论文题目（英文）：Orchestrated Criticism, Substantive Support: An analysis of media independence in the 2000 PNTR debate
论文关键词（英文）：Permanent Normal Trade Relation; presidential rhetoric; US-China relations; media independence; content analysis
根据罗伯特·恩特曼（Robert Entman）的瀑布模型（the cascade model），本文提出如下论点：在美国决策高层就外交政策产生严重意见分歧时，媒体不会简单遵循总统观点，而会通过主动管理支持与反对意见形成自己独立的立场，并为自身利益服务。
Whether to grant China Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) status in 2000 was an issue heatedly debated among top level officials in the United States government, and also one that aroused rare media criticism of the administration. It has been a general pattern that the media usually follow the president in covering foreign policy, China policy in particular. But in the case of the 2000 PNTR debate, the media seemed to have broken the pattern and exercised their independence.
What exact position did the media take? Were they still “the government’s little helper”, or did they take their independent positions? If they were independent in this case, what were the circumstances that made them so? Given that a myriad of pro- and anti-administration rhetoric all competed for media attention, how did the media manage these opinions, and how does this show the media’s position?
Based on Robert Entman’s cascade model, this thesis argues that when top level officials are severely split, the media will not faithfully reflect what the administration has said in their coverage; rather, they will exercise independence through managing the supporting and opposing frames to serve their own agenda.
By conducting content analysis on President Clinton’s public remarks on PNTR, as well as news articles on the topic from the New York Times and the Washington Post, this thesis disconfirmed the cascade model and found that even when top-level leadership was disunited, the media showed only limited independence and were still generally in support of the president. Although some opposing views (37% of the total frames) were published, they were not independent opinions of the media, but raised by other political players and adopted by the media. In terms of the media’s own view (as reflected in editorials), criticisms were extremely rare.
The media’s limited independence is manifested through their careful management of pro- and anti-PNTR frames in news articles. Anti-PNTR frames, although relatively large in number, were low in quality, with very few capable of posing real challenge to the president. Moreover, a lot of them were mere China-bashing cheap talks, and the majority targeted at criticizing the less-significant, supplementary frames, leaving the crucial presidential frames largely intact. In terms of pro-PNTR frames,the media provided substantive support to the president. They re-adjusted the weight given to each presidential frame in media coverage, highlighting presidential frames closely-related to people’s interests and ideological frames, while downplaying the rhetorical one.This shows that the media were not simple surrogate voices of the president; in the management of both supporting and opposing frames, their own agenda of objectivity and appealing to the public were also at play.
This study contributes to the research on media independence in US foreign policy reporting in two aspects: first, it expands the issue area from military conflicts to the larger non-military cases which are less salient and supposedly could give the media more room for discretion. By including the wider spectrum of cases, theories on this topic could be put into broader tests. Second, it proposes a more refined research design than existing ones by including the pro-administration rhetoric. By breaking down pro-administration frames and looking specifically into how the media highlighted certain frames and downplayed others, the media’s position on the issue and their level of independence could be better understood.
论文题目（英文）：An Analysis of Confirmation Duration of Nominations to the United States Supreme Court
论文关键词（英文）：The U.S. Supreme Court，Confirmation Duration, Partisanship, Ideology,Qualification
本文运用COX 回归的方法，对1937 年至2010 年间所有最高法院法官候选人在参议院所经历的任命时长进行数据分析。本文的基本观点是，自1937 年后，美国最高法院法官提名候选人的任命时长受候选人的意识形态以及资质影响较大 — 候选人与参议员的意识形态差距越小且候选人的资质越高，则候选人的任命时长越短。此外，分治政府或府院差异所体现出的政党极化也会对任命时长产生负面影响。
The United States Supreme Court Justices exert great impact on U.S. politics. As a result, the selection of these nine justices has always attracted much scholarly attention. So far, judicial candidates’ partisanship, ideology and qualification are almost universally considered the three most important factors influencing the result of their confirmations in the Senate. However, the high pass rate of the nominations contradicts the usually unsmooth and even dissentious hearing process. Increasing focus has been called for to look at the process per se.
The paper takes the perspective of the confirmation duration — how quickly the Senate completes the confirmation process. Confirmation duration is significant in filling the current gap in the area; it can shed new light on the whole picture of judicial selection in a number of ways.
Through improving previous model, the paper uses Cox regression to analyze all the confirmations spanning from 1937 to the most recent one in 2010. The paper finds that candidates’ ideology and qualifications have major effects on the duration — the narrower the ideological distance between the candidate and senators and the higher the candidate’s qualification is, the shorter the confirmation. Meanwhile, party polarization, as indicated by two variables, divided government and president-majority party distance, prove their negative influence as well.
论文题目（英文）：Henry David Thoreau’s Application of Confucius and Mencius Remarks in Walden and Civil Disobedience
论文关键词（英文）：Oriental thought, Confucius/Mencius, creative application
Henry David Thoreau is a key figure among transcendentalist thinkers in the mid-19th century of the United States. As an American, Thoreau reads richly into Oriental scriptures. Moreover, he used in abundance quotations from his reading. The relationship between Thoreau, his thought and Oriental culture has thus long been an issue in the study of Thoreau. The Western academia often equals Oriental culture in Thoreau’s writing to his reading of Hindu scriptures, whereas Chinese scholars have endeavored to find out the connection between Thoreau and sages in ancient China, such as Confucius, Mencius and Lao-tsu.
