姓名：王国媛 导师：谢韬

论文题目（中文）：美国媒体在2000年对华永久性正常贸易关系辩论中的独立性

论文题目（英文）：Orchestrated Criticism, Substantive Support: An analysis of media independence in the 2000 PNTR debate

论文关键词（中文）：永久性正常贸易关系；总统言论；中美关系；媒体独立性；内容分析

论文关键词（英文）：Permanent Normal Trade Relation; presidential rhetoric; US-China relations; media independence; content analysis

中文摘要：

2000年，美国总统克林顿与国会就是否通过对华永久正常贸易关系法案进行了极为激烈的辩论，美国媒体也一反常态，在新闻报道中对总统政策提出了批评。研究显示，媒体在报道外交政策时通常与总统保持一致，在报道中国政策时尤为如此。但2000年永久正常贸易关系辩论中，媒体似乎打破了这一模式，展示了自己一定的独立性。

那么，在2000年的辩论中，媒体的立场具体是什么？是“政府的小帮手”，还是有自己独立的立场？如果有独立立场，那么在何种条件下独立，独立到什么程度？鉴于支持和反对政策的意见同时存在并且辩论激烈，媒体如何管理这些意见？媒体的独立性又是如何在新闻报道中具体体现出来的？

根据罗伯特·恩特曼（Robert Entman）的瀑布模型（the cascade model），本文提出如下论点：在美国决策高层就外交政策产生严重意见分歧时，媒体不会简单遵循总统观点，而会通过主动管理支持与反对意见形成自己独立的立场，并为自身利益服务。

通过对克林顿总统就对华永久正常贸易关系发表的公开演说、文件，以及《纽约时报》与《华盛顿邮报》对此问题的报道进行内容分析，本文否定了瀑布模型的观点，发现即使在决策高层产生分歧之时，媒体依旧支持总统；虽然展示出一定的独立性，但十分有限。反对意见虽在新闻报道中得以呈现（占所有报道的37%），这些反对并非来自媒体自身，而仅为媒体对其他政治参与者观点的采纳和引用。就媒体自身的观点（通过社论发表）而言，对总统的批评极少。

媒体有限的独立性是通过小心管理支持该政策与反对该政策的框架实现的。反对框架虽然数量不少，但质量较低，对总统政策能形成实质性挑战的更是少之又少。此外，反对声音大多是缺乏论证的“廉价交谈”（cheap talk），且绝大部分针对重要性较低的补充性意见提出批评，总统观点仅遭到很少的反对。相反，通过对支持框架的管理，媒体为总统提供了实质的、有力的帮助。媒体调整了各个总统框架在新闻报道中的地位，强化了与公众利益息息相关的框架和意识形态色彩较强的框架，弱化了具体内容较少、侧重措辞渲染的框架。这表现出，媒体不简单是总统的传话筒，在管理支持与反对框架的过程中，媒体也顾及了自身的目的和利益。

本文对媒体在美国外交政策报道中的独立性这一问题做出了两点贡献：首先，本文扩大了此类研究的案例范围，由前人研究中的军事冲突案例扩大到更为广泛的非军事冲突类别，相关理论将可以得到更多的检测。其次，本文提出了更为细致的研究方法，不仅分析反对框架，还将支持框架纳入了研究当中。通过对支持总统政策的框架进行具体的分析，可以看出哪些框架被媒体突出、强化，哪些被弱化，由此更好地认识媒体在该问题中的立场，以及其独立性的体现方式。

Abstract：

Whether to grant China Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) status in 2000 was an issue heatedly debated among top level officials in the United States government, and also one that aroused rare media criticism of the administration. It has been a general pattern that the media usually follow the president in covering foreign policy, China policy in particular. But in the case of the 2000 PNTR debate, the media seemed to have broken the pattern and exercised their independence.

What exact position did the media take? Were they still “the government’s little helper”, or did they take their independent positions? If they were independent in this case, what were the circumstances that made them so? Given that a myriad of pro- and anti-administration rhetoric all competed for media attention, how did the media manage these opinions, and how does this show the media’s position?

Based on Robert Entman’s cascade model, this thesis argues that when top level officials are severely split, the media will not faithfully reflect what the administration has said in their coverage; rather, they will exercise independence through managing the supporting and opposing frames to serve their own agenda.

By conducting content analysis on President Clinton’s public remarks on PNTR, as well as news articles on the topic from the New York Times and the Washington Post, this thesis disconfirmed the cascade model and found that even when top-level leadership was disunited, the media showed only limited independence and were still generally in support of the president. Although some opposing views (37% of the total frames) were published, they were not independent opinions of the media, but raised by other political players and adopted by the media. In terms of the media’s own view (as reflected in editorials), criticisms were extremely rare.

The media’s limited independence is manifested through their careful management of pro- and anti-PNTR frames in news articles. Anti-PNTR frames, although relatively large in number, were low in quality, with very few capable of posing real challenge to the president. Moreover, a lot of them were mere China-bashing cheap talks, and the majority targeted at criticizing the less-significant, supplementary frames, leaving the crucial presidential frames largely intact. In terms of pro-PNTR frames,the media provided substantive support to the president. They re-adjusted the weight given to each presidential frame in media coverage, highlighting presidential frames closely-related to people’s interests and ideological frames, while downplaying the rhetorical one.This shows that the media were not simple surrogate voices of the president; in the management of both supporting and opposing frames, their own agenda of objectivity and appealing to the public were also at play.

