反智主义与美国教育发展史之间的关系。

本⽂旨在对反智主义在教育领域的概念做⼀个尝试性的研究,探寻美国的反智主义   倾向是否在美国教育史上有所表现。本⽂主要采⽤了两张⼀刹那间⽅法,即历史回顾法   和内容分析法。具体来说,历史回顾法⽤于掌握美国教育发展脉络,内容分析法,也就   是案例分析法,⽤于样本挑选与案例分析。

本⽂的主要研究问题包括:如何在美国教育中定义反智主义?反智主义在美国重⼤ 教育改⾰中有何体现?为了回答以上问题,本⽂⾸先对反智主义的定义进⾏了讨论。作者发现,作为⼀个有着民主与实际传统的共和国,美国为此传统深感⾃豪,因此对于知识分⼦,特别是那些相信真理的追求⾼于⼀切的⼈,美国社会⼀直抱持怀疑态度。这些“传统知识分⼦”因为他们与贵族和神职⼈员之间存在的先天联系⽽饱受猜疑。因此,“反智主义”⼀词出现,意指⼀种针对知识分⼦或是智⼒追求的⼀种敌对态度或观念。

在美国历史上,反智主义倾向在美国社会的各个⽅⾯随处可⻅,如在宗教中,政坛,或是媒体。然⽽,作者发现,反智主义并不敌视教育。反智主义者们从未否定过知识的⼒量或是公共教育的必要性。他们反对的知识那些没有实际意义的知识或是学⽣追求。他们希望教育能够体现平等主义和实⽤主义原则。平等主义是指教育应该具有包容性,每⼀位美国公民都有受教育权利。每个个体应该有平等的受教育机会,让他们能够最⼤限度地发挥个⼈潜能。实⽤主义则指教育应该有益于个⼈与民众。教育应该令个⼈获得实⽤技能,形成民主特征;促进社会经济发展和民主进步,为解决社会弊病提供良⽅。通过对美国教育史的研究,作者认为对平等主义和实⽤主义的追求是美国反智主义在教育领域的两种主要表现形式。

为了更好地分析反智主义与教育史之间的联系,作者对于美国教育史做了⼀个梳理。美国教育主要经历了四次重⼤改⾰。第⼀次是 19 世纪 30 年代到 19 世纪 70 年代的平民学校运动。此次改⾰目标是为全国⼉童,尤其是那些贫困⼉童,提供免费的教育。第⼆次是 19 世纪 90 年代⾄ 20 世纪 20 年代的进步主义教育运动,旨在通过多样课程和专业教学管理让教育更好地适应社会的快速发展。第三次则是 20 世纪 40 和 50 年代的⽣活适应课程运动。这次改⾰重在增加应⽤课程的⽐例,以此让学⽣适应他们在未来⽣活中的⾓⾊。20 世纪 60 年代的民权运动是最后⼀次重⼤改⾰。弱势群体的教育平等问题是这次运动的中⼼。这四次改⾰很⼤程度上影响了美国教育的发展⽅向。

接下来的⼀章详述了反智主义在美国教育发展中的具体表现。本⽂作者选取了四⼤教育改⾰中的三个来阐述反智主义倾向。第⼀个事例是平民学校运动。作者⾸先分析了平民学校这⼀历史事件,发现这⼀运动的改⾰目标反映了反智主义中的平等主义。这⼀运动的目标是为所有社会成员提供公平的受教育机会,以及全体公民共享教育所带来的社会福利。平民学校之⽗,霍利斯•曼的⽆宗派道德观等理念也对消除教育不平等现象、实现教育平等有着积极的影响。

第⼆个案例是进步主义教育改⾰。这⼀运动同时体现了反智主义的平等主义和实⽤主义原则。进步主义教育者们从课程和学校管理两⽅⾯⼊⼿,在加强课程多样化的同时对学校进⾏集权化管理。课表的丰富为更多的学⽣提供了适合⾃⾝特点的课程选择,这更有利于实现教育公平,各具特点的学⽣能够通过从⾼中课程中学到真正对⾃⾝发展的内容。课程多样化同时也体现了实⽤主义原则,这⼀改⾰通过不同的课程重点提供了三条发展轨道,学术型,职业型和商业型。这样的多轨课程更符合经济增⻓的需要。实⽤性课程的增加有利于学⽣快速适应⼯业社会和现代企业⽣活。

⽣活适应课程改⾰作为第三个案例与上⼀个案例⼀样,同时也体现了反智主义的两⼤原则。⼀⽅⾯,这⼀改⾰以被忽略的百分之六⼗学⽣为改⾰对象,进⼀步增强了课程的多样化,意图培养学⽣平等的⽣活适应能⼒,为实现其潜⼒提供平等的机会。这些改⾰措施是平等主义的体现。另⼀⽅⾯,这⼀改⾰的功能性原则,培养合格“家庭成员、劳动者、消费者和公民”的目标,实际应⽤学科的增加和学术性知识性课程的缩减都反应了反智主义的实⽤主义原则。

总之,本⽂的主要论点是,美国教育的发展带有⼀定的反智主义倾向。反智主义在教育中的两⼤表现形式是平等主义与实⽤主义。美国教育史的数次重⼤教育改⾰中都在⼀定程度上反映了平等主义与实⽤主义。本⽂认为,或许反智主义在促进教育改⾰中的作⽤被学界低估了。

 

Abstract

The results of the 2016 presidential election generated public discussion about America’s anti-intellectual tradition because many believed that the victory of Donald

Trump represented a resurgence of anti-intellectualism in American politics. Even though several scholars have noted America’s long-lasting antagonism towards intellectuals and their lifestyle, literature around anti-intellectualism and its connections with American history is quite limited, let alone its relations with the development of education. Although some scholars, like Richard Hofstadter and Aaron Lecklider, did inquire into America’s anti-intellectual past from the educational perspective, the links between anti-intellectualism and the evolvement of American education have been largely overlooked or underestimated by scholars so far. So this paper attempts to embark on this gap and make some tentative explorations in anti-intellectualism and American education.

This paper intends to make a tentative examination of the definition of anti-intellectualism in the realm of education and explore whether this anti-intellectual propensity had any manifestations in American educational history. Two kinds of methods were employed in this paper, including historical review and content analysis. To be more specific, historical review was used to grasp the venation of American education and the method of case study helped sample selection and the analysis of cases.

The research questions of this paper included: How can anti-intellectualism be defined in American education? How is anti-intellectualism manifested in major American educational reforms? To answer these questions, the definition of anti-intellectualism was discussed at first. The author found that as a republic proud of its democratic and practical origin, the United States has held a suspicious attitude towards intellectuals, especially those who believe that the pursuit of knowledge and truth has the ultimate value. These “traditional intellectuals” has to suffer public distrust because of their inherent connections with aristocracy and priesthood. Therefore, the term “anti-intellectualism” emerged as a term generalizing the enmity towards intellectuals. It generally refers to the belligerent attitude and perceptions towards intellectuals or intellectual pursuits, concerns, or points of view. In history, the anti-intellectual disposition permeated varied aspects of American society, such as in religion, in politics, and in media.

However, the author finds that anti-intellectualism is not hostile to the educational development. Anti-intellectual proponents never deny the power of knowledge and the necessity of public education. They merely distain those knowledge and academic pursuits of no practical significance. What they expect is a public education that embodies the principles of egalitarianism and utilitarianism. In other words, egalitarianism means that education should first be inclusive and universally accessible to every citizen of the U.S. Each individual deserved equal opportunities in education that would achieve the maximum development of one’s potential. Utilitarianism suggests that both individual and the public ought to benefit from education. Individuals should obtain usable skills and form democratic character through educational experience while society gain impetus for economic growth, democratic development and alternative solutions to the social ills. Through the research on American education history, the author is convinced that egalitarianism and utilitarianism are two primary expressions of anti-intellectualism.

An overview of American educational history is provided to facilitate the following analysis of anti-intellectualism and its connection with American educational development. In retrospect, four major reforms played significant parts in the evolvement of American education. The first groundbreaking reform is the common school movement from the 1830s until the 1870s. Leading reformers aimed to achieve educational universality and egalitarianism by providing free education for children all over the country, especially for the poor and the alienated. The second major reform is the progressive education movement from the 1890s to the 1920s, which promoted diversified curricula and professional administration to adapt education to the rapid societal development. The third decisive moment is the life adjustment movement in the 1940s and the 1950s. This reform relied on the curriculum reform, increasing the proportion of practical subjects in particular, to better prepare the students to assume their future roles as a home member, a worker and a citizen. Civil rights movement in the 1960s is the last major reform in American education. It focused on secure educational equity for the ignored population, such as the poor, the black, female. These four tides had promoted radical shifts in the direction of American public education.

The following chapter elaborated how anti-intellectualism was manifested in the development of American education. The author selected three important historical reforms in education to demonstrate American anti-intellectual mentality. The first reform is the common school movement from the 1830s till 1870s. A detailed analysis of the common school movement was conducted at first. By investigating the process, the propositions of the leading reformers, the reform objectives, the results, and the historical and educational influence of this reform, the author detected that this reform has an obvious anti-intellectual inclination. The objectives of the reform, offering equal educational opportunities for all social members and distributing the benefits of education to all citizens of a state, could be seen embodiments of egalitarianism in education. Some perceptions of Horace Mann, “Father of the Common School”, also resonated with the creeds of anti-intellectualism. For instance, his views on nonsectarian morality and property and taxation all had a positive influence on eliminating educational inequality stemmed from different religious affiliations and class bias and enhancing educational egalitarianism.

The second case is the progressive education reform happened originated from the 1890s. This paper believes that this movement embodies both expressions of anti-intellectualism. In the first place, this crusade manifests a disposition for egalitarianism. It strove for meeting different educational expectations of a diverse population. There were two groups of educators pushing for the reform, namely, administrative progressives who argued for the centralization of school governance to protect the interests of the majority and pedagogical progressives who focused on enriching high school curricula to attract and benefit more people. The author suggests that the progressive movement could be interpreted as a crusade for egalitarianism because all advocates aimed to offer every pupil “a fair chance to acquire the knowledge and skills necessary for success in a specialized, credential-oriented society” through public education (Tyack and Hansot 111). Secondly, this reform also displays a utilitarian preference. One signature measure taken in this reform, the curricular differentiation, dividing public high schools curriculum into three different tracks, academic, vocational and commercial. In the author’s opinion, this measure illustrates that the purpose of schooling transformed from moral and citizenship education into economic growth-oriented education. Utilitarian course that would facilitate the integration of new workers into the wage-labor system and the modern corporate life gained an exclusive space for itself in the high school curriculum in this reform. The purpose of education began to drift away from the academic tradition and became increasingly diverse and secular.

Similar to the second case, the third reform also embodies the two primary expressions of anti-intellectualism at the same time. The life adjustment movement, the author thinks, reflects the egalitarian and utilitarian ideals in American education. On the one hand, the goal of this reform rested on cultivating students’ equal life-adjustment competence and providing equal opportunity to fulfill their potential. The enrichment of curriculum and the demise of intellectual standard were all steps to realize educational egalitarianism. On the other hand, the “functionality” principle of this movement demonstrates its utilitarian propensity. It attempted to train the “unfortunate majority” in class to be qualified “home members, workers and consumers, and citizens” (Hofstadter 343). This movement witnessed another round of shrinkage in traditional academic curriculum and the ascent of utilitarian curriculum. Liberal education was replaced by curricula of direct-use value, such as English for communication skills, science for daily enjoyment, business for wealth accumulation. The author argues that the life adjustment movement mirrored the utilitarian pursuit of anti-intellectualism through providing more subjects of utility to the youths, retaining and helping the so-called “uneducable” students in public high schools, and reducing the amount of intellectual courses.

In conclusion, the main argument of this study is that the essence of anti-intellectualism echoed with the evolvement of American education. Anti-intellectualism has two major implications in public education, namely the pursuit of egalitarianism and the faith in utilitarianism. These two expressions of anti-intellectualism can be located in the major reforms in American educational history. A detailed analysis of these transformational reforms demonstrates the fact that there have been latent links between the ideology of anti-intellectualism and the development of American public education. This study intends to argue that the importance of anti-intellectualism in advancing educational reforms has long been underestimated by the academia. It is very like that anti-intellectualism had constructive influences on the development of American education to a certain degree.

 

 

姓名: 别韶冰  导师: 宋颖

论文题目(中文):对越南战争电影和伊拉克战争电影中战争创伤应激障碍受害者的创伤刻画的⽐较研究

论文题目(英文): A Comparative Study about Cinematic Portrayal of Combat-related Post Traumatic Stress Disorder between Vietnam War Veterans and Iraq War Veterans in films

论文关键词(中文):越南战争,伊拉克战争,创伤应激障碍,治愈

论文关键词(英文): Vietnam War, Iraq War, Post-traumatic Stress Disorder, Healing.