Through examining two representative works of Thoreau, Walden and Civil Disobedience, this paper intends to examine the original meaning of the quotations selected by Thoreau from Confucius and Mencius, what Thoreau attempts to convey using the quotations, and how Thoreau’s thoughts coincide or differ from those of Confucius and Mencius. With a comprehensive textual analysis, it is found that quotations of Confucius and Mencius selected by Thoreau are mostly cut off from their meaning in the original context and applied creatively in the new text. These remarks serve as a source to seek inspiration to Thoreau. His purpose is to use the inspiring Oriental thought as an agent to his own argument.
论文题目（英文）：Don’t Clap Your Hands for Katniss Just Yet: Examining Gender Relations in the Hunger Games Trilogy
论文关键词（英文）：The Hunger Games Trilogy; Feminist Heroine; Gender Display; Hegemonic Masculinity; Emphasized Femininity.
Katniss Everdeen, the cold and violent female protagonist of the Hunger Games trilogy, has been reaping popularity and critically acclaim as a true feminist heroine ever since the coming-out of the first book. A provider of family, warrior of Hunger Games, and symbolic leader of a rebellion, she has done a lot more than previous heroines in dystopian literature for young adults. Yet, does her violent skills and bread-winner identity qualify the name of a feminist heroine? Considering her gender relations with two male characters, will she still be as feminist as she appears to be?
Through examinations on transformations of her gender display, by utilizing the theory of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity to pinpoint the changing discourse of gender, this thesis aims to argue that she transforms from embodying hegemonic masculinity to emphasized femininity, that she eventually does not qualify to be a feminist heroine, for emphasized femininity only serves for patriarchy.
KatnissEverdeen has been the first of her kind in the genre of dystopian literature for young adults for being a powerful female protagonist. Her popularity and critical merits as being supposedly feminist has only encouraged many similar heroines in dystopias to emerge. Yet it would be catastrophically misleading to the millions of youngsters around the globe if the only thing it takes to be a feminist heroine is to know her way around a weapon and be stereotypically masculine. It is high time we set the record straight and called for true feminist heroines to come.
论文题目（英文）：Building Popularity through Rhetoric: A Diachronic Study of (Inter-) subjectivity of American Presidential Inaugural and SOU Speeches
论文关键词（中文）：主体（间）性 总统修辞 修辞总统理论 第二宪法 美国总统
论文关键词（英文）：(inter-)subjectivity, presidential rhetoric, the theory of rhetorical presidency, the second constitution, US presidents
在美国三权分立的政治体系中，以美国总统为代表的行政机构，理应与立法机构（国会）、司法机构（最高法院）相互制衡。在美国政治发展历程中，美国总统的权力从三权分立的体制中逐渐扩展，演变为以公众修辞策略和民众影响力为核心的“修辞总统”。在建国之初，美国总统与国会等其他政府分支协商和提议政策；而在当今美国国内两党日益分化、政府立法困难、政策实施困难的政治僵局中，美国总统倾向于越过国会，和民众直接交流，来阐述政策主张。与这种政治演变相适应，对美国公众的劝说能力和影响力成为美国“修辞总统”权力的核心。为了更好的顺服其他政府机构、主导民意，总统演讲的修辞策略也发生了历时性的演变，如Samuel Kernell提出的公众倾向， Elvin Lim提出的反智倾向，Jeffrey Tulis提出的修辞倾向等。基于这些倾向，本文提出美国总统在为了更好的与听众沟通，在演讲中越来越注重听众、与听众认同，即总统演讲的主体间性越来越强的假设，并通过量化手段来论证此假设。
本文旨在研究美国总统演讲的主体性及主体间性的历时性变化，属于总统修辞的范畴。主体性强调演讲者的对自我认知和态度的表达，主体间性高的演讲表明演讲者更强调自我认知和意图。主体间性体现了演讲者对听众意识的重视，表明了演讲者把听众纳入主体的一部分，并与之互动的意愿。主体间性强的演讲表明演讲者与听众的心理距离越近。在传统认知中，演讲者和听众，分别作为主体和客体，是对立存在的。主体间性跨越“演讲者-听众”、“主体-客体”的二元对立，通过构建共同特征，减少了主体和客体之间的差别，缩短了演讲者和听众之间的距离。在美国总统走向公众、注重修辞策略的同时，本文将回答以下四个问题：1. 从华盛顿到奥巴马，美国总统演讲的主体性和主体间性如何变化？2. 总统演讲的听众包括了民众、国会、政府成员等，总统在演讲中对不同听众的重视程度如何变化？3. 美国总统演讲主体性和主体间性的变化如何反映美国总统制度和三权分立制度的演变？
The American presidency, which is designated to be checked in the balance of powers system in American Constitution, undergoes a significant transformation to a rhetorical presidency which emphasizes presidential rhetorical leadership which resides in the power to persuade and bargain with other branches of government as well as the American public. American presidents used to direct policies toward the government including the congress and other government bodies upon the founding of the nation, now tend to communicate and illustrate policies directly with the people over the head of the congress within the political climate of party polarization and political gridlocks which renders legislation and policy implementation more difficult. In order to better persuade other branches of the government and to lead public opinion, presidents’ rhetoric also undergoes diachronic change, featured by Samuel Kernell’s public presidency, Elvin Lim’s anti-intellectual presidency, and Jeffrey Tulis’s rhetorical presidency. Based on these tendencies, this thesis put forward the hypothesis that American presidents construct increasing audience awareness, identify with the audience to communicate with the audience more actively in their public speeches, i.e., the intersubjectivity of presidential rhetoric increases over time. The hypothesis is tested in this thesis by quantitative methods.