This study contributes to the research on media independence in US foreign policy reporting in two aspects: first, it expands the issue area from military conflicts to the larger non-military cases which are less salient and supposedly could give the media more room for discretion. By including the wider spectrum of cases, theories on this topic could be put into broader tests. Second, it proposes a more refined research design than existing ones by including the pro-administration rhetoric. By breaking down pro-administration frames and looking specifically into how the media highlighted certain frames and downplayed others, the media’s position on the issue and their level of independence could be better understood.

姓名：汤结 导师：李莉文

论文题目（中文）：美国联邦最高法院法官任命时长的影响因素研究

论文题目（英文）：An Analysis of Confirmation Duration of Nominations to the United States Supreme Court

论文关键词（中文）：美国最高法院法官；任命时长；政党；意识形态；资历

论文关键词（英文）：The U.S. Supreme Court，Confirmation Duration, Partisanship, Ideology,Qualification

中文摘要：

美国最高法院的九名法官对于美国政治，乃至美国社会的方方面面都有着举足轻重的影响。因此，学术界对于法官候选人任命结果的研究数不胜数。候选者的党派、意识形态以及资质是目前接近公认的影响任命结果的关键因素。此类任命通常在参议院拥有极高通过率。然而，任命过程中却经常发生拖延、刁难、指责等情形。因此，有一些学者呼吁要更多重视任命过程本身的研究。

本文选取了任命时长的视角，通过对前人学者的研究模型添加并完善变量的方式，来填补最高法院法官任命研究领域的空白。通过观察任命时长的差异，不仅可以判断其对任命结果是否有影响，还可以作为观察白宫与国会在任命听证过程中互动甚至博弈的重要窗口。一言概之，最高法院法官候选人的任命时长的研究有助于对于该领域研究形成更加完整的认识。

本文运用COX 回归的方法，对1937 年至2010 年间所有最高法院法官候选人在参议院所经历的任命时长进行数据分析。本文的基本观点是，自1937 年后，美国最高法院法官提名候选人的任命时长受候选人的意识形态以及资质影响较大 — 候选人与参议员的意识形态差距越小且候选人的资质越高，则候选人的任命时长越短。此外，分治政府或府院差异所体现出的政党极化也会对任命时长产生负面影响。

Abstract：

The United States Supreme Court Justices exert great impact on U.S. politics. As a result, the selection of these nine justices has always attracted much scholarly attention. So far, judicial candidates’ partisanship, ideology and qualification are almost universally considered the three most important factors influencing the result of their confirmations in the Senate. However, the high pass rate of the nominations contradicts the usually unsmooth and even dissentious hearing process. Increasing focus has been called for to look at the process per se.

The paper takes the perspective of the confirmation duration — how quickly the Senate completes the confirmation process. Confirmation duration is significant in filling the current gap in the area; it can shed new light on the whole picture of judicial selection in a number of ways.

Through improving previous model, the paper uses Cox regression to analyze all the confirmations spanning from 1937 to the most recent one in 2010. The paper finds that candidates’ ideology and qualifications have major effects on the duration — the narrower the ideological distance between the candidate and senators and the higher the candidate’s qualification is, the shorter the confirmation. Meanwhile, party polarization, as indicated by two variables, divided government and president-majority party distance, prove their negative influence as well.

姓名：杨璐夷 导师：马丽媛

论文题目（中文）：梭罗对孔孟语录的应用：以《瓦尔登湖》和《论公民的不服从》为例

论文题目（英文）：Henry David Thoreau’s Application of Confucius and Mencius Remarks in Walden and Civil Disobedience

论文关键词（中文）：东方文化，孔孟思想，创造性运用

论文关键词（英文）：Oriental thought, Confucius/Mencius, creative application

中文摘要：

亨利·大卫·梭罗是美国十九世纪超验主义代表人物。作为一个来自西方的学者，梭罗对东方哲学、宗教颇有造诣，其作品中也时常出现东方经典的踪迹。因此，有关梭罗与东方思想及东方文化之间的关系也一直备受学界关注。西方学界普遍认为梭罗笔下的东方文化、东方思想指印度、波斯文化及宗教典籍，引用这些典籍的目的在于寻找新的思想灵感。而中国学者多推崇梭罗与中国哲学思想之间具有深远联系，倾向于寻找与分析梭罗作品与孔子、孟子甚至老子思想之间的关系，认为梭罗的思想与后三者具有许多共同之处，中西方思想家之间存在影响与被影响的关系。

本文通过摘取《瓦尔登湖》和《论公民的不服从》两篇代表作中引用的孔孟思想，分析了这些引文在《论语》，《大学》及《孟子》中的原意，梭罗引用这些语句要表达的含义，对比了其中所表达的梭罗思想和孔孟思想的异同。本文运用全面深入的文本分析法，发现绝大多数梭罗文章中的孔孟思想在被引用之时已脱离了其在原文中的含义。梭罗将这些引文通过自己有独创性的理解进行加工再创造，用以阐明自己的思想。因此，文章中引用的孔孟思想是梭罗寻求思想新灵感的工具，其最终目的是阐述自己的独创思想。

Abstract：

Through examining two representative works of Thoreau, Walden and Civil Disobedience, this paper intends to examine the original meaning of the quotations selected by Thoreau from Confucius and Mencius, what Thoreau attempts to convey using the quotations, and how Thoreau’s thoughts coincide or differ from those of Confucius and Mencius. With a comprehensive textual analysis, it is found that quotations of Confucius and Mencius selected by Thoreau are mostly cut off from their meaning in the original context and applied creatively in the new text. These remarks serve as a source to seek inspiration to Thoreau. His purpose is to use the inspiring Oriental thought as an agent to his own argument.