 

中文摘要

研究越战⼠兵形象的⼤部分研究都从道德和男性⽓质等⾓度来分析研究。⽽⽂化研究对越战创伤的研究都把越南战争作为⼀个整体的⽂化创伤,多关注宏达的民族、国家层⾯的意义,没有关照到社会⼼理,没有从⼼理学的⾓度研究⼠兵的个⼈创伤。对伊拉克战争电影的研究也是逃脱不开这个范围。⽽且,目前把创伤理论与电影结合的研究尚⼗分匮乏,把两次战争放在⼀起作⽐较的更是少之⼜少。

本⽂把创伤应激后遗症电影这个种类单独拉出来从弗洛伊德,凯茜•卡鲁斯和朱迪斯•赫尔曼的创伤理论的⾓度分析电影中对他们的创伤症状的展现,以及电影中对创伤治愈的意识,来分析越南战争和伊拉克战争电影中对创伤和治愈相同和不同,从⽽得出电影对这两个经常被拿来作⽐较的相邻两代⼈的战争和战争创伤的思考。

电影是⼀种⽆意识的集体⽂化,⼈们对事物的看法都会在电影中有集中表现,只有观众赞同了电影所表达的内核,电影才会获奖或者收到票房。因此,本⽂选择电影的标准是电影须为经典的获奖电影同时主⾓是创伤应激障碍受害者,所以越战电影选择了《出租⻋司机》(1976),和“兰博系列”电影《第⼀滴⾎》(1982),《兰博:第⼀滴⾎2》(1985),《兰博3》(1988)和《兰博》(2008)来作为分析对象,伊拉克战争电影选择了《决战伊拉⾕》(2007)和《美国狙击⼿》(2014)来作为分析对象,因为本⽂是从⼠兵个⼈创伤⾓度分析,所有的分析都围绕主⾓的个⼈创伤分析,兰博系列电影是兰博的⼈⽣写照,故全部选⼊,但创伤应激障碍受害者只有⾃始⾄终是兰博⼀个⼈。通过对四个电影分别的创伤分析,发现《出租⻋司机》⾥的主⾓特拉维斯的主要创伤表现为抑制和隔绝,对创伤的治愈是限制的⾃我宣泄和寻求社会⽀持的失败;“兰博系列”⾥的主⾓兰博的主要创伤表现为浸⼊式记忆,⾼度觉醒和隔绝,关于创伤的治愈影⽚的表现为极度缺乏宣泄,不利的社会环境和错误的“拯救者”;《决战伊拉⾕》(2007)⾥主要创伤表现为对创伤记忆的抑制,⼠兵的集体创伤,创伤的治愈是错误的宣泄⽅法和替代的疗伤;《美国狙击⼿》⾥的主要创伤表现为⾼度觉醒,抑制,侵⼊式声⾳,以及 隔绝,创伤的治愈表现为合理的宣泄和良好的家庭⽀持,以及有保证的⾃主权。

通过⽂中越南战争电影和伊拉克战争电影对战争创伤应激障碍展现的⽐较发现,两个战争的电影有很多相同点和不同点。相同点为两次电影都倾向于表现创伤的“抑制” 和导致的“隔绝”,体现了创伤的不可⾔说性和缺乏社会⽀持的情况下战后⼠兵重回平民正常⽣活的极端艰难。另外,两次战争都不约⽽同倾向于展现朱迪斯•赫尔曼提出的三⼤症状中的“⾼度觉醒”和“侵⼊式记忆”这两个具有表现张⼒的创伤应激障碍症状,⽽对她提出的“收缩”症状没有太多表现。这与票房电影的特点紧密相关,毕竟战⽃和暴⼒是获得票房的有⼒保障。不同点为通过对⽂中电影的⽐较发现从越南战争电影到伊拉克战争电影有⼀些因素在悄悄发⽣变化,从创伤症状来说,电影从越南战争描述对他⼈⽆害的创伤症状变为伊拉克战争对他⼈有害的创伤症状,即越南战争创伤应激患者都是受害者,伊拉克战争创伤应激障碍患者既为受害者也是施害者;从创伤治愈来说,从越南战争⼠兵的抑制和孤⽴隔绝到伊拉克战争的合理宣泄和较好社会⽀持,证明⼠兵的恢复需要群体的帮助和⽀持;从创伤受害者来说,电影从越南战争的只关注⼠兵的创伤到伊拉克战争的开始关注战争给后⽅平民带来的创伤;从战争创伤替罪⽺来说,电影从越南战争的责怪⼤后⽅平民尤其是⼥性的冷漠阻碍了⼠兵创伤的治愈到伊拉克战争责怪⽗亲的教育对⼠兵的创伤的形成负有不可推卸的责任的转变。在⽐较中,为了使论证更加有⼒,本⽂还选择了其他越南战争电影和伊拉克电影作为⽀持论据,越战电影有《猎⿅⼈》(1978),《⽣于七⽉四⽇》(1989),伊拉克战争电影有《⾮常时期》(2006),《拆弹部队》(2008)。

通过对创伤的描写和⽐较得出的相同点和不同点,本⽂得出结论,从越南战争到伊拉克战争,美国电影对战争创伤和创伤应激障碍的症状和治愈的刻画在变得更加深刻,对战争的危害的表达更加明确,对创伤治愈的关注也有利于观看者的创伤治愈,⽽把深受责怪的⽗亲⾓⾊设定为越战⽼兵却仍是⼀种寻找替罪⽺拒绝承认错误的⾏为。所以从越南战争到伊拉克战争,美国电影中的创伤都是⼀种⾃恋型创伤。尽管对创伤和治愈的描述有所进步,但是美国电影中还是拒绝承认发动不必要的战争这本⾝才是⼀种罪魁祸⾸。

战争创伤带有不可解决性,凡是有战争,就会有创伤。⽽没有意义的战争相⽐较师出有名的战争会带来更⼤的创伤,这就是为什么说“⼆战使美国⼈团结,⽽越战使美国分裂”了。保罗•福赛尔认为众多战争作品中都包含了⼀个三部曲结构:⼠兵由最初天真的向往战争到经历战争,再到开始痛苦的反思。作者认为⼀代⼀代的⼈就这样每次都去重复经历这种向往,幻灭,痛苦和反思的过程其实是没有必要的,如果⽂化,尤其是⼤众⽂化对个体记忆进⾏反思,个⼈的记忆就会变成⼤众的记忆,个⼈的经验就会变成⼤众的经验,然后⼈类明⽩了战争的不合理性,从⽽⼤家⼀起避免战争才是最重要的。因为⽆论对战争创伤症状和治愈的认识多么到位,都不如避免⽆意义的战争和牺牲来的重要

 

Abstract

The Majority of cultural studies about Vietnam War Trauma regards Vietnam War trauma as a cultural trauma from a national level, without regard for social mentality, not to mention showing concern for soldiers’ individual trauma. Besides, there are very little studies of films from the perspective of trauma theory.

And the studies about the portrayal of soldier in films mostly study soldiers’ image from the perspectives of masculinity, morality, etc. The studies of Iraq War films shows a great resemblance and similar limitation to the studies of Vietnam War films.

Considering the limitations of current studies, this thesis pulls the films with PTSD protagonists of the two wars together, and with the help of Sigmund Freud, Cathy Caruth and Judith Herman’s trauma theory, to study the presentation of traumatic symptoms and healing of trauma in the films. Moreover, through the comparison of trauma and recovery in the films of the two wars, this thesis decides to investigate the films’ introspection of war and war trauma in these two comparable wars experienced by two succeeding generations.

Films is part of unconscious mass culture,mas people’s thoughts will be unfold in films. If only the audiences identify with the core essence of the film, the film can receive reasonable box office and be winner of awards. Therefore, the criterion of choosing films in this thesis is firstly the film should be classic award-winning films, and secondly, the protagonist of the films should be PTSD victim. According to this, the thesis chooses Taxi Driver (1976), Rambo Series Movies: First Blood (1982), Rambo: First Blood II (1985),Rambo III (1988), Rambo (2008) as representations of Vietnam films. As for Iraq War films, this thesis chooses In the Valley of Elah (2007), American Sniper (2014) as objects of study. Because this study focus on war trauma and PTSD symptoms from soldiers’ individual perspective, Rambo, as the PTSD victim, is the protagonist of the whose Rambo Series, so all of the four Rambo movies are included. Through the respective traumatic analysis of the four films, it is found that Travis Bickle in Taxi Driver (1976) mainly shows “repression” and “disconnection” as trauma, and the healing of his trauma is limited self-made catharsis and failed seek for social support; Rambo in Rambo Series Movies mainly shows “Intrusive Memories”, “Hyper-arousal” and “Disconnection”, the manifestations of the healing of trauma is Severe lack of catharsis, disadvantageous social circumstances, and the wrong “rescuer”; Mike Deerfield in In the Valley of Elah (2007) is mainly presented as “Repression” of memories, collective trauma, and the healing of trauma shows characteristics of wrong catharsis and succedaneous cure. Chris Kyle in American Sniper (2014) shows symptoms of “hyper-vigilance”, “repression”, “intrusive sounds”, and “disconnection”, and his healing is accompanied by reasonable catharsis, supportive family and guaranteed autonomy.

Through the comparison of the portrayal of PTSD victims in Vietnam War films and Iraq War films, it is found that there are a lot parallels and distinctions between them. The parallels are both of them prefer to describe the “repression” and “disconnection” of trauma, which emphasizes the unspeakable feature of trauma and also the extreme difficulty of veterans’ reintegration into civilian life without social support. Besides, films about the two wars both choose to depict expressive PTSD symptoms “hyper-arousal” and “intrusion” in Judith Herman’s category, rather than “constriction”. This has a close relation with box office, for action and violence are can always guarantee revenue. The distinctions are shown in many aspects. Iraq War films show many changes from the Vietnam War films. From the perspective of traumatic symptoms, the symptoms presented in films change from harmless to detrimental, that is, PTSD victims in Vietnam War films are portrayed as victims, while their counterpart in Iraq War films are both victims and perpetrators. From the perspective of the healing of trauma, Vietnam War PTSD victims are severely trapped in a lack of social support and enough catharsis, but Iraq War PTSD victims comparatively have more reasonable catharsis and better social support, which implies the recovery of veterans’ trauma needs the cooperation of community. From the perspective of traumatic victims, Vietnam films only focus on soldiers’ trauma, while Iraq War films extend the range to homefront people. From the perspective of trauma “scapegoat”, Vietnam War films blame homefront people especially women’s indifference and ignorance hinder the recovery of veterans’ trauma, while the Iraq War films put the criticism on fathers, blaming father’s influence is responsible for soldiers’ war trauma. In the comparison, in order to make the analysis as formidable as possible, this thesis also use another four films as supportive argument which includes Vietnam War films Deer Hunter (1978), Born on the Fourth of July   (1989), and Iraq War films Harsh Times (2006) and The Hurt Locker (2008).

Through the analysis and comparison, the thesis reaches to the conclusion that from the Vietnam War to the Iraq War, American films’ depictions of war trauma and PTSD symptoms becomes more straightforward, and the criticism of wars’ perniciousness becomes less ambiguous, too. But portraying the blamed fathers as Vietnam veteran is still a way of seeking “scapegoat” and refusing to admit their faults. Therefore, through Vietnam War to Iraq War, the war trauma in films is always a narcissistic trauma. Although the portrayal of trauma and recovery progresses, the films still refuse to admit that starting a unnecessary war is what actually should be blamed.

War Trauma has the nature of “can’t-be-solved”, because as long as there is a war, there will be war trauma. Meanwhile, meaningless war leads to graver trauma to soldiers than a justified war. That’s why it is said, “World War II reunifies America, while the Vietnam War divides it”. Paul Fussel holds there is a three-step process in many war films for soldiers to experience: firstly a naive yearning for war, then experience a war and last a painful reflection. The author thinks it is unnecessary for every generation to experience the whole process as yearning, experiencing, and reflection. If a country’s culture, especially, the popular culture reflects individual’s experience or memory, then individual’s experience or memory will become collective experience or memory. Then people will know better the trauma of a war. After all, avoiding war is more important than learning more knowledge war trauma and recovery.

 

姓名: 傅哲迅    导师: 李今朝

论文题目(中⽂):社交媒体时代的社会运动:微信,推特和脸书与⽀持梁彼得运动

论文题目(英文):Social Movement in the Era of Social Media: The Pro-Peter Liang Movement via Wechat, Twitter and Facebook

论文关键词(中文):亚裔美国⼈运动 梁彼得 社交媒体 资源动员理论 ⾝份架构

论文关键词(英文): Asian American Movement; Social Media; Resource Mobilization; Identity     Issue Framing

 

中文摘要

在经历近⼆⼗年的相对平静后,⼆〇⼀六年,亚裔运动仿佛突然之间被⼀位任职纽约的梁彼得警官唤醒。初⼊职场的梁彼得警官因枪⽀意外⾛⽕致使⼀位⾮裔美国⼈死亡,但他却⾯临⼆级谋杀和其他极重的刑事指控。⽽之前的⽩⼈警察杀害⾮裔美国⼈的案例中,⽩⼈警察可以免于任何惩罚。这种鲜明的对⽐促使成千上万的亚裔美国⼈涌向街头,抗议美国司法对梁彼得不公正的审判以及对亚裔的歧视。这次全国性游⾏传承了⼆⼗世纪六⼗年代⾄九⼗年代的亚裔运动精神,同时也展现了⼀些新的独特的特征,那就是包括微信,脸书和推特在内的社交媒体的参与。这些社交媒体作为这次游⾏不可或缺的组成部分⾮常值得关注。因为社交媒体不仅促成了这次游⾏,⽽且还通过利⽤社交媒体打破地域界限构建共同⾝份以及构架问题。因此,深度分析这⼀现象有助于理解社交媒体对这次游⾏的影响。

本⽂选择在微信公众号 Civil Rights,脸书账号@FreePeterLiang,以及推特账号@FreePeterLiang 上的推送⽂章或者推⽂,进⾏描述性分析以及语篇分析,并运⽤资源动员理论框架和⾝份及架构的概念来具体探究以下列问题:第⼀,上述社交媒体及其推送⽂章或者推⽂是如何来调动道德,⽂化,⼈⼒,物⼒资源的?第⼆,这些社交媒体及其推送⽂章如何打破地域界限构建共同⾝份以及架构问题?第三,在这次游⾏中,微信,脸书和推特在作⽤⽅⾯有哪些相同和不同点?