This thesis aims to study the diachronic change of subjectivity and intersubjectivity of presidential speeches including inaugural speeches and SOU speeches, falling into the category of presidential rhetoric. Subjectivity demonstrates the speaker’s emphasis on personal cognition, attitude and belief. Frequent usage of subjective words reflects the speaker’s expanding self and assertive self intention. Intersubjectivity reflects the addresser’s inclination to interact with the addressee by incorporating the addressee as part of the subject. Speeches with higher intersubjectivity indicates the addresser’s closer psychological relationship with the audience. In conventional cognition, the addresser and the addressee, as the subject and the object, are separated. Intersubjetivity goes beyond the dualities of “addresser-addressee” and “subject-object”, reducing the difference between the addresser and the addressee and the subject and narrowing the distance between the object by constructing shared reality and projecting common characteristics. When American presidents go public and become more rhetorical, this thesis aims to answer the following questions: 1. How does the subjectivity and intersubejctivity of American presidential rhetoric (represented by inaugural speeches and SOU speeches) change over time from Washington to Obama? 2. Since the audience of presidential speeches incorporate the people, the congress and the government, how does presidents’ emphasis on different types of audience change over time? 3. How does the diachronic change of subjectivity and intersubjectivity in presidential rhetoric represent the historical change of rhetorical presidency, as well as the evolution of constitution and balance of powers mechanism in American politics?
In Tulis’s theory of the rhetorical presidency, two antithetical constitutions exist and guide presidential rhetoric. The first is the original constitution, which respects separation and balance of powers between different branches. The second is an “organic constitution”, which “encourages and legitimates presidential rhetorical leadership”. In adaptation with the two constitutions, there are two presidencies in American politics. The first presidency is the “constitutional presidency”, constraining the presidents in the separation of powers system. The second presidency is the “rhetorical presidency”, encouraging American presidents to go over the institutional constraint and to lead the public by popular rhetorical power. In American political development, American presidency evolves from “constitutional presidency” to “rhetorical presidency”. American presidents’ tendency to draw away from the Congress and the government while drawing closer to the public and identifying with the public, can be illustrated by the theory of rhetorical presidency.
This paper finds the intersubjectivity of presidential inaugural speeches and SOU speeches significantly increases over time from Washington to Obama, which means American presidents construct increasing audience awareness and identifying with the audience in their speeches for policy support. The subjectivity of inaugural speeches decreases over time, which indicates that American presidents are inclined to identify with the public instead of labeling themselves as an independent institution away from the public. In SOU speeches, American presidents are constructing increasing subjectivity, which reflects that American presidents are becoming an independent institution from the Congress and the government. Among different audiences, in particular, the people, the congress and the government, American presidents are more inclined to line with the people in their speeches, while drawing away from the congress and the government in their speeches. American presidents are threatening the congress by the usage of veto, while in reality, the usage of veto decreases over the year. As for the government, American presidents tend to draw away from the government and criticize the government in their speeches. As for the Constitution, American presidents are less and less likely to mention the Constitution in their public speeches, which means they are de-emphasizing the Constitution in their rhetoric. American presidents tend to embrace the second constitution which encourages presidential popular rhetorical leadership and draw away from the first constitution which constrains presidential power. American presidents increasingly tend to mention the executive branch increasing, while less and less frequently emphasizing the legislative branch and the judicial branch especially after 1900. The balance of powers between the executive branch, the legislative branch and the judicial branch tends to lean on the executive branch in presidential rhetoric.
Corresponding to Tulis’s theory of rhetorical presidency, this paper finds that in presidential speeches, American presidents tend to draw away from the original constitution to the second “organic constitution”, transforming from “constitutional presidency” to “rhetorical presidency”. The presidents tend to increasingly emphasize and identify with the public while de-emphasizing the congress and the government to be an independent institution, which leads to increasingly imbalance of powers among the presidency, the congress and the people. Meanwhile, American presidents, as the leader of the executive branch, tend to de-emphasize the legislative branch and the judicial branch, which renders increasingly imbalance of powers among the legislative branch, the judicial branch and the executive branch. This rhetorical incline represents both a transformation and development of American presidency, which can be attributed to constitutional design, presidential election mode, communication technique advancement, and political polarization all contribute to this incline.
论文题目（英文）：Framing the United States and China:A Study of Reporting by State-owned and Independent English-language Dailies in Myanmar and Implications for China
论文关键词（英文）：Framing Theory, Myanmar Newspaper, China, the United States, the
Since it came into power in 2011, the Myanmar government has adjusted its foreign policy while conducting a democratic reform inside Myanmar. The suspension of the Myitsone project and continuous protests against Chinese-backed projects shadow Sino-Myanmar relations in contrast to the improvement of US-Myanmar relations. Research into the image of the United States contrasted with that of China projected on the same newspaper will be helpful to understand the ways in which the United States is represented by the media in Myanmar and the reasons for that representation. Meanwhile, by comparison, we can also learn why China’s national image is so portrayed in recent years and help us to find ways to improve China’s image.