姓名：李玮祺 导师：贾宁

论文题目（中文）：先别急于称赞凯特尼斯：探究《饥饿游戏》三部曲中的性别关系

论文题目（英文）：Don’t Clap Your Hands for Katniss Just Yet: Examining Gender Relations in the Hunger Games Trilogy

论文关键词（中文）：饥饿游戏三部曲；女性英雄；性别表现；霸权式阳刚特质；被凸显的女性特质。

论文关键词（英文）：The Hunger Games Trilogy; Feminist Heroine; Gender Display; Hegemonic Masculinity; Emphasized Femininity.

中文摘要：

自饥饿游戏三部曲小说问世以来，女主角凯特尼斯·伊夫狄恩就以其孤僻冷傲、刚毅顽强的女性英雄形象收获无数好评。超越了以往面向青少年受众的反乌托邦创作女主角，饥饿游戏中的凯特尼斯不仅肩负养家重任、挑战“饥饿游戏”、更带头反抗暴政。然而，是否仅凭借果敢不凡的身手与拯救家人的努力，她就足以被称为是女性英雄？如果将其与两位男性主人公的情感纠葛纳入考量，她的女权主义形象又是否会被削弱？

本文利用“霸权式阳刚特质”和“被凸显的女性特质”理论，通过研究女主角社会性别表现方面的转变，阐述其不断变化的性别话语。本文指出，女主角经历了由“霸权式阳刚特质”向“被凸显的女性特质”的转变，然而由于“被凸显的女性特质”旨在维持父权体制，女主角不能被称为真正意义上的女性英雄。

在面向青少年受众的反乌托邦类创作中，凯特尼斯·伊夫狄恩开创了顽强女性主角的先河。带着“女权主义”标签，这个角色收获无数盛名与赞誉，影响了之后的反乌托邦创作，促成了更多同类型角色的诞生。然而，这个形象向世界各地成千上万的青少年传递了一个极具误导性的信息，即只需具备骁勇善战和传统意义上的男性化特点，便足以成为女性英雄。我们亟需纠正误解，以期真正的女性英雄形象的出现。

Abstract：

Katniss Everdeen, the cold and violent female protagonist of the Hunger Games trilogy, has been reaping popularity and critically acclaim as a true feminist heroine ever since the coming-out of the first book. A provider of family, warrior of Hunger Games, and symbolic leader of a rebellion, she has done a lot more than previous heroines in dystopian literature for young adults. Yet, does her violent skills and bread-winner identity qualify the name of a feminist heroine? Considering her gender relations with two male characters, will she still be as feminist as she appears to be?

Through examinations on transformations of her gender display, by utilizing the theory of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity to pinpoint the changing discourse of gender, this thesis aims to argue that she transforms from embodying hegemonic masculinity to emphasized femininity, that she eventually does not qualify to be a feminist heroine, for emphasized femininity only serves for patriarchy.

KatnissEverdeen has been the first of her kind in the genre of dystopian literature for young adults for being a powerful female protagonist. Her popularity and critical merits as being supposedly feminist has only encouraged many similar heroines in dystopias to emerge. Yet it would be catastrophically misleading to the millions of youngsters around the globe if the only thing it takes to be a feminist heroine is to know her way around a weapon and be stereotypically masculine. It is high time we set the record straight and called for true feminist heroines to come.

姓名：杨海红 导师：付美榕

论文题目（中文）：煽情之道：美国就职演讲与国情咨文主体（间）性历时研究

论文题目（英文）：Building Popularity through Rhetoric: A Diachronic Study of (Inter-) subjectivity of American Presidential Inaugural and SOU Speeches

论文关键词（中文）：主体（间）性 总统修辞 修辞总统理论 第二宪法 美国总统

论文关键词（英文）：(inter-)subjectivity, presidential rhetoric, the theory of rhetorical presidency, the second constitution, US presidents

中文摘要：

在美国三权分立的政治体系中，以美国总统为代表的行政机构，理应与立法机构（国会）、司法机构（最高法院）相互制衡。在美国政治发展历程中，美国总统的权力从三权分立的体制中逐渐扩展，演变为以公众修辞策略和民众影响力为核心的“修辞总统”。在建国之初，美国总统与国会等其他政府分支协商和提议政策；而在当今美国国内两党日益分化、政府立法困难、政策实施困难的政治僵局中，美国总统倾向于越过国会，和民众直接交流，来阐述政策主张。与这种政治演变相适应，对美国公众的劝说能力和影响力成为美国“修辞总统”权力的核心。为了更好的顺服其他政府机构、主导民意，总统演讲的修辞策略也发生了历时性的演变，如Samuel Kernell提出的公众倾向， Elvin Lim提出的反智倾向，Jeffrey Tulis提出的修辞倾向等。基于这些倾向，本文提出美国总统在为了更好的与听众沟通，在演讲中越来越注重听众、与听众认同，即总统演讲的主体间性越来越强的假设，并通过量化手段来论证此假设。