这篇论⽂的主要贡献有三点:第⼀,亚裔,或更准确地说华裔,此次为梁彼得举办的游⾏是最新的⼤规模的且具有深远意义的游⾏。对这次游⾏的范例研究还未有其他学者发表。⽽本⽂则以此事件来关注了亚裔美国⼈运动重新崛起。第⼆,本⽂利⽤不同的理论⾓度来研究此次游⾏以此达到更加全⾯地研究此次游⾏的目的。第三,本⽂尝试探究此次游⾏社交媒体独特之处。

 

Abstract

After more than two decades’ lull, the Asian American movement (AAM) was suddenly revitalized by New York Police Officer Peter Liang in 2016. The former rookie Officer Peter Liang was charged with and tried for second-degree manslaughter and other severe crimes. However, in prior cases, white police officers were acquitted by the grand jury and released without any indictment. Therefore, the sharp contrast motivated tens of thousands of people to assemble in streets, protesting against unjust trial and racial discrimination against Asian Americans. This national level demonstration inherited the values from former AAM from 1960s-1990s and manifested a new distinctive feature, involvement of social media, including Wechat, Facebook and Twitter. As an indispensible constituent of this demonstration, social media’s role deserves special attention because it not only facilitated the occurrence of the demonstration but also influenced Chinese Americans regardless of physical boundaries by constructing shared identities and issue framing. Hence, an in-depth analysis may produce critical insights into the social media’s influence on the demonstration.

This thesis chooses the posts or tweets from the Civil Rights group account on Wechat, Facebook (@FreePeterLiang) and Twitter (@FreePeterLiang), combining descriptive analysis, discourse analysis, resource mobilization theory, and the concepts of identity construction and issue framing to delve into: 1) how moral, cultural, human and material resources were mobilized through posts and tweets from Civil Rights channel on Wechat, Facebook (@FreePeterLiang) and Twitter (@FreePeterLiang); 2) what identities and frames have been constructed to motivate people to the streets through social media volunteers; 3) what are the function commonalities and distinctions among Wechat, Facebook and Twitter during the demonstration?

The main contributions of this thesis are trifold: first, the case study of the demonstration for Peter Liang, most significant and the newest large-scale activism for Asian Americans or more specifically, Chinese Americans, has yet been published by other scholars at home or abroad. This thesis gives attention to the revitalization of Asian American movement. Second, the thesis incorporates different theoretical perspectives to research the demonstration in a fuller manner. Third, the thesis attempts to explore the unique social media features in this demonstration.

 

姓名: 孔诗懿   导师: 王镇平

论文题目(中文):伍迪•艾伦21世纪电影的萨特存在主义解读:从《赛末点》谈到《⽆理之⼈》

论文题目(英文): A Sartrean Existentialist Approach to Woody Allen’s 21st Century Films: from Match Point to Irrational Man

论文关键词(中文):伍迪•艾伦 存在主义 ⾃由选择 责任 他⼈

论文关键词(英文): Woody Allen; Existentialism; Freedom; Responsibility; The Other

 

中文摘要

伍迪•艾伦是⼀位多产的当代美国电影导演,以其具有鲜明个⼈特⾊的电影⻛格 著称。虽然其电影作品中少有卖座⼤⽚,但是其作品深受影评⼈和知识分⼦的欢迎,获得了⼤⼤⼩⼩许多奖项,包括四项奥斯卡⾦像奖和九项英国电影电视艺术学会奖项。虽然伍迪•艾伦的电影并⾮传统意义上得好莱坞主流⼤⽚并且还带有欧洲电影的⻛格,许多学者仍旧认为艾伦⾃其早期电影制作时期就是“美国电影的⼀股原动⼒。”作为⼀位多产且声名远播的作者导演,伍迪•艾伦是美国⽂化中重要且不可缺少的⼀部分。许多学者认为伍迪•艾伦是美国电影艺术家中最重要的⼀位,其 1977 年的电影作品《安妮霍尔》的⼤受欢迎标志着艾伦正式进⼊美国主流严肃电影导演的⾏列。

学者们已经从不同的⾓度、不同的层⾯研究了伍迪•艾伦的电影以及导演本⾝。与⼤量研究艾伦电影⻛格与个⼈经历的研究⽂献相⽐,将艾伦的电影与哲学联系起来的研究相对较少,⽽哲学其实是艾伦电影中⾮常重要的⼀个元素。伍迪•艾伦曾多次在采访中承认⾃⼰被哲学所吸引,并且对卡夫卡和陀思妥耶夫斯基的⽂学作品⾮常感兴趣,⽽这两位作家的⽂学作品对存在主义哲学的发展产⽣了深远的影响;艾伦还热爱阅读加缪、萨特、克尔凯郭尔的作品,这些学者都是存在主义哲学领域的重要⼈物。尽管许多⼈都认为伍迪•艾伦深受存在主义哲学影响,很少有学者系统、专⻔地研究伍迪•艾伦电影中包含的对存在主义观点的表现;多数情况下,学者们倾向于研究⼀部或是两部艾伦最受欢迎、最经典的作品,尤其是其早期作品,⽐如《安妮•霍尔》(1977),《曼哈顿》(1979),《汉娜姐妹》(1986)等,⽽艾伦的近期作品很少有学者研究。

因此,在本⽂中,作者以萨特的存在主义理论为理论框架,以《赛末点》(2005)、《怎样都⾏》(2009)、《蓝⾊茉莉》(2009)、《⽆理之⼈》(2013)四部电影为研究对象,揭⽰伍迪•艾伦如何在其近期电影中展现存在主义观点以及伍迪•艾伦在电影中表现出来的对⼈的存在问题的⼤致看法。

让-保罗•萨特被称为“现代存在主义之⽗”,是最⼲为⼈知的存在主义学者。其主要的存在主义哲学理论在其著作《存在与虚⽆》、《影像论》、《存在主义是⼀种⼈道主义》中都有所体现。本⽂的研究建⽴在萨特的存在主义理论基础之上,并且由于萨特通过“个⼈的存在”以及“他者的存在”两个层⾯展开理论论述,作者在本⽂分析中也采⽤了相似的结构,所选的四部电影都会从“个⼈⾓⾊塑造”和“与他⼈的具体关系”两个层⾯进⾏分析。

在“个⼈⾓⾊塑造”的层⾯,共有以下三项结论。⾸先,伍迪•艾伦在电影制作中有⼀个顽固的习惯,就是塑造热衷于思考⼈类存在的意义的知识分⼦⾓⾊。在《赛末点》中,主⾓Chris 喜爱阅读陀思妥耶夫斯基的《罪与罚》并曾与他⼈探讨⼈⽣的悲剧性与偶然性;在《怎样都⾏》中,Boris认为⾃⼰是世界上唯⼀⼀个明⽩“⼈存在的虚⽆”的知识分⼦;⽽《⽆理之⼈》中的 Abe 则是⼀个⼀直在找寻⾃⾝存在意义的哲学教授。导演通过塑造这⼀类⾓⾊以及这些⾓⾊对⼈类存在的疑问来吸引观众更多地关注影⽚中所表达的对⼈的存在以及存在的意义的思考。其次,伍迪•艾伦经常通过个⼈⾓⾊的遭遇来强调⾃由选择与绝对责任的主题。这个主题在《赛末点》和《⽆理之⼈》中反复出现。⽽在设计故事情节来体现这⼀主题时,导演总是以陀思妥耶夫斯基的《罪与罚》为故事原型。同时,在惩罚不愿意为⾃⼰的选择承担相应责任的⾓⾊(如Chris和Abe)时,导演倾向于使⽤⼼理折磨或者死亡作为惩罚模式来取代法律制裁。第三点, 在艾伦的电影中,⼥性⾓⾊相较于男性⾓⾊更容易屈服于⾃欺(bad faith),⽐如《怎样都⾏》中的 Marietta 和《蓝⾊茉莉》中的 Jasmine,甚⾄是《⽆理之⼈》中的受过⾼等教育才华横溢的 Jill 都因不敢承认其爱⼈是杀⼈凶⼿⽽陷⼊⾃欺的境地。虽然艾伦的⼥性⾓⾊经常陷⼊⾃欺,导演却正是通过赋予这些⾓⾊打开枷锁、重新开始的⼒量来展现其远离⾃欺、活出真实⼈⽣的主张。

在“与他⼈的具体关系”层⾯,伍迪•艾伦电影中的存在主义观点主要体现在以下两个⽅⾯。⼀⽅⾯,导演在其影⽚中强调“他⼈的存在是对我之⾃由的限制”这⼀主题。在《赛末点》和《怎样都⾏》中,艾伦精⼼设计了对⽩和情节来批判他⼈的观点对个⼈产⽣的影响以及对个⼈⾃由的限制,尤其体现在⽣活⽅式和价值观⽅⾯。另⼀⽅⾯,爱情是伍迪•艾伦电影中不断出现的主题,但是从萨特理论的⾓度来看,艾伦在电影中展现的爱情观是⽐较悲观的。通过电影对⽩和情节,很明显导演认为爱情不是绝对的, 爱情的产⽣是偶然的。虽然电影中的⼈物总是⽣发出⼀种“爱情是⼈存在的理由”的感慨,导演总是⽤出轨、婚外情⼀类的情节来讽刺这种感慨,通过这种鲜明对⽐来突出其“爱情注定失败”的观点,这⼀观点与萨特不谋⽽合。

总的来说,伍迪•艾伦在其近期电影中表现出来的对⼈的存在问题的观点是⽐较 复杂的。⼀⽅⾯,他对⼈的存在持有悲观的看法:艾伦认识到了⼈类存在的虚⽆和“⽆设计,”除了单纯的存在之外,⼈类的存在没有“更⾼的目标”;同时,他对爱情的看法也⾮常的悲观,认识到绝对的爱情⼏乎不可能存在,稍纵即逝便是爱情隐藏的本质。然⽽,从另⼀⽅⾯看,他也展现了对待⼈的存在积极的⼀⾯:他认为⼈的存在本⾝就是幸运的、值得珍惜的,因此⼈们应该利⽤⾃⼰存在的“⽆设计”来让⾃⼰获得幸福;同时,他在影⽚中经常提倡⼈抛弃⾃欺、过真实的⼈⽣,⽽真实的⼈⽣意味着⼈应该勇敢⾯对⾃⼰⾃由选择的能⼒以及清楚认识到⾃⼰的每⼀个选择所会带来的后果并为⾃⼰的选择担起责任,这是⼀种对⼈类社会来说积极的⽣活态度。

 

Abstract

Woody Allen is a prolific American filmmaker and is widely renowned for his distinctive personal style in filmmaking. His films are not often blockbusters but are always appreciated by film critiques and intellectuals and have brought him great reputation and various awards, including four Academy Awards and nine British Academy of Film and Television Arts Awards. Although Allen’s films are sometimes considered as distant from American mainstream films and are embellished with European cinematic features, he has been widely recognized as “an original force in American film” since his earlier filmmaking period. Being a prolific and prestigious film auteur, Woody Allen, like many other film auteurs, constitutes a significant and indispensable component of the American culture. Scholars believe that Allen has developed into one of the most important of America’s film artists and that the popular and critical reception of Annie Hall (1977) ushered Allen into the mainstream of serious American filmmakers.

Woody Allen’s films, as well as the auteur himself, have being studied by scholars worldwide at different levels and from various approaches. Compared with the number of articles centering upon Allen’s film style and criticisms about his personal life, few studies have been made in associating Woody Allen’s films with philosophies, which is a significant element in his film production. Woody himself has admitted on several occasions that he is drawn to philosophy and is acutely interested in literature works of Kafka and Dostoevsky, who were significant writers that exerted great influences upon existentialism; and he also reads a lot the philosophies of Camus, Sartre, and Kierkegaard, who were key figures in the formation of the philosophy of existentialism. While Woody Allen is considered to have engaged in the existentialist tradition, very few scholars have conducted elaborate analysis of the presentation of coherent existentialist ideas in Woody Allen’s films. In fact, most scholars have focused on analyzing one or two of Allen’s popular films, especially his early films such as Annie Hall (1977), Manhattan (1979), and Hannah and Her Sisters (1986), and his recent films have rarely been studied. Proper academic researches are lacked in the exploration of Woody Allen’s recent films and in the systematic analysis of the presentation of existentialism in Allen’s films. Therefore, this thesis is designed to disclose some aspects of the structural mechanism with which Woody Allen infuses existentialist ideas into some of his recent films, especially Match Point (2005), Whatever Works (2009), Blue Jasmine (2013), and Irrational Man (2015).

The purpose of this dissertation is to reveal Woody Allen’s view of the existence of man and to disclose coherent characteristics in presenting existentialist ideas in his recent films so as to contribute to the comprehension of the director’s filmmaking mechanism. To achieve this goal, the author would analyze the chosen films of Woody Allen from the Sartrean existentialist approach in particular.

Jean-Paul Sartre, widely recognized as “the Father of Modern Existentialism,” is the most prestigious and widely known existentialist. Sartre’s major philosophical ideas about existentialism are presented in Being and Nothingness, The Imaginary, Existentialism Is A Humanism and some of his other essays. In this thesis, Sartre’s theory of existentialism is applied as the theoretical framework; and as Sartre extends his theory at two levels – “the existence of man” and “the existence of others” – analysis of each film are developed in the similar pattern.