Under such context, the paper, by using content analysis and textual analysis, studies the images of China and the United States framed by GNLM and MyanmarEleven. The study indicates that the United States enjoys a relatively more positive image in Myanmar newspaper while China has a more negative image in the reports on economy, environment, domestic politics and crime in Myanmar.
Myanmar’s foreign policy has a bearing on national images of the two countries in the state-owned newspaper since any change in government’s mouthpiece can cause diplomatic conflicts. Therefore, the state-owned newspaper inclines to cover positive reports of the two countries. Besides Myanmar’s foreign policy, Chinese and American activities in Myanmar, media freedom and newspaper position are also factors resulting in such representation of China and the United States. To be specific, Myanmar newspapers frame the national images through title formation, the contentof the reports and word selection.
The study has presented findings on the framing of China and the United States
by Myanmar newspapers, making its own contribution.
论文题目（英文）：Challenger Quality and Election Outcome in the U.S. Senate Elections, 2000-2012
论文关键词（英文）：US Senate, Challenger Quality, Election Outcome, Incumbency Advantage
Sustained high incumbent re-election rates in US Congress in the past half century indicates that unseating an incumbent is extremely difficult. Very few challengers could succeed defeating an incumbent. Scholars usually attribute this development to the advantage that incumbents enjoy when they are in office. The quality of challenger, as an important factor in influencing election outcome, however, is often overlooked. Furthermore, when challenger quality has been discussed, it has often been measured with rather crude measurements, leaving out crucial information on challengers. Challengers in Senate have received even less scholarly attention.
This thesis is an effort to fill the gap in existing literature by interpreting Senate election outcomes from the perspective of challenger quality. First of all, this thesis proposes a new measurement of challenger quality that includes three indicators, Political Experience, Campaign Finance, and Name recognition. This measurement, as proved by this thesis, works better than those used by previous literature.
Second, by collecting and sorting data on challengers from 2000 to 2012, this thesis has managed to shed some light on Senate elections. This thesis finds that nearly half of Senate challengers have never held elected office of any kind. Of those with elected experience, they most commonly come from the House.
Third, this thesis has studied the relationship between challenger quality and election outcomes. It finds that Campaign Finance, Political Experience and Name Recognition have significant positive impact on challenger election outcomes. An extra 1000,000 dollars in campaign finance (holding the incumbent’s campaign finance constant) brings about an increase of 0.73 percent in two-party vote share.
By studying challenger quality and election outcome, this thesis tries to make sense of Senate elections, and in a broader sense, of American politics from a new perspective and with new depth.
论文题目（英文）：Does the “Myth of Legality” Still Matter? Institutional Legitimacy of the Polarized Supreme Court
论文关键词（英文）：political polarization, institutional legitimacy,“Myth of Legality”
This paper attempts to delineate the state of institutional legitimacy of the U.S. Supreme Court in the age of political polarization, in which there is considerable tension between the “Myth of Legality”, the conventionalsource of judicial legitimacy, and the highly publicized fact that justices are increasingly politically polarized.
In order to ease the tension, the following arguments are made. First, Judicial avowals of impartiality and non-partisanship are indicative of justices’perception of the relevanceof the “Myth of Legality”in conferring institutional legitimacy to the Court. Second, inreality, judicial legitimacy remains intactdespite the severe political polarization. Third, new institutionalist studies of the Court insinuate a positive correlation between congressional polarization and judicial legitimacy, since a fragmented Congress is less interested in or capable of curbing the Court’s integrity and capacity. Therefore, in order to uphold judicial legitimacy, justices can be expected to be lesspolarized when Congress is more united and competent. In reality, however, polarization on the Court does not lead to significant rise of congressional measures to curb the Courtinstitutionally.
Empirically confirming the arguments,this study has important theoretical as well as empirical implications. First, although public opinion literature argues that the American people no longer subscribe to the “Myth of Legality”, justices are stilldistinct from ordinary citizens and have been found to have a clear preference for the “Myth of Legality”as a source of institutional legitimacy for the Court. Second, a polarized Congress is usually accompaniedby a polarized Supreme Court, possibly because the fragmented Congress fails to effectively curb the Court and even desires judicial leadership in controversial policy areas. The fragmented law-making majority might mean greater amounts of institutional legitimacy for the Court. Third, judicial activism, or unfettered judicial behaviors, can also be measured by the degree to which the Court is politically polarized, in additionto the number of federalstatutes the Court nullifies. In the age of political polarization and frequent changes of leading parties in elected branches, the frequency of judicial nullification of federal laws might not be as undesirableas it used to be.
论文题目（英文）：Transforming a Great Society into a Great Community: John Dewey’s Construction of the Democratic Way of Life
论文关键词（中文）：美国思想史 约翰·杜威 伟大共同体 民主
论文关键词（英文）： American intellectual history, John Dewey, Great Community, democracy
As an American philosopher, educator, social critic, political activist, psychologist and a cofounder of the philosophical movement known as Pragmatism, John Dewey is widely acclaimed for his role in promoting the development of liberal and progressive democracy. Dewey’s voluminous works are imbued with strands of his ideas about America’s quest for democracy. Despite the context of the 20th century, Dewey’s work is still of contemporary social relevance. Many scholars have mentioned Dewey’s concept of community in their books or essays, but few have offered an explanation about the meaning of community. The systematic and detailed studies on the concept of Deweyan Great Community remain relatively an unplowed territory.