本文旨在研究美国总统演讲的主体性及主体间性的历时性变化，属于总统修辞的范畴。主体性强调演讲者的对自我认知和态度的表达，主体间性高的演讲表明演讲者更强调自我认知和意图。主体间性体现了演讲者对听众意识的重视，表明了演讲者把听众纳入主体的一部分，并与之互动的意愿。主体间性强的演讲表明演讲者与听众的心理距离越近。在传统认知中，演讲者和听众，分别作为主体和客体，是对立存在的。主体间性跨越“演讲者-听众”、“主体-客体”的二元对立，通过构建共同特征，减少了主体和客体之间的差别，缩短了演讲者和听众之间的距离。在美国总统走向公众、注重修辞策略的同时，本文将回答以下四个问题：1. 从华盛顿到奥巴马，美国总统演讲的主体性和主体间性如何变化？2. 总统演讲的听众包括了民众、国会、政府成员等，总统在演讲中对不同听众的重视程度如何变化？3. 美国总统演讲主体性和主体间性的变化如何反映美国总统制度和三权分立制度的演变？

根据Jeffery Tulis的修辞总统理论，两部相互对立的宪法同时存在，主导着美国总统制度和总统修辞。第一部宪法是美国真正的原始宪法，它主张司法机构、立法机构、行政机构的三权分立和权力制衡。第二部宪法是美国政治体系构造中的“结构宪法”，它鼓励美国总统采用修辞策略，使其在话语权上的领导地位合理化。“第一宪法”限制总统权力，而“第二宪法”支持美国总统的话语领导权。与两部宪法相适应，两个相互对立的美国总统制同时存在。第一个总统制是“宪法总统”，它将美国总统制约在三权分立的政治体系中。第二种总统制“修辞总统”，它鼓励美国总统挣脱体制约束，用修辞影响力领导民众。在美国政治发展进程中，美国总统从“宪法总统”向“修辞总统”转变。美国总统在演讲中越来越远离国会、政府，强调民众、与民众认同，正是修辞总统理论在总统演讲中的体现。

本文通过基于语料库的内容分析，研究美国总统演讲（就职演讲和国情咨文）的主体性和主体间性。就职演讲的听众是美国民众，可以反映美国总统对在言语上与民众的关系；而国情咨文的直接听众的国会，可以反映美国总统在言语上与国会的关系。两者放在一起可以研究美国总统与民众和国会关系的历时变化。通过一系列语言指标和政治指标将就职演讲和国情咨文的主体性和主体间性量化，通过词频统计软件AntConc统计这些指标在美国总统演讲出现的频率，用SPSS统计软件研究美国总统演讲的主体性和主体间性的历时性变化，同时分析党派、同一政府/分立政府、历史时期、任期、演讲形式等自变量对美国总统演讲的主体性和主体间性的影响。

本文发现在就职演讲和国情咨文中，美国总统的主体间性均逐年增强，即美国总统在演讲中越来越注重听众，与民众互动和亲近，来获取政策支持。在就职演讲中，美国总统的主体性逐年减弱，总统在演讲中越来越趋向于和民众认同，而非独立于民众之外。而在国情咨文中，美国总统的主体性逐年减弱，总统在演讲中越来越趋向于成为一个独立于国会和政府的机构。在不同类别的听众（民众、国会、政府）中，美国总统更倾向于和民众认同。美国总统在演讲中越来越强调民众，与民众认同；同时公众演讲中提到国会、政府的次数越来越少，与国会和政府越来越疏远。总统在演讲中越来越倾向于用否决权威胁国会，但在现实中使用否决权越来越少。美国总统在演讲中提到宪法的次数越来越少，说明美国总统在演讲越来越远离“第一宪法”，转向“第二宪法”, 从“宪法总统”向“修辞总统”转变。同时，美国总统在国情咨文中提到行政机构的次数越来越多，而提到立法机构和司法机构的次数越来越少（尤其是在1900年以后）。在总统修辞中，司法-司法-行政三权分立的平衡逐渐向行政机构倾向。

与Tulis的修辞总统理论相符，本文发现在美国总统演讲中，远离“第一宪法”，转向“第二宪法”, 从“宪法总统”向“修辞总统”转变。美国总统越来越强调民众，同时疏远国会和政府，倾向于转变成一个独立在政府之中的机构，总统-国会-民众三权分立的权力平衡发生了倾斜。于此同时，总统在演讲中，与立法机构、司法机构越来越疏远，司法-司法-行政三权分立的平衡也发生了倾斜。这种言语和意识形态上的倾斜代表了美国总统制度的转变和发展，可归因于宪法设计、总统选举形式演变、公共传播技术的发展、越来越激励的党派斗争。

Abstract：

The American presidency, which is designated to be checked in the balance of powers system in American Constitution, undergoes a significant transformation to a rhetorical presidency which emphasizes presidential rhetorical leadership which resides in the power to persuade and bargain with other branches of government as well as the American public. American presidents used to direct policies toward the government including the congress and other government bodies upon the founding of the nation, now tend to communicate and illustrate policies directly with the people over the head of the congress within the political climate of party polarization and political gridlocks which renders legislation and policy implementation more difficult. In order to better persuade other branches of the government and to lead public opinion, presidents’ rhetoric also undergoes diachronic change, featured by Samuel Kernell’s public presidency, Elvin Lim’s anti-intellectual presidency, and Jeffrey Tulis’s rhetorical presidency. Based on these tendencies, this thesis put forward the hypothesis that American presidents construct increasing audience awareness, identify with the audience to communicate with the audience more actively in their public speeches, i.e., the intersubjectivity of presidential rhetoric increases over time. The hypothesis is tested in this thesis by quantitative methods.