On the level of “characterization of individuals,” three conclusions can be made. First, Woody Allen has an obstinate habit of creating characters of intellectuals who are prone to contemplate on the meaning of man’s existence. In Match Point, Chris is fond of Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment and discusses about the tragedy and absurdity of life with other people all the time; in Whatever Works, Boris is an intellectual who thinks he is the only person in the world that has a vision of the nothingness of man’s existence; and Abe in Irrational Man is even a philosophy professor who is in constant pursuit of the meaning of man’s existence. It is primarily through the depiction of these characters and their questions of man’s existence that the director is able to raise his audience’s attention of the films’ discussions of man’s existence and its meaning. Secondly, Woody Allen often emphasizes on one’s freedom of choice and its entailed absolute responsibility. This is a recurring theme manifested in both Match Point and Irrational Man. And when designing the story plot to bring out this theme, the director has the habit of basing his stories upon the prototype of Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment. Moreover, Allen is prone to make use of psychological torment or death, instead of legal sanctions, as forms of punishment to torture those characters that are reluctant to take responsibilities entailed by their own choices, such as Chris and Abe. Thirdly, Woody Allen frequently criticizes the attitude of bad faith in his films and advocates that people, especially women, should discard bad faith and live an authentic life. In Allen’s films, female characters, in comparison with male characters, are more likely to succumb to bad faith, such as Marietta in Whatever Works and Jasmine in Blue Jasmine; even Jill in Irrational Man, who is a highly educated and talented woman, falls victim to bad faith in facing the possibility of her lover being a murderer. While female characters are often depicted to live in bad faith, the director also expresses his aspiration that man should discard bad faith and lead an authentic life by empowering his female characters to unshackle their previous constraints and start anew.

At the level of “concrete relations between man and the Other,” Woody Allen’s views on man’s existence are developed emphatically in the fowling two aspects. First, the director often highlights the theme that the existence of the Other is the limit of man’s freedom. This theme is implied in both Match Point and Whatever Works, not only through characters’ lines but also the plots. Woody Allen has purposefully written these lines and designed these plots to criticize how others’ views can exert influences upon an individual and limit one’s freedom, especially in the aspect of lifestyle and values. Secondly, love is the recurring theme of Allen’s films and Allen’s view of love is pessimistic when explained from the Sartrean approach.

Through characters’ lines and film plots, it is evident that Woody Allen holds the belief that love is not absolute and often takes place randomly. While characters in Allen’s films sometimes feel that their existences are justified through love, the director often employs love affair to satirize this view that “love is the justification of man’s existence,” so as to foreground his view that love is doomed to fail, which is in total accordance with Sartre.

As for Woody Allen’s general perspective of man’s existence, it’s rather complicated, as far as implied in his recent films. He does hold some pessimistic views of man’s existence: he is consistent in seeing man’s being as nothingness and designless, and there is no “higher purpose” for human beings other than to exist; he also holds firmly a pessimistic view of love, recognizing the nearly impossibility of love being absolute and its hidden transient nature. However, there are also positive aspects: he sees man’s existence as luck in itself and advocate that man should cherish one’s life and make use of life’s emptiness to do whatever one prefers to bring happiness to oneself; in the meantime, he also advocates that man should live an authentic life rather than live in bad faith, which means that man should be aware of one’s freedom in making choices and all the responsibilities entailed by one’s choices.

 

姓名: 李妍      导师: 李今朝

论文题目(中文):奥巴马执政期种族意识觉醒的媒体呈现:主流有线新闻媒体对特雷沃恩•马丁案和迈克•布朗案报道的对⽐⽂本研究

论文题目(英文): Representation of Race-consciousness in the Obama Era: A Comparative Textual Analysis of the Mainstream Cable News Coverage of the Trayvon Martin case and the Michael Brown case

论文关键词(中文):美国社会种族关系 种族案件 媒体报道框架 奥巴马执政期 ⽆肤⾊种族主义

论文关键词(英文): U.S. Racial Relations Race-related Murder Cases Media framing Obama Era   Colorblind Racism

 

中文摘要

2012 年 2 ⽉ 26 ⽇,美国发⽣了特雷沃恩•马丁枪杀案,作为奥巴马执政期间第⼀个轰动全国的种族案件,其象征意义和⼲泛的公众影响⼒⾃然引起了全国媒体的⾼度关注。两年之后的 2014 年 8 ⽉ 9 ⽇,美国⼜发⽣了迈克•布朗枪杀案,从⽽引发了被称为“弗格森暴乱”的区域性暴⼒种族冲突,牵动社会舆论对美国司法体系中的机制性种族主义进⾏讨论和批判。众多研究著述已经从理论和实证的⾓度探讨了奥巴马执政时期公众种族态度的重要转变,但仍缺乏基于种族案件的媒体呈现,分析能够体现公众态度转变的具体案例。因此,本⽂⽀持现有⽂献对奥巴马执政期种族态度转变的研究结果,并以此为基础,通过对⽐主流媒体对马丁案和布朗案这两个种族案件的报道建构,进⼀步阐释美国公众种族态度的转变在媒体报道中的呈现。

本⽂通过⽂本分析和对⽐研究,探讨以 CNN,CBS 和 NBC 为代表的主流有线新闻媒体对两个案件的报道策略以及对其中涉及的利益相关⽅的形象刻画。为实现研究目的,本研究基于新闻的框架建构理论和社会学的⽆肤⾊种族主义理论1,对⽂字、视频和图像三种形式的新闻样本进⾏⽂本解读,并得出以下两个主要结论。第⼀,从主要报1 国内学界鲜有对 Colorblind Racism 的官方翻译,因此本文对应有色人种歧视,将忽略肤色的种族主义倾向定义为无肤色种族主义。与之相符,Colorblind frame 被译为新闻报道的“无肤色主义”框架。

道框架和新闻叙事⻛格的对⽐可以看出,主流媒体对两个种族案件的报道策略呈现出较为明显的转变,即从构建个⼈化、戏剧化为主的“⽆肤⾊主义”框架逐渐向建构主题鲜明、种族态度明确的新闻框架转变。第⼆,与之前的特雷沃恩•马丁枪案相⽐,迈克尔•布朗案的报道以凶⼿和受害者个⼈形象的淡化和种族化司法体系这⼀集体形象的强化为特征。这种形象塑造策略体现了主流媒体对社会主流⽭盾的认知,由个⼈层⾯上升⾄体制层⾯。

基于媒体报道框架和报道策略的转变,本⽂进⼀步推断,主流媒体对迈克•布朗案的新闻呈现体现出直⾯种族问题的积极态度,为公众打造了⼀个揭露、讨论甚⾄批判体制化社会问题的平台。然⽽,鉴于种族相关的枪击案连续发⽣,警民⽭盾持续激化,主流媒体做出这种转变的主要动因可能并⾮出于⾃愿,⽽更多是基于应对社会环境变化的需要。尽管这种转变情⾮得已,主流媒体报道策略的变化依然具有积极的社会政治内涵,即加深了公众对美国社会作为⼀个“⽆种族”意识形态下⾼度种族化体系的认知,以及对其所⾯临的种族问题体制化根源的理解。

 

Abstract

The murder of the 17 year-old Trayvon Martin on Feb 26, 2012 as the first high-profile and highly symbolic race-related legal case during the Obama presidency has seized the media’s attention nationwide. Equally sensational is the Michael Brown case on August 9, 2014 which has not only sparked violent racial tensions within the region, known as the Ferguson riot, and further stimulated critical public discussions on structural racism within the current U.S. legal system. Many existing scholarships have sufficiently proved the existence of a prevailing attitudinal shift of public sentiment on the Obama Era racial relations via both the theoretical and case study approaches, but few have examined the media coverage of the race-related murder cases and the possible inferences from a comparative perspective in this historical context. Hence, the thesis fully substantiates and further demonstrates such a social mood in the mainstream media representations by examining the news framing of the two race-related murder cases, the Trayvon Martin case and the Michael Brown case.

This thesis features and compares the ways in which three mainstream cable news networks CNN, NBC and CBS frame the two race-related cases and project the individual or collective images of the major interest parties involved in the two events. Using the analytical framework of news framing and on the theoretical basis of colorblind racism, this thesis samples news materials including those in video, textual and photographic forms and provides textual interpretations of these news samples to achieve such a research objective. This comparative qualitative study has yielded two major findings. 1) The basic framing strategies of the news coverage of the two cases have witnessed an identifiable change, as their dominant news frames and news narration styles suggest, namely from a predominantly personalized and dramatized colorblind frame to becoming more thematically meaningful and racially-aware. 2) Compared with the previous Trayvon Martin case, the image construction process of the Michael Brown news is characterized by significantly downplayed personal traits of both the victim and the shooter and instead a more highlighted collective image of the racialized criminal justice system that claims its centrality in the mainstream media discourses, suggesting a major shift of media’s perceived central conflict from the individual to the institutional level.

With respect to the inferences drawn from the shifted framing strategies, the mainstream media narratives around the Michael Brown case shows a positive sign of facing-up to the race-related issues, creating a crucial platform for the systematic social problems to be unveiled, discussed and critiqued by the public. However, the chief motivation behind such a representational shift might be much less of a voluntary choice than a responsive act to the larger social context, due to the frequent occurrence of the racially-profiled shootings and the intensified conflicts between the law enforcement and the general public. Reluctant as the change might seem, mainstream media’s shifted framing strategy does convey a positive sociopolitical message, aiming to further enhance the public awareness of the systematic roots of the racial afflictions of the U.S. as a highly racialized yet colorblind regime.

 

姓名: 王泽琳     导师: 滕继萌

论文题目(中文):“抑斥”与“暴露”的艺术:王颖及其电影研究

论文题目(英文):The Art of Abjection and Exhibition: An Analysis of Wayne Wang and his Films

论文关键词(中文):王颖电影,⾝份和形象重建,抑斥,暴露

论文关键词(英文): Wayne Wang, identity and image reconstruction, abjection, exhibitionism

 

中文摘要

华⼈/华裔美国⼈的形象在好莱坞电影中并不少⻅但直到 20世纪80年代,他们才真正有机会在银幕上发出属于⾃⼰的声⾳。⽽在此之前,华⼈/华裔形象⼀直处于⽩⼈的操控之下,诞⽣了⼀系列带种族偏⻅的深⼊⼈⼼的⼈物,例如傅满洲,查理陈等。华裔导演王颖正是通过电影探索华裔形象和⾝份的先驱者。他的作品影响深远,包括《寻⼈》(1982),《点⼼》(1985),《吃⼀碗茶》(1989),《⽣活便宜……但厕纸很贵》(1989),《喜福会》(1993),《中国盒⼦》(1997),《内布拉斯加公主》(2008),《雪花秘扇》(2011)。

王颖出⽣于⾹港,受其⽗影响⾃⼩崇尚美国⽂化,本科于美国就学,毕业后返回⾹港, 不久⼜前往美国并在中国城打⼯。正是他这种典型的教育和移民经历,丰富了他对华裔美国⼈⾝份建构的认识,也为他展现中国⽂化打下了基础。

基于华裔在美国少数族裔中的重要地位以及王颖在华裔美国电影⽅⾯的建树,对他的研究⽐较丰富,中美双⽅学者都有涉及。然⽽纵观已有⽂献,仍存在不少缺陷:在⾝份建构⽅⾯,不同学者众说纷纭,没有⼀个统⼀的理论框架整合形成完整的全⾯的分析;研究对象单⼀,多集中于《寻⼈》⼀部电影,因⼀⽊⽽忽略了⼀⽚林;普遍认为王颖在其电影中⼤量使⽤的对中国⽂化的负⾯表征是东⽅主义的⼀种表现。由此,本⽂提出了以下⼏个问题,希望可以进⼀步丰富对王颖以及华裔电影的研究:(1)如何在朱莉亚•克⾥斯蒂⽡的抑斥理论下重新阐述种族主义,中国城以及华裔美国⼈?该理论强调为实现⾃⾝的主体性,必须实践内部和外部的抑斥。(2)王颖是如何在他的电影中运⽤抑斥理论的?(3)如何看待王颖对中国⽂化的负⾯表征?这是东⽅主义和种族主义的附庸亦或如暴露理论所倡议的那样,是⼀种反抗?