Expanding on the existing studies on John Dewey, this thesis aims to address Dewey’s theory of the Great Community and the achievability of such an ideal. This thesis mainly relies on a textual analysis of such primary sources as Dewey’s middle and later works on his political and social philosophy. A close reading of his philosophical works reveals main features of the Great Community: participatory democracy, bottom-up direction of organizing democratic community, and plurality. Dewey encouraged citizens to actively participate in public affairs to guarantee that final decisions of social policies could represent a consensus of the general public. Bottom-up direction of organizing community included two facets: education and self-government. The function of education lies in making citizens informative and equipping them with the expertise to affect collective decision-making. Dewey argued that plurality would enhance social stability and allowing more opinions to circulate in society could be beneficial for the solution of dispute and conflict.
As to the achievability of the Great Community, inquiry and communication are two main conditions. The function of inquiry is to help citizens to achieve intellectual reconstruction. Through inquiry, citizens would grasp the knowledge about how to construct community. Communication helps the circulation of social intelligence and undertakes the task of bridging the gap between the citizens and government.
With the 2016 U.S. presidential election fast approaching, representative democracy in the United States once again catches public attention. American democracy now suffers from many flaws such as the excessive role of money in American elections, assorted inefficiency and incompetence of government and party politics, etc. In this sense, studies of Dewey’s ideas about democracy may provide us yet another opportunity to reflect upon the political institutions of our time. Dewey’s ideas about the construction of a democratic community are the results of philosophical reflections or hypotheses which need to be tested in the changing social contexts. But the intellectual heritage can help us think about the future and a range of alternatives.
论文题目（英文）：Securitization of Environment in the United States, 1991~2015: A Historical Analysis
论文关键词（英文）：Securitization, Environmental security, Climate Security, National security, Environmental Perception
Traditionally, national security has always been connected with military or war. Yet, with the end of war, other problems began to stand out. In recent decades, more frequent appearance of natural disasters as well as subsequent question of refugee migrations have attracted worldwide attention. To understand environmental issues from the perspective of security also becomes a hot topic among scholars. So it is in the United States. Starting from 1991 when “environmental security” was formally incorporated into American National Security Strategy, the meaning of environmental security and the measures taken on safeguarding it has changed many times. However, despite the fact that there are substantial work on environmental security, there have been few touching how environment was gradually incorporated into American national security agenda.
This paper is an effort to make up this tiny gap in the existing literature and then try to explain the underlying reasons for its evolution. After an analysis of historical documents like the National Security Strategy, bills introduced in Congress and so forth, it is found that the perception of environmental security and the action taken to safeguard environmental security have experienced ups and downs from 1991 to 2015.
In the time of Bush Senior, environmental security was only a part of economic security with no special measures taken. When it came to the time of Clinton’s Administration, environmental security was singled out as an important part of national security, which was not only connected with economic prosperity, but the stability of America’s strategically important regions and the well being of American citizens. The idea of integrating environmental issues into national security strategy was further reinforced and actualized with the creation of the position of the Under Secretary for Environmental Security and efforts committed to international environmental protection. Yet the position of environmental security in American national security planning and policy is not secure. During the Administration of George Walker Bush when terrorism was the main concern, environment was no longer treated as a threat to American national security. Even when environment was mentioned in the two National Security Strategy reports, it was treated either as a challenge to free trade, or as a general emergency issue. Then in Barack Obama’s presidency, environment was once again analyzed as an integral element of national security with more specified measures and policies. While environment ranked high in general, the focus was narrowed down to climate security. Climate challenges were (relatively) extensively analyzed in the two National Security Strategy reports submitted by Obama, as one of the “top strategic risks” to American national security, which was “real”, “severe” and “urgent”. Based on this historical review, it is found that while there has been no comprehensive environmental security strategy established in the United States, the environmental security policies have matured and become more specified.
Also, it is found that many factors have contributed to the different environmental security policies in the United States. Actually, the policies for safeguarding environmental security has showed strong sensitivity to actual environmental issues, which has triggered the attention of American government. In faced with those objective threats, different perception and evaluation of the threat they impose also shape the steps taken accordingly. At the same time, overall political context like the end of Cold War, the War on Terror and the financial crisis in 2008 can spare or steal the attention of national security planners. Then when the global world was worrying the implications of environmental threats and promoting environmental protection cooperation, the United States was forced to act and act accordingly whose leadership otherwise would be challenged. Besides, the personal commitment to environment by the President can never be ignored, who enjoys great power as the executive leader and stands at the top of American national security policy decision process. Yet even this President is influenced by the Congress with its legislative and money purse power. And the role of the Congress can be helpful on some occasions and impeding on others.
论文题目（英文）：Strategies for Promotion, Reflections of Assimilation: An Analysis of Self-Presenting Patterns of Chinese American Males on a Dating Website
论文关键词（中文）：婚恋网站 华裔男性 融入情况 收入差距
论文关键词（英文）：dating websites, Chinese American males, income disparity, assimilation
Dating websites, which came into light in the late 1990s in the United States, now have swept over the whole world, becoming crucial channels for people to contact their future dates or mates. Chinese American male daters have played an active role in promoting themselves on the mainstream dating websites such as Match.com. Thus, the analyses of dating websites provide us new perspectives to examine the efforts that Chinese Americans have made to assimilate into the host country and the host culture.