This thesis aims to study the diachronic change of subjectivity and intersubjectivity of presidential speeches including inaugural speeches and SOU speeches, falling into the category of presidential rhetoric. Subjectivity demonstrates the speaker’s emphasis on personal cognition, attitude and belief. Frequent usage of subjective words reflects the speaker’s expanding self and assertive self intention. Intersubjectivity reflects the addresser’s inclination to interact with the addressee by incorporating the addressee as part of the subject. Speeches with higher intersubjectivity indicates the addresser’s closer psychological relationship with the audience. In conventional cognition, the addresser and the addressee, as the subject and the object, are separated. Intersubjetivity goes beyond the dualities of “addresser-addressee” and “subject-object”, reducing the difference between the addresser and the addressee and the subject and narrowing the distance between the object by constructing shared reality and projecting common characteristics. When American presidents go public and become more rhetorical, this thesis aims to answer the following questions: 1. How does the subjectivity and intersubejctivity of American presidential rhetoric (represented by inaugural speeches and SOU speeches) change over time from Washington to Obama? 2. Since the audience of presidential speeches incorporate the people, the congress and the government, how does presidents’ emphasis on different types of audience change over time? 3. How does the diachronic change of subjectivity and intersubjectivity in presidential rhetoric represent the historical change of rhetorical presidency, as well as the evolution of constitution and balance of powers mechanism in American politics?

In Tulis’s theory of the rhetorical presidency, two antithetical constitutions exist and guide presidential rhetoric. The first is the original constitution, which respects separation and balance of powers between different branches. The second is an “organic constitution”, which “encourages and legitimates presidential rhetorical leadership”. In adaptation with the two constitutions, there are two presidencies in American politics. The first presidency is the “constitutional presidency”, constraining the presidents in the separation of powers system. The second presidency is the “rhetorical presidency”, encouraging American presidents to go over the institutional constraint and to lead the public by popular rhetorical power.  In American political development, American presidency evolves from “constitutional presidency” to “rhetorical presidency”. American presidents’ tendency to draw away from the Congress and the government while drawing closer to the public and identifying with the public, can be illustrated by the theory of rhetorical presidency.

This paper finds the intersubjectivity of presidential inaugural speeches and SOU speeches significantly increases over time from Washington to Obama, which means American presidents construct increasing audience awareness and identifying with the audience in their speeches for policy support. The subjectivity of inaugural speeches decreases over time, which indicates that American presidents are inclined to identify with the public instead of labeling themselves as an independent institution away from the public. In SOU speeches, American presidents are constructing increasing subjectivity, which reflects that American presidents are becoming an independent institution from the Congress and the government. Among different audiences, in particular, the people, the congress and the government, American presidents are more inclined to line with the people in their speeches, while drawing away from the congress and the government in their speeches. American presidents are threatening the congress by the usage of veto, while in reality, the usage of veto decreases over the year. As for the government, American presidents tend to draw away from the government and criticize the government in their speeches. As for the Constitution, American presidents are less and less likely to mention the Constitution in their public speeches, which means they are de-emphasizing the Constitution in their rhetoric. American presidents tend to embrace the second constitution which encourages presidential popular rhetorical leadership and draw away from the first constitution which constrains presidential power. American presidents increasingly tend to mention the executive branch increasing, while less and less frequently emphasizing the legislative branch and the judicial branch especially after 1900. The balance of powers between the executive branch, the legislative branch and the judicial branch tends to lean on the executive branch in presidential rhetoric.

Corresponding to Tulis’s theory of rhetorical presidency, this paper finds that in presidential speeches, American presidents tend to draw away from the original constitution to the second “organic constitution”, transforming from “constitutional presidency” to “rhetorical presidency”. The presidents tend to increasingly emphasize and identify with the public while de-emphasizing the congress and the government to be an independent institution, which leads to increasingly imbalance of powers among the presidency, the congress and the people. Meanwhile, American presidents, as the leader of the executive branch, tend to de-emphasize the legislative branch and the judicial branch, which renders increasingly imbalance of powers among the legislative branch, the judicial branch and the executive branch. This rhetorical incline represents both a transformation and development of American presidency, which can be attributed to constitutional design, presidential election mode, communication technique advancement, and political polarization all contribute to this incline.