针对以上问题,本⽂选取了王颖的四部电影作为案例分析的⽂本,《寻⼈》,《点⼼》,《喜福会》,《内布拉斯加公主》,采⽤结合社会政治背景的⽂本分析⽅法,分别对四部 电影中的华⼈/华裔⾝份形象重建和中国⽂化负⾯表征进⾏了详尽的探讨,以增加对王颖和华裔美国电影的理解。

本⽂采⽤朱莉亚•克⾥斯蒂⽡的抑斥理论和周蕾的暴露理论作为理论框架,分别分析王颖对华⼈/华裔⾝份形象的重建和他对中国⽂化的负⾯表征。抑斥理论着重于个体或群体如何形成其独⽴的主体性,强调这⼀过程必须通过压抑和排斥内部外部的不良影响才能实现,且这⼀过程必然是动乱的,激烈的。周蕾是著名的美籍华裔⽂化学者,专⻓⼆⼗世纪中国⼩说电影和后殖民主义理论。他在研究中国导演张艺谋的电影时提出了暴露主义理论,认为张电影中出现的⼤量负⾯表征实际是通过主动的暴露对抗偷窥者(东⽅主义者和种族主义者),破坏偷窥的乐趣,从⽽实现对东⽅主义和种族主义的反抗。王颖的电影正有异曲同⼯之妙。

经分析,本⽂得出以下结论。第⼀,利⽤抑斥的反叛性和不稳定性,王颖在他的电影中打破了曾经坚固封闭的中国城空间,清空了⽩⼈强加华⼈/华裔美国⼈⾝上的偏⻅化固有形象,呈现了破碎⽆序⽽拥有⽆限可能的中国城及其居民。种族界限被打破,种族秩序被撼动。同时,根据抑斥的⾃我抑斥理论,王颖除去了第⼀代华裔美国⼈⾝上背负的创伤,强调唯有正视和放下过去,才能重建完整的华裔美国⼈⾝份。第⼆,王颖并不是东⽅主义的帮凶。电影中⼤量运⽤的中国⽂化负⾯表征是对暴露主义的运⽤。通过主动暴露⾃⾝的缺陷和伤痕,原本的被偷窥者得以返回偷窥者的视线,破坏偷窥的乐趣,从⽽反抗东⽅主义和种族主义。

 

Abstract

Chinese/Chinese American images are not rare to be seen in Hollywood but it’s not until 1980s that Chinese Americans began to have a chance to scrutinize their own identity through Chinese American films (Peter Feng, Gina Marchetti, Jun Okada, Rey Chow), before which Chinese/Chinese American images on screen were mostly manipulated by the dominant white group with their oriental gaze—mostly stereotyped, marginalized and powerless images for the benefit of white superiority.

Wayne Wang, a prominent Chinese American director is a pioneer in exploring Chinese American images and identity through films. His works has far-reaching influence in this field, which include Dim Sum: A Little Bit of Heart (1985), Eat a Bowl of Tea (1989), Life Is Cheap…But Toilet Paper Is Expensive (1989), The Joy Luck Club (1993), Chinese Box (1997), The Princess of Nebraska (2008), Snow Flower and the Secret Fan (2011), taking advantage of his complicated background (Wang was born in Hong Kong and finished undergraduate study in United States, after which he returned to Hong Kong and then again went back to United States and worked in Chinatown) and his interest in analyzing and discovering Chinese American identity as suggested in his interview (Tibbetts). Chinese American films, and among them, those of Wayne Wang, have succeeded in drawing attention from both ethnic Chinese audiences and white audiences.

Out of the significant role of Chinese ethnic among ethnic minorities in America and the achievements Wayne Wang has made in Chinese American films, both Chinese scholars and American scholars have done plentiful researches on him. However, the existing literatures have some limitations: in terms of identity construction, an effective theoretical framework is lacked in order to contain all the relevant arguments and organize an integral and complete analysis on the construction of Chinese American identity in Chan Is Missing; most attention is paid to Chan Is Missing and rarely any other Wang’s films are noted; it’s generally believed that Wang contributes to the spread of orientalism through his negative representation of Chinese culture in his films. Based on these limitations, this thesis aims to answer the following questions in order to enrich the research on Chinese American films. First, how to rearticulate racism, Chinatown and Chinese Americans under the framework of abjection of Julia Kristeva? Abjection proposes that to maintain subjectivity, one should practice internal and external abjection. Second, how Wayne Wang employs abjection in his films? Third, how to evaluate Wayne Wang’s negative representation of Chinese culture? Is it contribution to orientalism or a defiance as suggested by exhibitionism? Four films are selected as texts: Chan Is Missing, Dim Sum, The Joy Luck Club and The Princess of Nebraska. A textual analysis in relation to the social-political context of contemporary Hollywood cinema is adopted.

Julia Kristeva’s theory of abjection and Rey Chow’s theory of exhibitionism are adopted as the framework of this thesis to analyze identity construction and negative representation of Wayne Wang respectively. Abjection focuses on the construction of subjectivity through rejecting and excluding the wastes inside and outside body, which is deem to be rebellious and violent. Rey Chow is a prominent Chinese American cultural critic, particularly in 20th century Chinese novels, films and post-colonial studies. He utilizes the theory of exhibitionism in his discussion of Chinese director Zhang Yimou’s films, proposing that the negative representation of Chinese culture in his works is actually a defiance against orientalism and racism through a voluntary exhibition. He mocks the voyeurs and destroys their voyeuristic pleasure, which is similar to Wayne Wang.

After detailed analysis, the thesis concludes: first, utilizing the rebellious and unstable features of abjection, Wang breaks the once closed and stable space of Chinatown, mocks the stereotyped images forced on Chinese Americans by whites and presents a fragmented Chinatown and its dwellers with infinite possibilities. The racial boundaries are shifted and racial hierarchy is shaken. Furthermore, based on self-abjection, Wang relieves the burdens of past on first generation immigrants. He emphasizes that only by rejecting the past pains can new identity be constructed. Second, Wang is not an accomplice to orientalism. On the contrary, his negative representation of China is paradigm shift, to represent through exhibition. By exhibiting one’s scars and wounds, the viewed object is able to return the gaze of the viewing subject, destroying its voyeuristic pleasure and thus counters orientalism.

 

姓名:马晓聪     导师: 梅仁毅

论文题目(中文):变化与延续:通过官⽅⾔语⾏为分析⽐较布什政府与奥巴马政府的对华形象   认知

论文题目(英文): Change and Continuity: A Comparative Study of Perception of China under the Bush Administration and the Obama Administration through Content Analysis of Official Speech Acts

论文关键词(中文):建构主义,⾔语⾏为,⽐较研究,美国政府,对华认知

论文题目(英文): Constructivism, Speech Act, Comparative Study, U.S. Administration, Perception of China

 

中文摘要

中美关系是当代国际关系中最为重要也最为复杂的双边关系之⼀,在今天的学界中备受关注。理清中美关系需要⾸先理解两国是如何认知对⽅的,因为政府决策层对客观世界以及对象国的认知决定了政府政策的形成原因与形成程序。许多学者从公共外交、媒体学和历史学等⾓度分析美国的对华认知,但鲜有⼈从政府⾓度⼊⼿。因此,本⽂尝试从政府维度出发,将研究范围限于⼩布什政府⾄奥巴马政府时期美国政府的对华认知,以期深⼊了解 21 世纪的美国全球利益落脚点和外交决策出发点。

运⽤定性研究的内容分析法,并结合国际关系中的建构主义理论,本⽂通过分析官⽅“⾔语⾏为”来⽐较⼩布什政府与奥巴马政府的对华认知,并试图通过对⽐来发现两届政府对华认知的延续与改变及其原因。原始研究数据来源于美国政府的“⾔语⾏为”,即官⽅⽂件,⾼级官员的公开演讲、公共讲话等。

本⽂不仅在纵向上检视⾃⼩布什政府⾄奥巴马政府期间的对华认知,还从横向上将研究分为三⼤议题,即安全、经济和价值观,均与美国国家利益紧密相连。研究表明,美国政府的对华认知因政府⽽异、因议题⽽异。在安全领域,⼩布什政府与奥巴马政府均将中国视为军事上的竞争者,通过实现军事现代化以谋求挑战美国建⽴的国际秩序;⽽⼜将中国视为⼀致反恐的合作伙伴;但在对抗⽓候变化⽅⾯,中国的形象从⼩布什期间的⾮合作者逐渐演变成奥巴马期间的合作伙伴。在经济领域,尽管中国正式加⼊世界贸易组织后,中美两国保持着密切的贸易往来,贸易总额也逐年上升,但两届政府均把中国视为有⼒的竞争者。在价值观领域,两届政府均把中国视为践踏普世价值观,尤其是⼈权的敌⼈。

本⽂发现变化与延续背后的原因有⼆。⾸先,两届总统内阁的成员持不同意识形态与价值观,代表多样化的⽴场,故导致不同的对华认知。其次,从建构主义⾓度着眼, 当主要⾏为体所建⽴起来的原有规则受到新兴⾏为体挑战时,主要⾏为体将通过各类途径,包括降低对新兴⾏为体的认知或提升对其认知,以维护⾃⼰所建⽴的规则,并实现利益最⼤化。同理,美国政府⾼层通过⾔语⾏为反复强调中国应顺应原有国际秩序,不难看出维护现存国际秩序是每⼀届美国政府的题中应有之义,⽽两届政府对华认知的变与不变均因维护国际秩序的需要⽽有所不同。简⾔之,要深⼊理解两届美国政府对华认知变化与延续,关键在于意识形态与规则维护。

 

Abstract

U.S.-China relationship is one of the most important and the most complicated bilateral ones in contemporary international relations. To understand U.S.-China relationship, one should firstly comprehend how both sides perceive each other, for decision-makers’ perceptions about objective world and other nations is the prerequisite for explaining why and how specific policies and decisions are made. Many scholars delve into America’s perceptions of China largely from media, public diplomacy, and historical perspectives, leaving governmental perspective seldom touched. Therefore, the thesis attempt to scrutinize perceptions of China from American governmental dimension, trying to unveil how the Bush and the Obama administrations perceived China in order to understand where the U.S. global interests lie and to interpret U.S. foreign policies in the 21st century.

Assisted by content analysis of qualitative method and constructivism theory in international relations, the study explores American government’s perceptions of China through analyzing “speech acts”, which include official documents, public speeches, and public talks of leading officials in the executive branch of the George

  1. Bush Administration and the Barack Obama Administration, comparing the change and continuity between the perceptions formed by the two administrations and striving to explain rationales behind the change and continuity.

The study embarks on perception of china vertically under the Bush and Obama governments, dividing the analysis into three horizontal layers, which are security, economy, and value, the three basic concerns pertaining to U.S. national interests. The concrete evidence provides diversified perceptions of China. In the security domain, both the Bush and the Obama governments perceived China as a competitor that challenges America’s international order by modernizing Chinese military capabilities, and perceived China as a partner that can be cooperated with in counterterrorism, but in terms of combating climate change, perception of China grows from a non-cooperator in Bush period to a partner in Obama time. In the economic domain, China was perceived as a competitor despite U.S and China have maintained abundant economic exchanges and growing trade volume after China officially entered the World Trade Organization. In the value domain, the two administrations all perceived China as an enemy trampling universal values, especially human rights, which are constantly hailed by American government.

The study finds that rationales behind the change and continuity are twofold. On one hand, officials in president’s cabinet represented diversified ideologies and values that dictated individuals to act and think in different ways, which led to different perceptions of China. On the other hand, constructivist concept of “agent’s desire of maintaining rules” explains the change and continuity, which occurs when leading nation feels challenged by emerging nations who try to reverse the situation by changing the fixed rules originally set by leading nation. In order to maintain the fixed rules, leading nation seeks every possible ways, either by degradation of perception or elevation of perception, to preserve the rules that can maximize its interests. Similarly, the different ways of perceiving China in various domains in fact reflect the two administrations’ priority to preserve international order set by the U.S. In short, to understand rationales behind the change and continuity, ideology and desire of maintaining rules are the keys.

 

姓名: 苗明媚     导师: 闫循华

论⽂题目(中文):奥巴马重返亚太背景下对华政策析论

论文题目(英文):Obama’s China Policy in the Context of America’s Rebalance to the Asia Pacific

论文关键词(中文):奥巴马对华政策;美国重返亚太;防御性现实主义;安全困境

论文关键词(英文): Obama’s China Policy, Rebalance to the Asia-Pacific, Defensive Realism; Security Dilemma

 

中文摘要

美国重返亚太的举措引起了学界对美国重返亚太意图的探讨。很多学者认为,美国重返亚太是为了遏制中国的发展,并列举美国在亚太地区采取的⼀系列经济、军事、外交等⾏动加以佐证。⽽另有学者对此提出质疑。他们认为,美国与中国在诸多⽅⾯拥有共同利益,遏制中国并不符合美国利益。那么,在美国重返亚太的背景下,美国对华政策的本质是什么呢?

现有的研究奥巴马政府对华政策的⽂献⼤多认为美国与中国是⼀种⾮零和的关系模式,即既有竞争,⼜有合作。然⽽,如此定性美国对华政策描述性过强,解释⼒不⾜。本篇论⽂从防御性现实主义的视⾓出发来研究在重返亚太背景下奥巴马政府对华政策的本质。防御性现实主义中的安全困境概念可以解释为什么奥巴马政府对华政策中既有竞争⼜有合作,同时安全困境的严重程度可以决定政府采取哪⼀种决策更为有利,是竞争还是合作。防御性现实主义以理性国家为前提,理性国家根据安全困境的严重程度决定采取何种政策。当政府在竞争与合作间采取了更优政策后,政府会向另外的国家发送信号以传达它的意图。

本⽂通过运⽤防御性现实主义的理论分析发现,奥巴马政府采取的是以合作为主线的对华政策。通过分析奥巴马总统和他的主要助⼿在多种场合下与中⽅接触时的⾔论,在国际场合发表的观点,以及美国在军事领域和⾮军事领域与中国的交流和接触,作者发现奥巴马政府⼀直在通过语⾔和⾏动来向中⽅传达有意合作的信息。同时,奥巴马政府⼗分了解中⽅关切,在涉及中国领⼟主权的问题上给予保证,承诺坚持“⼀个中国” 的政策,并表⽰不在东海和南海领⼟争端问题上靠边站。尽管在重返亚太过程中,奥巴府的⼀些举措让中⽅有威胁感,但是奥巴马政府从未停⽌过与中⽅的合作。奥巴马政府积极利⽤现有合作机制不断扩⼤在经贸、军事、⼈⽂交流等⽅⾯的合作。并且在现有合作机制下提出诸多新举措,使得双边合作不断向前发展。

本篇论⽂贡献在于运⽤防御性现实主义理论解释了奥巴马政府对华政策中为何既有竞争⼜有合作,同时挖掘出奥巴马政府对华政策的本质,即以合作为主线的对华政策。

 

Abstract

Since America’s rebalance to the Asia Pacific, many scholars have contended that the United States intended to contain China and they have listed a series of U.S. diplomatic, economic and military attempts that indicated isolation of China. However this is rejected by other scholars who argue that the U.S. shares common interests with China in a host of areas and it is not in the interest of America to contain China. Then what is the nature of America’s China policy in the context of U.S. rebalance to Asia?