This paper, based on previous research on stereotypes of Chinese American males and the racial hierarchy that exists in marital market, will make a thorough analysis on daters’ profiles by taking quantitative and qualitative methods. It intends to answer questions such as “what presenting pattern can be obtained from Chinese American males when compared with their White counterparts as a whole?”, “how does income disparity influence Chinese American males’ self-promoting strategies?”, and “what factors contributes to all these similarities and differences?”.
The results indicate that Chinese American have taken similar self-promoting pattern as the Whites by presenting themselves in much the same way with their Caucasian counterparts in aspects such as personality, interests, and so on. On the other hand, they still maintain some specific features which are frequently highlighted in Chinese culture, such as their emphasis of family values and social interaction. Moreover, income turns out to be an influential factor to define daters’ presenting behaviors. And the disparity of income even surpasses that of ethnicity among daters.
The paper has two major contributions: firstly, the general pattern for Chinese American male daters reveals a continuous interaction between assimilation and ethnic culture endorsement; secondly, even among the same ethnic groups, the extent of assimilation differs due to different socioeconomic and generational conditions, which to some extent reveal the influence of racial disparity and social inequality in American society.
论文题目（英文）：Research on the Influencing Factors of Chinese Enterprises’ Mergers undefinedamp; Acquisitions in the United States
论文关键词（英文）：mergers and acquisitions, institution, resource
Since 1990s, China has witnessed a rapid development in foreign direct investment. Cross-border mergers and acquisitions has served as the main impetus in China’s foreign direct investment. Statistics show that in recent years, the transaction value of cross-border mergers and acquisitions take up 80% of that of foreign direct investment. According to the report from Rhodium Group, the value of cross-border mergers and acquisitions in 2015 reached 61 billion dollars, a level never recorded. At the same time, in the past decade, Chinese enterprises have become an indispensable driver for global mergers and acquisitions. Among the many targets of Chinese enterprises, US has long been the second large target after EU, this trend became more apparent since 2011. However, the transactions of Chinese enterprises in US do not go smoothly most of the time, and the immediate results of transactions are usually unsatisfactory. In particular, some failed mega-deals aroused wide attention in China.
With empirical study, this paper analyzes the institutional and non-institutional factors that might have influences on the immediate results of transactions in US. The finding shows that whether the acquirer employs advisors and whether the acquirer pays in cash have direct influences on the immediate results. Whether utilizing advisors can modulate the effects of some institutional and non-institutional factors, but the modulating effects of cash payment is not significant.
论文题目（英文）：The Current China Debate in America (2012–2015): Contents, Causes and Policy Suggestions
论文关键词（英文）：American China hands, China, U.S.-China relation, China debate
In the pastthree years there is almost a consensus in America that U.S.-China relation is worsening and mutual strategic distrust is also deepening. Indeed in early 2015 there is a surge of articles and research reports from American scholars and think tanks concerning the future of this relation, and the majority view is that U.S.-China relation will go downward in the future. Some American scholars even claim that currently the competition element in U.S.-China relations outweighs the cooperation element and U.S.-China relation is coming to a tipping point. In other words, the traditional American hedging policy since the Nixon Administration may give way to tougher China policy such as deterring, checking or even containment. As a result, it is necessary to explore why there emerges such a trend in America and how China can deal with such negative views on the prospect of U.S.-China relation.
Instead of investigating the general views of the American public concerning U.S.-China relation, this paper will explore the concrete views of twenty five leading American China hands concerning China from January 2012 to June 2015. As the evaluation of the prospect of U.S.-China relation is based on the evaluation of China’s domestic situation, this paper will first explore how these American scholars see China’s political, economic, military and social development as well as its foreign policy in recent years for the sake of having a better understanding of their views and logic concerning China and U.S.-China relation. In specific, 307 pieces of articles, interviews, blog articles, event transcripts, lectures, comments and research reports will be explored and analyzed, while the total number of words of these materials is about 770,000.
By using both quantitative and qualitative methods, this paper has several findings concerning the majority views of these American China hands. Politically, a majority of them believes that China faces numerous problems such as corruption, inequality and environment deterioration. At the same time, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is becoming weaker in the face of internal problems such as corruption and vicious power struggle and external problems such as the public’s desire for political participation and other socio-economic pressures. As a result, China is in urgent need of democratic political reforms but the new leadership seems not on the right side of history. Economically, there is almost a consensus among these scholars that the traditional Chinese economic growth model is now coming to an end and China is in urgent need of taking economic reforms which give the market more says in economic life. But economic reform depends on political reform, without which China can almost never achieve economic transformation. Militarily, China’s fast modernization of its weapons systems and human resources causes many of them to worry about China’s intentions toward its neighbors and America in the Asia-Pacific region. In foreign policy, a majority of these scholars believe that as China becomes stronger, it naturally will want more from other nations and China may have the ambition to ease out America from Asia and even replace America as the global leader. Then this paper will explore the policy suggestions of these scholars on how to deal with China and it seems that a majority of them believe America needs to continue to seek cooperation with China but China also needs to be hedged against as its future is full of uncertainties, in terms of its domestic situation and its engagement with the outside world.
In addition, this paper also tries to generalize some features in the current China debate. Epistemologically, these scholars have seen China’s problems but they commit the mistake of overgeneralization. The obsession in the belief that when a nation becomes strong it will inevitably seek regional or even global hegemony leads them to ignore the basic facts in China’s territorial disputes with other nations in the East and South China Seas. Disappointment in China’s “lack of democratic transformation” makes them angry.Underlying this debate is the fear toward the redistribution of power on the international stage, and American exceptionalism makes it almost impossible for these scholars to accept that a non-English-speaking, non-western,non-democratic country like China is an alternative or even a challenge to the America-led liberal democracies.Lastly, this paper also provides some recommendations on how to deal with such a situation in the future.