姓名：石晶 导师：梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）：构建中美国家形象：研究缅甸国有与自由英文报纸对美国与中国的报道以及对中方的启示

论文题目（英文）：Framing the United States and China:A Study of Reporting by State-owned and Independent English-language Dailies in Myanmar and Implications for China

论文关键词（中文）： 框架理论，缅甸报纸，国家形象，中国，美国

论文关键词（英文）：Framing Theory, Myanmar Newspaper, China, the United States, the

National Image

中文摘要：

自2011 年上台以来，吴登盛政府不断调整着缅甸的外交政策，同时在国内进行民主化改革。密松水电站的停建以及缅甸民众对中方项目的不断抗议都为中缅关系投下了阴影，与此相反，美缅关系得到了显著改善。研究报纸上中、美国家形象的差异将有助于理解缅甸媒体对于美国国家形象的塑造方式，及其背后的深层原因。同时，通过对比，我们也可以了解为何近年来中国在缅甸的国家形象会被抹黑，并帮助我们寻找提升中国国家形象的方式。

基于此，本文通过内容分析和文本分析的研究方法，研究缅甸国有日报《缅甸星光报》和民营日报《缅甸十一报》所塑造的中、美国家形象。通过研究发现，美国在缅甸报纸中享有一个相对正面的国家形象，与此形成对比的是中国的国家形象在缅甸的经济、环境、内政和犯罪方面相对负面。

缅甸的外交政策对于国有报纸塑造中、美两国的国家形象有显著影响，因为作为政府的喉舌，国有媒体言论的任何变化都将引起外交冲突，因此国有媒体倾向于报道中、美两国的正面新闻。包括缅甸的外交政策在内，中、美两国在缅甸的活动，缅甸媒体自由化以及报纸本身的立场都对中、美两国在缅甸媒体中的不同塑造产生了作用。具体而言，缅甸报纸通过标题构建、新闻内容的呈现方式以及选词塑造了中美两国不同的国家形象。

本文的主要贡献在于呈现了缅甸媒体对于中、美两国国家形象的不同塑造以

及产生如此差异的背后动机。

Abstract：

Since it came into power in 2011, the Myanmar government has adjusted its foreign policy while conducting a democratic reform inside Myanmar. The suspension of the Myitsone project and continuous protests against Chinese-backed projects shadow Sino-Myanmar relations in contrast to the improvement of US-Myanmar relations. Research into the image of the United States contrasted with that of China projected on the same newspaper will be helpful to understand the ways in which the United States is represented by the media in Myanmar and the reasons for that representation. Meanwhile, by comparison, we can also learn why China’s national image is so portrayed in recent years and help us to find ways to improve China’s image.

Under such context, the paper, by using content analysis and textual analysis, studies the images of China and the United States framed by GNLM and MyanmarEleven. The study indicates that the United States enjoys a relatively more positive image in Myanmar newspaper while China has a more negative image in the reports on economy, environment, domestic politics and crime in Myanmar.

Myanmar’s foreign policy has a bearing on national images of the two countries in the state-owned newspaper since any change in government’s mouthpiece can cause diplomatic conflicts. Therefore, the state-owned newspaper inclines to cover positive reports of the two countries. Besides Myanmar’s foreign policy, Chinese and American activities in Myanmar, media freedom and newspaper position are also factors resulting in such representation of China and the United States. To be specific, Myanmar newspapers frame the national images through title formation, the contentof the reports and word selection.

The study has presented findings on the framing of China and the United States

by Myanmar newspapers, making its own contribution.

姓名：王博 导师：谢韬

论文题目（中文）：挑战者质量与美国参议院选举，2000-2012

论文题目（英文）：Challenger Quality and Election Outcome in the U.S. Senate Elections, 2000-2012

论文关键词（中文）：美国参议院，竞选结果，挑战者质量，现任者优势

论文关键词（英文）：US Senate, Challenger Quality, Election Outcome, Incumbency Advantage

中文摘要：

在过去半个世纪里，美国国会再选成功率高低不下。极其少数的挑战者能够打败现任议员。大多数的学者把高居不下的再选率归因于现任议员所享有的“在任者优势”。然而，“挑战者质量”作为影响竞选结果的重要因素往往被学者们“避而不谈”。即便有学者讨论到挑战者质量，他们对挑战者质量的量化方式比较粗糙，遗漏了许多重要信息。此外，对参议院选举中的挑战者质量研究更是少之又少。

本文旨在填补参议院选举中挑战者质量研究领域的空白。首先，本文提出了一个新的挑战者质量量化方法，主要包括政治经历、竞选资金和知名度。本文还加入了三个控制变量，分别是挑战者是否来自总统所在政党、现任议员前一次大选的竞选结果、现任议员此次普选的竞选结果。经研究发现，此量化方法比之前学者所使用的量化方法更能有效解释竞选结果的变化。

其次，通过收集和整理2000-2012年的参议院选举数据，本文总结和呈现了相关重要信息，能够帮助读者了解这一时段参议院挑战者的基本情况。比如，有大约一半的挑战者参选之前没有从政经历，在有政治经历的挑战者中，他们最多的是出身于联邦政府众议院。

最后，本文研究了挑战者质量与竞选结果之间的关系，经研究发现，挑战者的政治经历、竞选资金和知名度对其竞选结果有很大的积极作用。同等条件下，挑战者的政治经历约丰富、知名度越高，其所得的选票就会越多；此外，竞选资金每增加100万美元，挑战者选票与两党选票的比率就会增加0.73%。通过研究挑战者质量和竞选结果之间的关系，本文能够帮助读者更好地理解美国参议院选举和美国政治。

Abstract：

Sustained high incumbent re-election rates in US Congress in the past half century indicates that unseating an incumbent is extremely difficult. Very few challengers could succeed defeating an incumbent. Scholars usually attribute this development to the advantage that incumbents enjoy when they are in office. The quality of challenger, as an important factor in influencing election outcome, however, is often overlooked. Furthermore, when challenger quality has been discussed, it has often been measured with rather crude measurements, leaving out crucial information on challengers. Challengers in Senate have received even less scholarly attention.