Existing scholarship outlined the areas of cooperation as well as areas   of competition between China and the U.S., which is descriptive hence lacks explanatory power. This thesis employs the theory of defensive realism to explore the nature of Obama’s China policy in the context of US rebalance to the Asia Pacific. Specifically, this thesis answers such questions as why Obama’s China policy contain both elements of cooperation and competition and what sets the tone of Obama’s China policy. Defensive realism is helpful in exploring the questions. The key concept of defensive realism, the security dilemma can help explain international cooperation and competition. Further, the severity of the security dilemma determines which policy is the optimal one, cooperation or competition. Defensive realism assumes that states are rational actors hence would take the policy which is the optimal one under a certain security dilemma. When the state decides its policy toward another country, it will send signals to communicate its motives which are also indicative of is policies.

By analyzing the messages sent by President Obama and his top aides, as well as U.S. military and non-military actions, the author finds that the Obama administration has consistently provided reassurance to China, demonstrating its willingness to strengthen cooperation with China. Further, it was well aware of China’s concerns and tried not to provoke China on sensitive issues such as “independence” of Taiwan and Tibet as well as territorial disputes in the East and South China Sea. Although the United States may have made China feel insecure when it was implementing its rebalance strategy, it has never quit bilateral cooperation with China. Rather, the Obama administration has tried to expand cooperation through existing institutions and mechanisms. Although most of the mechanisms were not newly established after America’s rebalance to Asia, they provided platforms to initiate new exchanges.

The thesis contributes to the research on Obama’s China policy by exploring the question from the lens of defensive realism which explains why there are both competition and cooperation in Obama’s China policy and finds that cooperation sets the tone of Obama’s China policy after its rebalance to the Asia Pacific.

 

姓名:⽜亦孺      导师:李莉⽂

论文题目(中文):⼯⼈阶级在社会变⾰中的作⽤:⾰命者或是附庸?——中国五四运动与美国   进步主义运动的⽐较研究

论文题目(英文):The Role of Working Class in Social Change: A Revolutionary Force or not? A Comparison between the May Fourth Movement in China and the Progressive Movement in the United States

论文关键词(中文):⼯⼈阶级;劳⼯;社会运动;五四运动;进步主义运动

论文关键词(英文): Working Class; Labor; Social Movement; The May Fourth Movement; The Progressive Movement

 

中文摘要

⼆⼗世纪的前⼆⼗年是⼤变⾰的年代。它⻅证了发⽣在中国与美国两个国家⼟地上两次影响深远的社会变⾰:中国的五四运动和美国的进步主义运动。学界对于这两场社会运动的研究业已触及多个⽅⾯,但鲜有学者着眼于探索⼯⼈阶级和劳动者在这两次运动中的地位和作⽤。

本⽂运⽤⽐较历史研究法,结合现存史料分析和研究本⽂,分析⼯⼈阶级在中国五四运动和美国进步主义运动中的地位和作⽤,并做对⽐研究。为判定⼯⼈阶级是否能在此两场运动中被认为是⾰命阶级,本⽂将借助三个理论框架作为评判标准:阶级意识框架,马克思主义关于⼯⼈阶级在社会变⾰中的框架,以及抗争⾏动框架。本⽂认为中国⼯⼈阶级在五四运动中起到了⾰命⼒量的作⽤,⽽在进步运动中美国⼯⼈阶级更为边缘化、附庸化。

 

Abstract

The turn of the 20th century and its early two decades have witnessed significant and far-reaching social changes in China and the United States: the May Fourth Movement took place in China and the Progressive Movements happened almost contemporaneously in the United States. Despite large number of studies on multiple aspects of these two movements, seldom do scholars center on the working class as the main subject of the study and probe into its role in these two specific contexts.

This thesis probes into the role of working class and labor in the May Fourth Movement and the Progressive Movement, and put them in comparative perspective. Aiming at determining the nature of working class’s involvement – whether it can be seen as revolutionary or not in these two movements respectively, this thesis borrows three theoretical frames as the criteria for assessment: frame of class consciousness, frame of Marxist working class in social change, and frame of resistance. Comparative historical approach is used as the primary method of this study, combined with analysis and interpretations on existing historical literatures and texts. This thesis sees and argues that the role of working class in the May Fourth Movement as a revolutionary force, while in the Progressive Movement it was a subordinate force. The study ends with implications for future studies.

 

姓名: 夏凤岚        导师: 宋颖

论文题目(中文):社交网站上的美国⼤选:基于使⽤与满⾜理论探究社交媒体使⽤与政治参与

论文题目(英文): US Presidential Election on Social Network Sites: A Uses and Gratification Study on Social Media Usage and Political Engagement

论文关键词(中文):使用与满足理论,政治态度,社交媒体,政治参与,回音壁效应

论文关键词(英文): Use undefinedamp; G Theory, political attitudes, SNSs, political participation, echo chamber effect

 

中文摘要

互联网和移动技术的兴起,催⽣了⼀批⽤户个⼈驱动的信息互动交流平台脸书,也就是我们俗称的社交媒体。是作为美国使⽤最为⼲泛的社交网站之⼀,脸谱(Facebook),推特(Twitter),聚友(MySpace)⾃成⽴之初迅速积累了⼈⽓。新媒体在2008年美国总统⼤选中发挥的作⽤不容⼩觑,作为第⼀个把网络和社交媒体作为主要竞选策略的候选⼈,奥巴马和他的新媒体团队让⼈们初次⻅识到了社交网络在竞选中的⼒量。⾃此,社交网络成为美国现代政治中不可或缺的⼀部分。在 2016 年美国总统⼤选中,社交媒体成为所有竞选⼈都绝对不可忽视的战场,川普和希拉⾥两位候选⼈也全⼒以赴加以运⽤。媒介平台的丰富多元化给⼤众提供了极⼤的选择⾃由度,越来越多的⽤户将注意⼒从电视、报纸等传统媒介转移到社交媒体上。同时,社交平台也给了候选⼈们绕过媒体,展现“真正”的⾃我,直接和⼤量民众交流的机会。

传统的媒体理论认为媒介在传播过程中的主要任务是说服受众,受众是被动的,⽽“使⽤与满⾜”研究理论赋予受众积极性与能动性,把受众看作是有着特定“需求”的个⼈,通过选择接触不同的媒介来满⾜特定的需求和动机。2016 美国总统⼤选,⽤户在社交媒体上与候选⼈互动,建⽴联系。⽐如加竞选⼈为好友,访问他们的个⼈主⻚,关注动态,通过信息邮件等形式主动发起对话,并且在⾃⼰的社交账户上公开⽀持竞选者,参与网络政治论坛⼩组讨论,分享政治⽂章和视频等。本研究,基于“使⽤与满⾜” 的理论框架,研究了受众在社交媒体上与的竞选⼈互动这⼀⾏为背后的动机以及在这个过程中获得的满⾜,并探索这些动机与受众政治态度(包括政治效能感,政治⽝儒主义和政治兴趣)之间是否存在关联。社交媒体上如潮⽔般的互动到底能为竞选结果带来怎样的实质影响?为了回答这⼀问题,本⽂深⼊分析了这些动机与⽤户线上和线下政治参与度之间的关系。该研究从⽤户的⾓度阐释了社交媒体和其政治传播功能,同时也给美国政治候选⼈竞选活动提供了新的策略和启⽰。

问卷调查是“使⽤与满⾜”理论最常⽤的研究⽅法。尽管样本代表性和导致结论普遍化受到影响,通过在美国各⼤社交平台历时⼀个⽉的问卷发布,征集了 200 多位美国参与者,获得有效问卷221份。对于数据分析,第⼀步,笔者采⽤主成分因⼦分析最⼤⽅差化旋转法,分析结果表明⽤户与竞选者的社交媒体互动主要源于四⼤动机,分别为:社交,信息收集,消遣,以及政治参与。第⼆步,为了进⼀步探究这些动机与⽤户政治态度之间的关系,对数据进⾏典型相关分析。结果表明社交动机和政治参与动机与政治效能感关系显著。个⼈对于⾃⼰所拥有的政治知识越⾃信并坚信⾃⼰的参与⾏为能够影响政治体系和政府决策,那么他越有可能通过社交媒体接触与⾃⼰⽴场相同的⼈,满⾜社交的需求。同时,他们也会寻求各种途径,参与讨论,表达政⻅,积极与竞选者互动, 试图建⽴更为紧密的联系。信息收集动机与政治⽝儒主义呈显著负相关关系。⽤户对于政府和政治体系信任度⽉底,他们通过多渠道了解资讯获得信息的欲望反⽽越强。⽽政治参与动机除了与政治效能相关,和政治兴趣变量也呈显著关系。政治兴趣越浓厚,⽤户也会更加主动地介⼊政治决策的过程之中。最后,引⼊多层递阶回归分析,研究⽤户社交媒体使⽤动机与其线上、线下政治参与⾏为的关系。数据显⽰在所有的动机中,出于政治参与动机使⽤社交平台与候选⼈互动的⽤户不仅活跃于网络平台,在现实⽣活中也有⼤的政治参与度。⽽为了满⾜社交需求的⽤户虽然线上较为频繁参与公共事务讨论,但并未真正付诸实际⾏动。

该研究同时发现互联网信息的极⼤丰富并未拓展我们的视野,⽽是让我们更热衷于党同伐异。⽆异于线下世界,在互联网社区,⼈们同样也是会被想法相同的朋友吸引,远离表达不同意⻅的⼈,脸谱,推特等社交媒体通过特定算法机制,让⼈们很容易就可以只阅读⾃⼰认同的⼈发布的消息和观点。本质上,⼈们倾向将⾃⼰喜欢的观点绝对化,并以意识形态为红线画地为牢,⽽互联网以某些⽅式加剧了这种分化。社交媒体产⽣的的回⾳壁效有碍于社会观点的多元化发展,⽽网络暴⼒也会妨害个体观点的⾃由表达。 社交媒体对政治参与的影响需要理性地审视、辨识和引导。

 

Abstract

Facebook, Twitter and MySpace are appealing by allowing users to “network” with each other. Such sites known as social network sites (SNSs) have entered campaign media in 2008 presidential election and become a mandatory part   of modern electioneering. They carry such tremendous weight and influence over the electorate that both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump use social media to their advantages. Social network sites like Facebook invite political candidates to have a presence and invite members of the network to have conversations on their walls. A growing number of ordinary internet users are found of using the SNSs for explicitly political purposes, like following the political candidates, visiting candidates’ personal profile page, advocating certain political figures or stance publicly on their social network account, participating in political discussion group in network communities and so forth. This move itself marks a huge step forward in online dialogic communication in strategic political communication. Stop passively accepting what’s imposed through traditional mediums, users are, given the readily available media platforms, freer than ever to choose what to engage with and whom to believe in. With different motivations in mind, their media choice and behavior varies accordingly.

The Uses and Gratifications Theory reexamines the dynamics between the information producer and receiver and shifts the power from the overwhelmingly dominant media to the ordinary users by highlighting the role of audience initiative to explain channel choice, message selection, interpretation and effect. The current study, under the framework of the Uses and Gratifications Theory, investigates what motivates users to become fans of the 2016 US presidential candidates, visit their profiles and try to engage with them on social network sites like Facebook, MySpace and Twitter. Especially, it seeks to explore the possible connection between the factored motivations for befriending candidates and the users’ political attitudes including political self-efficacy, political cynicism and political interest. Most importantly, this research ventures into the political realm exists on these sites by shedding lights on the possible predictors of political participation both online and offline.

Though ample studies have been conducted to examine the gratifications in social media usage, what attracts people to actively become fans with candidates and interact with them has yet to be fully covered. Researchers have heralded the rise of social network platforms as a site where heightened commitment and political endorsement happens, yet little is known about what actually promotes the media use for political purposes and the relation it has with the political engagement in real life. Especially, study that combines three major social media (Facebook, Twitter, and MySpace) consumption and its ensuing influence on the 2016 US presidential election is scarce at best. This study fills the void by providing empirical evidence to answer the questions unaddressed.

The study is conducted over one month using a survey with more than 200 American respondents involved. Survey is a frequently used approach in Uundefinedamp;G research, albeit the limitation in sample representativeness and the generalization of findings. With this instrument, uses and gratification research has documented the variations in patterns of media use among different individuals and has demonstrated what mediating role these different viewing motives play in the mass media effect. Participants are asked to finish a validated viewing motive questionnaire including the demographics, engagements with candidates on SNSs, motivations, political attitudes, and campaign participation. A principal component factor analysis with varimax rotation is first conducted to examine the dimensions of gratifications users attempts to seek through interacting with candidates on social network sites. Findings from the study show that what drives the users to engage with the politicians on SNSs can be factored into four motivations, which are social interaction, information-seeking, diversion, and political participation respectively.