论文题目（英文）：Framing Racial Protest: A Comparative Study of the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest and the 2014 Ferguson Unrest
论文关键词（英文）：Racial Protest, Frame, the New York Times, the Washington Post, the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest, the 2014 Ferguson Unrest
Research on the relationships between mass media and social movements or protests has largely concentrated on the ways through which newspapers and television networks represent the anti-war movements, feminist movements, global justice movements. Few has studied racial protests, which are not rare in the history of the United States.
The 2014 Ferguson Unrest, as the most recent one, reminded many of the similar racial unrests in America, among which the most famous one is the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest, the 2001 Cincinnati Riots, to name just a few. This paper picks up two of them—the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest and the 2014 Ferguson Unrest as research targets. Using the method of content analysis and textual analysis, and based on the theoretical framework of media framing, this paper inquires as to how the national newspapers—represented by the New York Times and the Washington Post, covered these two unrests and if there exits significant difference in the coverage of the two unrests, given their 22 years’ time gap.
The research finds that the national newspapers do make some progress in the coverage. Compared with the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest, the reporting of the 2014 Ferguson Unrest was more positive, employed more non-official voices, reduced the racial stereotypes reporting. However, in analyzing social context for the 2014 Ferguson unrest, the coverage overwhelmingly blamed police force/militarization, thus reducing the significance of race issues, failing to point out the public policy that has caused the chaos in Ferguson. This failure manifests the popular color-blind racism nowadays in American society, which still functions to defend white advantages.
This paper contributes to the research on relationship between media and social protests, and the influence of social contexts on media report.
论文题目（英文）：Framing Peng Liyuan and Michelle Obama: A Content Analysis of Mainstream Newspapers’ Coverage in China and the U.S.
论文关键词（英文）： Framing theory, PengLiyuan, Michelle Obama, Gender Stereotypes, Traditional First Lady Role
As Pengliyuan has become so popular that she started to attract global attention, since Xi Jingping became China’s new national leader on 14th March, 2013 and later (starting on 22nd March 2013) they visited Russia and African countries, many mainstream newspapers in China and the US often covered her with her U.S. counterpart – Michelle Obama. They used different words, expressed different connotation and portrayed PengLiyuan and Michelle Obama in different ways. This process is how newspapers “frame” people.
Thus, this study aimed at finding out how mainstream newspapers in China and the U.S. frame Pengliyuan and Michelle Obama, the two most influential first ladies nowadays. This study collected and examined news articles covering two first ladies from People’s Daily, China Daily, New York Times and Washington Post. News articles in three periods were chosen, first year in Pengliyuan’s term (2013/03/14-2014/03/14) and first years in Michelle Obama’s first and second terms (2009/01/20-2010/01/20 and 2013/01/21-2014/01/21). By employing quantitative content analysis and framing theory, four dominant frames, Gender Stereotypes, Traditional First Lady Role, Qualified/Unqualified, Likable/Unlikable were coded and examined, together with secondary frames under each dominant frames, other topics and overall tone of coverage. This study conducted two-level analysis when examining how People’s Daily, China Daily, New York Times and Washington Post framed PengLiyuan and Michelle Obama. The first level was to compare framing of PengLiyuan and Michelle Obama by two Chinese newspapers and framing of them by two American newspapers; the second level was to compare how Chinese newspapers and American ones framed PengLiyuan and how Chinese newspapers and American ones framed Michelle Obama.
Results showed that all four newspapers covered PengLiyuan mostly in Gender Stereotypes and Michelle Obama mostly in Traditional First Lady Role. In addition, Chinese newspapers and American newspapers framed PengLiyuan differently, especially reflected in the overall tone of coverage, while almost the same when framing Michelle Obama. Chinese newspapers framed PengLiyuan positively, but American newspapers fixed more attention on her negative aspects. All four newspapers covered Michelle Obama in an all-around way, including both positive and negative aspects.
论文题目（英文）：Framing the Confucius Institute: A Comparative Studies of US National and Local Newspaper Coverage of the Confucius Institute
论文关键词（中文）：美国主流媒体 美国地方媒体 孔子学院 框架分析
论文关键词（英文）：the Confucius Institute, US media coverage, framing analysis
This study compares how the U.S. national and local newspapers frame the Confucius Institute and explores what are the difference in terms of dominant frames, the length and the tones of the coverage. Framing analysis is conducted to examine the reports within the period from 2004 to 2014. The samples from national newspapers are drawn from The New York Times and The Washington Post, two leading newspapers in terms of circulation and influence in the US. And the local newspapers are selected from states with Confucius Institutes in the Lexis-Nexis Database. Results of the analysis reveal the difference between the US national and local newspaper coverage of Confucius Institutes in terms of dominant frames, length of coverage and tones of coverage. The conclusion is that the Confucius Institute do not draw much attention from national media according to the numbers of reports and the length of coverage. Moreover, Confucius Institutes are framed more as the Chinese government’s political tool to promote China’s soft power, confront western ideology and compete for international influence. The dominant frame is conflict frame and the tone is negative. In contrast, in local newspaper coverage, Confucius Institutes are framed more as an educational institution that promotes language learning and cultural exchange, which benefits local business and prepare children for globalization. The dominant frame is human interest frame and the tones are generally positive and neutral.