This thesis is an effort to fill the gap in existing literature by interpreting Senate election outcomes from the perspective of challenger quality. First of all, this thesis proposes a new measurement of challenger quality that includes three indicators, Political Experience, Campaign Finance, and Name recognition. This measurement, as proved by this thesis, works better than those used by previous literature.

Second, by collecting and sorting data on challengers from 2000 to 2012, this thesis has managed to shed some light on Senate elections. This thesis finds that nearly half of Senate challengers have never held elected office of any kind. Of those with elected experience, they most commonly come from the House.

Third, this thesis has studied the relationship between challenger quality and election outcomes. It finds that Campaign Finance, Political Experience and Name Recognition have significant positive impact on challenger election outcomes. An extra 1000,000 dollars in campaign finance (holding the incumbent’s campaign finance constant) brings about an increase of 0.73 percent in two-party vote share.

By studying challenger quality and election outcome, this thesis tries to make sense of Senate elections, and in a broader sense, of American politics from a new perspective and with new depth.

姓名：李思雨 导师：谢韬

论文题目（中文）：“司法中立神话”还存在吗？极化的最高法院之合法性

论文题目（英文）：Does the “Myth of Legality” Still Matter? Institutional Legitimacy of the Polarized Supreme Court

论文关键词（中文）：政治极化，合法性，“司法中立神话”

论文关键词（英文）：political polarization, institutional legitimacy,“Myth of Legality”

中文摘要：

在政治极化的时代，通常认为是最高法院合法性来源的“司法中立神话”，与法官们日益政治极化的现实相冲突。本文试图解释这一冲突，以帮助理解政治极化时代最高法院的合法性问题。也就是说，本文回答政治极化时代，“司法中立神话”是否仍然发挥作用、以及发挥何种作用的问题。

本文做出以下论断：一，大法官时常表明其中立性和不受党派政治影响，这说明他们尊重“司法中立神话”，认为有助于法院的合法性；二，即便最高法院高度政治极化，其合法性并未受损。第三，新制度主义研究表明，由于分裂的国会既不愿、也无力规制司法，国会极化可能会和法院极化有正向相关关系。因此，为了通过维系“司法中立神话”保证法院合法性，最高法院可能在国会较为团结和有行动力时减少政治极化。然而，在现实中，法院的政治极化并不会显著地导致国会制裁法院的行为。

本文用实证的方法，证明了以上论断，从而在理论上和经验上为进一步研究提供了启发。一，尽管民意研究表明，美国人民已经不相信“司法中立神话”，本文发现大法官仍然有别于普通民众，仍然认为应通过继承这一“神话”来维系法院的合法性。二，可能由于分裂的国会难以有效制裁法院、甚至期待法院在有争议的领域发挥领导作用，极化的国会往往和极化的法院相伴出现。分裂的立法多数意味着法院享有更高水平的合法性。三，司法能动主义（或曰不受限制的司法行为），还可以通过法院的政治极化水平来衡量。当今时代，政治极化加剧、立法和行政机关领导党派更换频仍，法院通过违宪审查来宣布国会立法无效，可能已不像往常那样不受欢迎。

Abstract：

In order to ease the tension, the following arguments are made. First, Judicial avowals of impartiality and non-partisanship are indicative of justices’perception of the relevanceof the “Myth of Legality”in conferring institutional legitimacy to the Court. Second, inreality, judicial legitimacy remains intactdespite the severe political polarization. Third, new institutionalist studies of the Court insinuate a positive correlation between congressional polarization and judicial legitimacy, since a fragmented Congress is less interested in or capable of curbing the Court’s integrity and capacity. Therefore, in order to uphold judicial legitimacy, justices can be expected to be lesspolarized when Congress is more united and competent. In reality, however, polarization on the Court does not lead to significant rise of congressional measures to curb the Courtinstitutionally.

Empirically confirming the arguments,this study has important theoretical as well as empirical implications. First, although public opinion literature argues that the American people no longer subscribe to the “Myth of Legality”, justices are stilldistinct from ordinary citizens and have been found to have a clear preference for the “Myth of Legality”as a source of institutional legitimacy for the Court. Second, a polarized Congress is usually accompaniedby a polarized Supreme Court, possibly because the fragmented Congress fails to effectively curb the Court and even desires judicial leadership in controversial policy areas. The fragmented law-making majority might mean greater amounts of institutional legitimacy for the Court. Third, judicial activism, or unfettered judicial behaviors, can also be measured by the degree to which the Court is politically polarized, in additionto the number of federalstatutes the Court nullifies. In the age of political polarization and frequent changes of leading parties in elected branches, the frequency of judicial nullification of federal laws might not be as undesirableas it used to be.