Afterwards, a canonical correlation is performed to examine the relationship between these motivations or gratifications and the political attitudes, measured by three elements — political efficacy, political cynicism, and campaign interest. As is revealed in the data, the motive of social interaction shows positive relationship of statistical significance with political self-efficacy while the motive of entertainment is negatively linked to it. Users who are more confident in their self-holding knowledge in politics and believe they have a role to play in the political course are more likely to use social media for interacting with other like-minded peers. Dominated by the sophisticated motives, these people would hardly befriend candidates just for entertainment or killing time. The motivation of surveillance demonstrates significantly positive correlation to political cynicism. Individuals short of trust towards the government tend to look for other sources of information in order to get a more complete picture of what’s going on with the nation. The motivation of political engagement is significantly related to with political self-efficacy while weakly associated with political interest. People who are politically interested and believe in personal agency in politics befriend candidates with an aim to establish close connection, initiate conversations and discussions with policy-makers.

Lastly, multiple hierarchical regression analyses are conducted to investigate to what extent will the motivations for befriending with candidates predict online campaign involvement and real-life participation. The results show that among demographic variables, education and age are strong demographic predictors of both online and offline political participation. In terms of political attitudes, political self-efficacy appears to be significantly predicative of online and offline participation. Respondents who are confident with their political knowledge and are convinced of their agency in influencing the political landscape display strong tendency to participate in all sorts of political activities both online and offline. Political interest is also a positive predictor, though with weaker statistical significance. Political cynicism fails to predict online political participation but it’s a weak negative predictor of offline political participation. Distrust and lack of belief in the electoral system will discourage participation in real life and drive people away from the voting booth.

After controlling for demographic and political attitude variables, the political engagement motivation appears to be a strong predictor of both online and actual political involvement while the social utility motivation only predicts the online political participation. Respondents seek to gratify the need of political participation are apt to follow political candidates on SNSs, send messages or write emails to public officials, tweet or retweet political comments, join in political discussions, publish posts or blogs about critical social and economic issues. Moreover, they are active in political participation or civic engagements offline like attending rallies, contributing to the campaign and casting vote.

To conclude, this study finds out that among the four factored motivations, the motive of interaction is mostly pursued. Although some respondents report of having attempted to establish connections with political candidates by means of various SNSs, the motive of political participation is least pursued probably because users realize that the direct communication with insiders of any kind is still unapproachable. The social network media seem to construct an illusion of intimacy. Instead, the users tend to consider the SNS as a realm to exchange ideas and discuss issues with like-minded peers and comfortable staying in communities where their political views are reinforced. However, deliberation among a group of likeminded people moves the group toward a more extreme point of view.

Social media also facilitate the forming of the echo chamber effect prevalent in the cyber space. The personalized algorithm feeds users with contents more tailored to their interests and point of view, which is, as noted, great for engagement, but is by no means beneficial to the process of fueling political awareness and debate. It has actually reinforced the dividing lines of the controversy and pushed more people to take definitive sides. Thus individuals, companies, and other organization looking to understand the world in new ways must develop tools to deliberately include opinions that they do not agree with. The social network sites also have to take responsibility to provide a cornucopia of news feed that embraces the heterogeneity of ideology.

Also, it’s revealed that the political attitudes associate more strongly with instrumental motives than habitual needs like entertainment or killing time. It’s worth noting that among the four motives, only political participation need significantly predicts both online and offline political engagement while the social utility motivation is predictive of online participation only. It can be explained in that respondents motivated by political engagement are usually confident with their self-holding political knowledge and ability to participate in political affairs and display strong interest in the campaign movement. The sense of ‘in the loop’ and belief users hold in making a change in the political landscape will empower them to use the SNSs for political purposes. They will actively participate in the process, deliberate on a range of political/campaign issues online, become a member in formal or informal groups, attend rally or political hearings, making donations, cast vote and mobilize community residents to vote as well. It seems that the Internet and the SNSs better serves those original activists who are politically interested and knowledgeable and most of all desire to donate, volunteer and vote. Befriending with candidates simply to gratify the need for getting information or establishing connections with like-minded peers on SNSs is less likely to boost political mobilization. Candidates and political activists have a lot more to do to increase the direct communication with users in whatever way possible.

 

姓名: 杨光       导师: 马丽媛

论文题目(中文):美国情景喜剧中的祖⺟形象研究(1985-2015)

论文题目(英文): An Analysis of the Grandmother in American Sitcom (1985-2015)

论文关键词(中文):美国情景喜剧,祖⺟形象,男性凝视,⼥性凝视

论文关键词(英文): The Image of Grandmother, American Sitcom, Male Gaze, Female Maze

 

中文摘要

电视剧是了解⼀个国家⽂化⽣活的窗⼝。情景喜剧是最受欢迎的电视剧种类之⼀,它有两层含义,⼀个是在室内拍摄,另⼀个是喜剧。本⽂主要研究的是情景喜剧中的祖⺟的形象。本⽂对1985⾄2015年间的所有情景喜剧中的祖⺟形象做了⽂本分析。作者将使⽤定性分析,通过对演员的台词,服装,故事情节和场景描述的分析,来进⾏⽂本 研究,这些台词的选取和分析给本⽂的⼈物形象性格研究提供了良好的素材。⽂本分析的主体是 1985⾄2015年美国情景喜剧。情景喜剧的标准选择是艾美奖最佳情景喜剧或艾美奖获奖以及提名的⽼年⼥演员,同时也考虑了喜剧的收视率,⼀共选取了三⼗年间的七部剧,共14个祖⺟。本⽂也会对 1985 ⾄ 2015 年的情景喜剧及其祖⺟形象进⾏历史分析,从⼋⼗年代的《⻩⾦⼥郎》,九⼗年代的《⼈⼈都爱雷蒙德》,2010 年的《燃情克利夫兰》,和最近播出的《⽼妈们》,作者通过这三⼗年间每⼗年⾥选出的⼀部剧的对⽐,发现情景喜剧⾥⾯的祖⺟形象基本保持⼀致,只有细微的变化。本⽂还通过男性凝视理对祖⺟形象进⾏分析,对还未成体系的⼥性凝视理论进⾏了讨论。

通过分析总结和归纳,作者得出了四种普遍的祖⺟形象,他们分别是:慈祥(sweetness),年轻(youthfulness),毒⾆(mean tongue)和控制狂(control freak)。通过对祖⺟形象的正反两⽅⾯的描述,呈现出近三⼗年⾥美国情景喜剧⾥祖⺟的特有形象和其形象的变化。并通过男性凝视的理论对形象进⾏了分析,同时也为尚未成型的⼥性凝视理论的探究提供了⽂本素材。本⽂弥补了⼥性研究领域对⽼年⼥性的研究空⽩,也对影视剧中的情景喜剧的研究补充了内容,总结了情景喜剧⾥⾯祖⺟形象的特征。

 

Abstract

The TV play is a window of understanding the culture and lifestyle of a country. Sitcom, short for situation comedy, is one of the most popular forms of American TV play. It is a kind of comedy shooting in a regular site, like home or workplace, makes this kind of TV play has a regular actors, clear storyline and a well-shaped image of the main performers. It is a branch of TV play, which is related closely to family, tradition, and little nothings of life. This thesis mainly focuses on the image of the grandmother in the sitcom. This thesis intends to have a text analysis of more than ten grandmothers in the sitcom from 1985 to 2015, in order to summarizing and classifying the common image of the grandmother. In this thesis male gaze theory is used to analyze the image of grandmother.

The author will use discourse analysis on the actor’s lines, costumes, and plots in the episodes. The subject of the text analysis is from the American sitcom (1985-2015), the standard of choosing sitcom are Emmy Award or Emmy Award nomination, and the audience rating of the comedies has also been considered. Thorough the case study, the author classified and summarized four common images of grandmother, they are sweetness, youthfulness, mean tongue and control freak. Those four images of grandmother can be analyzed by male gaze and female gaze. Beside the text analysis, the author also has a historical analysis of the four main sitcom chose from 1985 to 2015. Through the analysis, the author finds out the grandmother image has more maintain images than changes.

This thesis is a study on the image of the grandmother in American sitcom. It is a research gap on the grandmother image in the sitcom. It also a new perspective on the feminist study, and it offered text analysis to support the not yet formed female gaze theory.

 

姓名: 张可卿        导师: 付美榕

论文题目(中文):留美学⼦“实业救国”的理想与实践——以近代中国铁路⼯程师为例

论文题目(英文):Ideal and Practice of “Saving the Country by Engaging in an Industry” of American-educated Chinese Railway Engineers (1881-1928): A Cross-cultural Perspective

论文关键词(中文):早期中国留美铁路⼯程师,留美幼童,逆向⽂化冲击,跨⽂化适应

论文关键词(英文): Early American-educated Chinese Railway Engineers, Chinese Educational Mission, Reverse Culture Shock, Cross-culture Experiences

 

中国摘要

詹天佑被称作中国铁路之⽗;作为京张铁路的总⼯程师,詹天佑和他的留美幼童同伴⼀同建⽴起中国铁路系统。之后,更多在美国接受教育的学⽣,以凌鸿勋为⾸,接管了这项事业并将中国铁路建设继续下去。19世纪末期,美国有着全世界最发达的铁路系统,因此中国学⽣被派往美国学习先进的铁路建设知识,在学成归国之后,可以将在美国所学应⽤于中国铁路建设。讽刺的是,20 世纪 70年代开始,美国铁路发展逐渐开始⾛下坡路,越来越少的乘客选择铁路出⾏;⽽同时中国⾼铁正快速发展,铁路依然是中国⼈民最主要的⽅式。

强烈的对⽐反映出早期留美铁路⼯程师在中国铁路建设中所起到的重要作⽤。这批⼯程师在归国后如何适应国内环境,取得个⼈事业及整个铁路产业的成功是⼀个⼗分值得探讨的问题。本⽂聚焦早期留美归来铁路⼯程师,通过研究其职业发展轨迹及其跨⽂化⾝份的形成,探究其学成归国后的跨⽂化适应过程。

尽管有⼤量关于留美中国学⽣的研究及不少关于中国铁路建设的⽂献,铁路⼯程师很少被提及;⼏乎没有专注铁路⼯程师的研究⽂献,更不⽤提早期留美归来的铁路⼯程师。因此本⽂采⽤定性研究⽅法,通过历史研究,讨论留美铁路⼯程师在美国和回到中国后的跨⽂化适应过程:他们在中国铁路业的发展过程中扮演了怎样的⾓⾊?他们在归国后是如何再适应的?作为技术专家,在再适应过程中他们形成了怎样的跨⽂化⾝份?本⽂选取 12 名早期留美铁路⼯程师作为研究对象。在120名留美幼童中,共有6名最终成为铁路⼯程师;因此在1890 年⾄1928年的数⼗名留美铁路⼯程师中,同样选出六名作为研究对象,⽅便进⾏组别间的对⽐。本⽂⼤量运⽤原始⽂献,如⾃传和亲属撰写的传记,网络资源也提供了珍贵的相关⽂献。

本⽂主要使⽤逆向⽂化冲击理论和跨⽂化适应理论。逆向⽂化冲击理论指的是学⽣归国后经历的⼀个“危机–恢复–调整”过程,跨⽂化适应理论主要分析归国学⽣的跨⽂化⾝份形成的过程。在逆向⽂化冲击理论和跨⽂化适应理论框架下,本⽂分析12 名留美归来学⽣作为铁路⼯程师和教育家的事业发展轨迹。同时,他们在中美两国的不同教育经验也列⼊考虑,作为留美学⽣跨⽂化体验的前提。

本⽂发现,这12名留美铁路⼯程师在归国在适应过程中,体现出典型的逆向⽂化冲击反应,即“危机 – 恢复 – 调整”过程。这反映在他们如何应对已经改变的祖国环境中。当他们学成归国的时候,所⾯对的“危机”就是已经发⽣改变的祖国;然后他们意识到,⾃⾝也发⽣了改变,变得更加“⻄化”:这就是“恢复”过程。通过将两种“改变”相结合,留美铁路⼯程师将⾃⾝在美国所学应⽤于时代现实中,达成⼀个平衡的状态,完成“调整”的过程。

同时,在跨⽂化体验过程中,这 12 名留美铁路⼯程师也形成了跨⽂化的⾝份特征,并以此作为归国适应策略。作为铁路⼯程师,他们深深受到美国先进铁路建设技术的影响,但是他们也意识到⽆法将⾃⼰在美国所学直接运⽤于中国的铁路建设,需要在两者之间找到平衡点。作为教育家,他们呼吁引进美国教育系统,为中国⼤学⽣编纂铁路建设教材并翻译国外教材,尽最⼤努⼒将⻄⽅技术引进中国并传播给更多的⼯程师。在事业发展过程中,他们终⾝保持铁路⼯程师的⾝份,与政治保持距离,秉持“⼀旦是铁路⼯程师,⼀⽣都是⼯程师”的理念。

最后,本⽂发现在两批留美铁路⼯程师的职业发展过程中有着极⼤的差异,如在美国接受的教育程度,在美国取得的相关⼯作经验,回到中国后是否⽴刻成为铁路⼯程师等等……尽管有着极⼤的差异,他们在跨⽂化经验中都经历了“初期不顺- 后期顺利“的道路。当他们刚刚学成归国的时候,胸怀实业救国的雄⼼壮志,却⾯对着巨⼤的困难: 留美幼童受到清政府冷落,后⼀批留美归来的学⽣则⾯对着清王朝的覆灭,新共和国的建⽴与动荡的军阀混战。留美归来的⾝份反倒成了事业发展的阻碍;两批留美铁路⼯程师则都成功让⾃⼰迅速适应时代背景,努⼒寻找机会发挥⾃⼰的能⼒。因此本⽂得出结论,即使是作为技术专家,专注于铁路建造技术上的使⽤与传承,早期留美铁路⼯程师依然需要经历⽂化上的再适应过程,⽅可在归国之后发挥⾃⼰在国外所学,发展⾃⼰的事业与整个铁路业。

 

Abstract

Jeme T’ien Yow is known as the founding father of Chinese railway system; as the chief engineer of Beijing-Zhangjiakou railway, Jeme set up China’s railway system together with his fellow students of Chinese Educational Mission (CEM). Later, more American-educated Chinese railway engineers, headed by Ling Hongxun, took over the cause and carried on the construction of Chinese railways. By the end of 19th century, America had the most developed railway system in the world; therefore, Chinese students were sent to America to learn its advanced civil engineering technique. After they returned to China, they could apply what they learned in the U.S. to China’s railway construction. The irony lies in that starting from 1970s, the U.S. railway system has been on the decline: fewer and fewer people choose to travel by train; while at the same time in China, high-speed rail was developing fast and railway still acted as the most important transportation for Chinese people.