论文题目（英文）：Globalizing the Ford Foundation in China: A case study of international philanthropy in rural women’s political participation
论文关键词（中文）：跨国慈善 福特基金会 全球本土化 中国农村妇女参政
论文关键词（英文）：Transnational philanthropy, Ford Foundation, glocalization, Chinese rural women’s political participation
Transnational philanthropic foundations in China, along with other forms of international organizations, have been contributing to the modernization and development of China, yet they are also getting politically sensitive as in many other recipient countries. Cultural imperialism is often associated with transnational operations of foundations; a view shared by academics and the general public in both donor and recipient countries. However, the overly simplistic and heavily ideological claim does no justice to the complex and interactive philanthropic social relation, and denies the agency of local recipients, who are not just receivers of foreign money but more importantly— promoters and undertakers of specific projects.
This thesis takes up the issue of transnational philanthropic foundation’s operations in China and examines specifically that of the Ford Foundation.Among the pioneering foreign philanthropic foundations operating in China after the reform and opening up in the 1980s, Ford Foundation remains to be one of those with largest monetary commitment till today. With its regional office established in Beijing in 1988, Ford’s nearly three-decade operations in China have covered aspects from legal system construction and civil society developmentto poverty alleviation and promotion of gender equality. However, compared to its large-scale operations and enormous grant sums, the academic attention that the Foundation has received is far from enough to assess its three-decade involvement. Most of the existing evaluations, echoing those on transnational philanthropic organizations in general, notably those by Robert Arnove (1984) and Edward Berman (1980), are assertive instead of empirical and demonstrative. To complicate the picture of Ford Foundation in China as it is, this thesis studiesthe Foundation’s program of gender and village governance by adopting an agency-based approach and restoring the social relation it has with local recipients. The reason for choosing gender and village governance program lies in its rich nature of aiming both to promote gender equality in political participation and governance reform at grassroots level in China.
This thesis borrows the perspective and critique of cultural imperialism but also avoids purely ideological assertion and explores the interactive social relation of Ford Foundation and its local recipients, especially the agency of the latter. Adopting the theory of philanthropy as a social relation proposed by Ostrander andSchervish (1990) and the concept of glocalization proposed byRoland Robertson (1995), this research examines Ford’s gender and village governance program under the framework of glocalization. The purpose is to explore how the foreign foundation funded projects, which in essence are carriers of social relations, became localized in China. Under Ford’s gender and village governance program, there are altogether 14 rural women’s political participation projects.This empirical researchhas chosen four of them to investigate based on a project’s duration and impact. The primary sources used for this study include both archival records — such as the Foundation’s annual reports, unpublished internal report, academic evaluation reports of specific projects, and training materials generated by the program—and also in-depth interviews with ten participants of those projects from both donor and recipient side, including the Foundation’s program officer, project recipients and consultants, and also those rural women who were direct beneficiaries of those projects.
Probing into both the Foundation’s strategic planning and agency of local recipients, this research finds that contrary to the simplistic and overarching claim of cultural imperialism, Ford Foundation plays a role of facilitator instead of agenda-setter or dominator in the glocalization process. The Foundation certainly has clear goals of promoting democracy and gender equality at grassroots level through building networks among Chinese activists and scholars and through strategically choosing project pilot sites which were distributed at all administrative levels and handpicking recipients with official backing. However, the success of the Foundation’s projects does not lie solely in its clear-mindedness or monetary and technical strength. The Chinese government’s endorsementto and even encouragement of international organizations participating in the experiment field of grassroots democracy is a determining factor of the success. Also of importance arethe compatible needs the Foundation shared with local recipients and, from a technical perspective, its hands-off approach in giving recipients full autonomy. On the side of local recipients, their agency is demonstrated through recognizing the need of tacklingunderrepresentationof women in villagers committee, approaching Ford for financial support, acceptingthe Foundation’s frameworks and absorbingthem into existing local ones, adjusting project plan according to local needs and incorporatingproject implementation into Chinese Party-State institutional system. In general, their agency is two-fold in the sense of not only transforming imported concepts and frameworks but also accepting those that answer local needs or, in another phrase, glocalizing those frameworks. From the perspective of local recipients, a decisive factor of the success of Ford projects is that they are either part of the Party-State administrative system— women’s federations at different levels and Ministry of Civil Affairs — or they are able to access and use Party-State resources as non-governmental women’s organizations. By integrating the resources from transnational organization and local government to address their own concerns, local recipients are by no means the surrogates of transnational philanthropy.
The thesis argues that though the Foundation dominated the beginning of the philanthropic relation as Ostrander’ and Schervish’s theory has predicted, it ceased to dominate and even shrunk solely to the role of monetary provider in the process because of the compatible needs it had with its recipients and the Party-State decision-making system. As a matter of fact, these two factors together decided that the Foundation had to adopt a conservative approach in mainstreaming gender in village governance and rely largely on local government resources through its recipients.Therefore, in transnational philanthropic studies, the administrative system and development of civil society in recipient country, governmental attitude toward international organizations in general, and its funded fields shouldall be treated as important variables. Also, the thesis of cultural imperialism should not be blindly applied to any scenario of international organization versus developing or third world countries.