The drastic contrast reflects the important roles that early American-educated railway engineers played in the construction of China’s railway industry. The question of how the American-educated students re-adapted to China after years in America and achieved success in their career as railway engineers is worthy of exploring. This thesis aims to crystalize the cross-cultural experiences of early American-educated railway engineers after coming back through tracing their career development tracks and discussing the formation of inter-cultural identities.

Despite numerous studies researching American-educated Chinese students and large number of literature concerning the construction of China’s railway construction, railway engineers are seldom mentioned there’re few researches specializing in the roles of railway engineers, let alone the early American-educated Chinese railway engineers. Therefore, this thesis takes a qualitative approach in examining the American-educated railway engineers’ cross-cultural experiences in the U.S. and back in China: what roles did they play in the development of China’s railway industry? How did they re-adapt to China after coming back? As technicians, what cross-cultural identities did they form in the re-adaptation process? To solve these research questions, twelve railway engineers are chosen as samples. Among the 120 CEM students, there became six railway engineers; therefore, among the dozens of American-educated railway engineers from 1890 to 1928, six were chosen, so that contrast and comparison could be made between two groups. Primary sources such as autobiographies and biographies written by relatives of sample American-educated Chinese railway engineers are heavily used; online resources also provided precious literature.

Reverse culture shock and cross-cultural adaptation theories are used. Reverse culture shock refers to the “crisis – recovery – adjustment” process that returnees experience after coming back to their home country and cross-cultural adaptation is mainly used to analyze how returnees form their inter-cultural identity. Within such theoretical framework, career development of the twelve American-educated students as railway engineers and as educators are analyzed to reveal their cross-cultural experience. Their different educational experiences in China and in the U.S. is also taken into consideration and is used as the premise of their cross-cultural experiences.

This thesis finds that the twelve American-educated railway engineers showed the typical reverse culture shock response in the process of cultural re-adaptation in China, during which they followed the pattern of “crisis – recovery – adjustment”. This is reflected in how they responded to the changed situation they were faced with. When they came back to China, the crisis was the “changed” home country; then they found that they themselves had also changed, becoming “westernized”: this is the recovery part. Through combing the two “changes”, the railway engineers applied what they learned in the U.S. to the Chinese context to adjust themselves and to achieve balance between the two “changes”, finishing the adjustment process.

During their cross-cultural experience, the railway engineers formed an intercultural identity by playing different roles in their career life. As railway engineers, they were influenced by American way of building railways and thinking; but they were quite aware that what they learned could not be directly applied to Chinese reality and had to find a balancing point between the two. As educators, they called for introducing American educational system into China, compiled textbooks for future Chinese railway engineers and translated foreign works to introduce Western knowledge to China. During their lifetime career development, they remained as railway engineers and refused to get involved with politics, determined to preserve professionalism as railway engineers.

Lastly, this thesis also finds that there exist great differences between CEM railway engineers and later American-educated railway engineers: the educational levels that they attained in the U.S., their working experience in the U.S., years of waiting before becoming formal railway engineers etc. Despite the differences, both groups shared a “first tortuous – then smooth” path to success. When they first came back to China, full of ambition to save the nation, they were confronted with different while enormous difficulties: the CEM students’ talents were neglected by the Qing government and the later American-educated railway engineers were faced with the collapse of Qing dynasty, the establishment a new republic and the turbulent warlord fight. Their identities as American-educated students became barriers; while both groups managed to re-adapt to the historical background and found ways to apply what they learned in the U.S.

This thesis draws the conclusion that even as technical experts and focused on the application as well as inheritance of railway construction technology, early American-educated railway engineers needed to complete cross-cultural re-adaptations after coming back to China so as to fully develop their career as well as the railway industry.

 

姓名: 张漫漫       导师: 滕继萌

论文题目(中文):《良友画报》中作为现代乌托邦的美国形象分析

论文题目(英文):A Created Modern Utopia — An Analysis of American Image in Liangyou Huabao

论文关键词(中文):美国形象,《良友》画报,模式化观念,形象学

论文关键词(英文): American image, Liangyou Huabao, stereotype, imagology

 

中文摘要

作为⼀份⼤型综合画报,《良友》以塑造⼆⼗世纪上半叶的摩登上海闻名于世。同时它也是对海外动态关注度最⾼的画报之⼀,在数千张相关的照⽚和报道中美国所占篇幅⽐重最⼤。《良友》所塑造的美国形象代表了民国时期普通民众对美国的看法。即使在当今时代研究《良友》中的美国形象依然具有深远的意义,因为形象⼀旦形成将很难消散或改变,所以本⽂将《良友》作为个案分析其中所塑造的美国形象。

本⽂以形象学为理论框架,采⽤案例分析,主题分析和历史分析的研究⽅法探究以下三个问题:《良友》中的美国形象是什么,形象是如何形成的,以及注视和被注视者的关系如何解读?本⽂研究发现,美国被刻画成⼀个科技发达、国富民裕、⽣机勃勃的现代乌托邦。前⼈对美国的描述和编辑对富国强民的追求共同塑造了这⼀形象。良友编辑把欲望投射到他者⾝上反观⾃我,美国作为被注视者像⼀⾯镜⼦折射出民国的落后和编辑对现代化的追求,同时诉说夹杂在模仿现代化美国和强烈民族意识中的⾃我焦虑。

本⽂的贡献体现在两个⽅⾯。⾸先,本⽂从⼤众⾓度出发分析美国形象,《良友》作为⼆⼗世纪上半叶最受欢迎的通俗读物之⼀,在⼀定程度上代表⼤众趣味。研究发现美国物质⽂明受瞩目程度最⾼。第⼆,本⽂以形象学为理论框架做异国形象分析,其中注视者和被注视者的关系尤其重要。本⽂将中国语境⾥的美国形象和中国对现代化的追求相联系,对他者的剖析也是审视⾃我,构建⾃我的⼀种形式。美国作为和中国相对应的他者,有助于编辑展⽰⾃我的渴望和追求,述说⾃我的焦虑和不安。

 

Abstract

As an encyclopedic pictorial Liangyou Huabao is famous for framing Shanghai modernity in the first half of the twentieth century. It was also the most cosmopolitan with thousands of pictures and reports depicting foreign countries. America was the most heavily reported among all the foreign countries Liangyou editors paid attention to. American image in Liangyou was representative of how it was constructed in the Chinese context during China’s republican period. Although more than half a century has pass, this image is still meaningful to explore because once formed image is resist to change or vanish. Therefore, as a case, American image in Liangyou is worth studying.

Drawing on the theoretical framework of imagology and relying on qualitative methods including case study, thematic analysis and historical analysis, this thesis studies what American image was in Liangyou, how the image was formulated and dynamics between hetero-images and auto-images. The conclusion is that America was created as a technologically advanced, affluent, ebullient and modern Utopia. And this image was influenced by the previous description of America in Chinese writing and editors’ pursuit of strengthening China. America was a mirror for editors to introspect Self. China’ underdevelopment, as well as editors’ pursuit of China’s modernization and anxiety over being squeezed by American material civilization Chinese identity were highlighted.

The contributions of the thesis are two-fold. First, the study of American image in Liangyou is conducted from a relatively popular perspective. As one of the most widely read pictorial in the Republican China, Liangyou was representative of how common Chinese perceived America. The thesis found that from this perspective American material civilization was highlighted. Second, this thesis applies imagology to study foreign image. The interaction between the Spected and the Spectant is especially significant. this thesis tries to connect American image in Chinese context and China’s pursuit of modernization. The studying of the Other is a way of inspecting and constructing Self. America portrayed in Liangyou, as the Other, is helpful for editors to recount self-desires, pursuits and anxieties.

 

 

姓名: 张翔        导师: 梅仁毅

论文标题(中文):2014年美国民主党中期选举失利的原因

论文标题(英文): What Led to Democratic Party’s Midterm Election Loss in 2014: Assessing the Explanatory Power of Major Theories

论文关键词(中文):中期选举失利;奥巴马;民主党;参议院选举

论文关键词(英文): Midterm election loss; Barack Obama; Democrats; U.S. Senate Elections

 

中文摘要

总统所属党派遭遇中期选举失利是美国政治中⻓期存在的规律之⼀。在 1842 年⾄ 2014 年的 44 次中期选举中,总统所属的党派遭遇了 41 次失利。在 2010 年和 2014 年,奥巴马也未能摆脱这⼀规律,连续丢掉了两次中期选举。然⽽,2014年奥巴马中期选举失利的独特之处在于,民主党丢掉了参众两院。这是共和党⾃ 2006 年以来⾸次获得参议院的控制权,同时进⼀步巩固了共和党在众议院的优势。

本⽂旨在分析奥巴马 2014 年中期选举失利的原因。关于总统所属党派遭遇中期选举失利这⼀现象,学界已经提出许多理论。本⽂选取了⼏条主流理论,探究这些理论是否适⽤于奥巴马的中期选举失利。同时,本⽂探索奥巴马 2014 年的中期选举失利是否有独特原因。

⾸先,本⽂研究了 2014 年中期选举前美国的经济情况与奥巴马的⽀持率变化。虽然奥巴马在任期间美国经济有所增⻓,但美国⼈民尤其是底层⽩⼈的⽣活⽔平并未得到显著提⾼。同时,由于奥巴马的医疗改⾰和移民法案等国内政策不得⼈⼼,奥巴马的民意⽀持率在 2014 年中期选举前也跌⾄⾕底。这对民主党竞选提供了⾮常不利的客观环境。其次,本⽂⽐较了 2014 年中期选举与 2012 年总统⼤选中投票⼈数的不同,发现 2014 年中期选举期间,投票⼈数⼤幅减少。⽽这部分减少的⼈群主要是年轻⼈和少数族裔,也就是民主党的票仓。同时,反对民主党的⼈群(如⼤部分⽩⼈和⽼年⼈)也更倾向于投票以表达对奥巴马和民主党的不满。2014年中期选举投票⼈数的减少,⼀⽅⾯遵循了历史规律,另⼀⽅⾯也是由于民主党动员不⼒。另外,本⽂研究了在任民主党参议员失利的五个州,探究各州是否有⾃⼰独特的问题所在。研究发现,除经济低迷、奥巴马医疗改⾰不⼒等原因外,奥巴马⿊⼈族裔的⾝份以及民主党⾃⾝的⼠⽓低落也对民主党在南⽅各州的竞选⼗分不利。

 

Abstract

The midterm election loss has long been one of the most striking features in American politics. The president’s party almost always loses votes in congressional midterm elections. From 1842 to 2014, in the 44 midterm congressional elections, the president’s party has lost seats in 41, the exception being 1934, 1998, and 2002. Many theories have been proposed to explain midterm election loss, such as the surge and decline theory, the referendum theory, the negative voting theory and so on.

In 2010 and 2014, Obama lost two midterm elections in a row, which seems normal, given the tradition of midterm election loss of the president’s party. However, what is abnormal is that in 2014 Obama lost both House and Senate. The Republicans gained control of the Senate for the first time since 2006, and increased their majority in the House.

This paper seeks to examine several major theories with the 2014 midterm election to find out which theories can apply to Obama’s midterm election loss and to what extend the existing theories offer adequate explanation of the loss. First, this paper examines the referendum theory by exploring the economic condition of the

U.S. from 2012 to 2014 and Obama’s approval ratings on different issues, such as Obamacare, immigration reform and so on, finding that the poor economy and Obama’s unpopularity provided Democrats with an unfavorable environment. This paper then assesses the negative voting theory by analyzing the voter turnout in the 2014 midterm election and compare it with the 2012 electorate. In 2014, the white and the older were more likely to turn out and vote against Democrats to express their dissatisfaction. On the other hand, Democrats failed to mobilize their voters, the young and racial minorities, whose absence also gave rise to Democrats’ loss. In addition, this paper focuses on the 2014 U.S. Senate elections and explores why in five states the Democratic incumbents lost their seats from the perspective of state economic conditions, voter turnout and different individual issues in each state, finding that besides poor economy and unpopular Obamacare, President Obama’s racial ethnicity and Democrats’ demoralization also played a role in their midterm loss.

 

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