姓名：张吉阳 导师：孙有中

论文题目（中文）：从伟大社会转变为伟大共同体：约翰•杜威对民主的生活方式的构建

论文题目（英文）：Transforming a Great Society into a Great Community: John Dewey’s Construction of the Democratic Way of Life

论文关键词（中文）：美国思想史 约翰·杜威 伟大共同体 民主

论文关键词（英文）： American intellectual history, John Dewey, Great Community, democracy

中文摘要：

约翰·杜威，美国哲学家，教育家，社会批评家，政治活动家，心理学家，实用主义哲学创始人，因其推动进步主义民主思想而广受赞誉。杜威著作卷帙浩繁，他对于民主思想的论述散落其中。尽管杜威写作背景是二十世纪的美国，但是对于当代社会，他的民主思想依然具有重要的启迪意义。很多杜威研究学者在自己的著述或文章中对“伟大共同体”这个概念都有提及，但是对于共同体的系统阐释却鲜有学者提出。杜威“伟大共同体”这一概念的研究还可以进一步深入。

基于现存的杜威研究文献，本文旨在详细论述杜威“伟大共同体”这一概念以及实现“伟大共同体”所必需的条件。本文主要采用文本分析的研究方法，解读杜威政治哲学和社会哲学的中期和晚期作品。对于哲学作品文本的详细解读使作者发现杜威想要建构的共同体的三个主要特征为：参与式民主、自下而上地组织社会、多样性。杜威鼓励公民积极参与公共事务以保证公共决策能够代表众人的意见。自下而上的组织方向包括两个方面：教育和自治。教育的作用在于使得公民通晓并掌握制定决策所必需的技能。自治是公民内在的权利。杜威认为，多样性能增进社会稳定。允许更多的意见观点在社会中流通有益于纠纷和冲突的解决。

探究和交流，是实现“伟大共同体”所必需的两个条件。探究的作用在于帮助公民实现有智慧的重建。通过探究，公民掌握构建共同体的知识。交流有助于社会智慧的传递，同时也搭建了政府和公民对话的桥梁。

随着2016年美国总统大选将近，代议制民主制度再一次走进人们视线。美国民主制度如今也面临诸如金钱政治、政府效率低下、党派相争等缺陷的困扰。对杜威民主思想的研究给我们提供了一次机会，去重新审视这个时代的民主制度。杜威对于民主共同体的论述是实用主义哲学的主张，也是有待验证的猜想，有其局限性，但是它的思想价值却不可以低估。

Abstract：

As an American philosopher, educator, social critic, political activist, psychologist and a cofounder of the philosophical movement known as Pragmatism, John Dewey is widely acclaimed for his role in promoting the development of liberal and progressive democracy. Dewey’s voluminous works are imbued with strands of his ideas about America’s quest for democracy. Despite the context of the 20th century, Dewey’s work is still of contemporary social relevance. Many scholars have mentioned Dewey’s concept of community in their books or essays, but few have offered an explanation about the meaning of community. The systematic and detailed studies on the concept of Deweyan Great Community remain relatively an unplowed territory.

Expanding on the existing studies on John Dewey, this thesis aims to address Dewey’s theory of the Great Community and the achievability of such an ideal. This thesis mainly relies on a textual analysis of such primary sources as Dewey’s middle and later works on his political and social philosophy. A close reading of his philosophical works reveals main features of the Great Community: participatory democracy, bottom-up direction of organizing democratic community, and plurality. Dewey encouraged citizens to actively participate in public affairs to guarantee that final decisions of social policies could represent a consensus of the general public. Bottom-up direction of organizing community included two facets: education and self-government. The function of education lies in making citizens informative and equipping them with the expertise to affect collective decision-making. Dewey argued that plurality would enhance social stability and allowing more opinions to circulate in society could be beneficial for the solution of dispute and conflict.

As to the achievability of the Great Community, inquiry and communication are two main conditions. The function of inquiry is to help citizens to achieve intellectual reconstruction. Through inquiry, citizens would grasp the knowledge about how to construct community. Communication helps the circulation of social intelligence and undertakes the task of bridging the gap between the citizens and government.

With the 2016 U.S. presidential election fast approaching, representative democracy in the United States once again catches public attention. American democracy now suffers from many flaws such as the excessive role of money in American elections, assorted inefficiency and incompetence of government and party politics, etc. In this sense, studies of Dewey’s ideas about democracy may provide us yet another opportunity to reflect upon the political institutions of our time. Dewey’s ideas about the construction of a democratic community are the results of philosophical reflections or hypotheses which need to be tested in the changing social contexts. But the intellectual heritage can help us think about the future and a range of alternatives.

姓名：范爱华  导师：陈崛斌

论文题目（中文）：从1991年到2015年美国环境安全政策的演变：一项基于历史研究的分析

论文题目（英文）：Securitization of Environment in the United States, 1991~2015: A Historical Analysis

论文关键词（中文）：安全化、环境安全、气候安全、国家安全、环境认知

论文关键词（英文）：Securitization, Environmental security, Climate Security, National security, Environmental Perception

中文摘要：

传统上，国家安全总是与军事、战争挂钩。然而，随着冷战的结束，许多先前被战争云雾遮盖的问题开始凸显出来。近年来，自然灾害频繁发生，并由此导致的难民潮等各种跨越边境的问题，引发人们对环境问题的关注，环境问题的安全维度成为研究热点，在美国亦如此。自1991年开始，“环境安全”就正式被纳入《美国国家安全报告》，在随后的25年中，“环境安全”的内涵和相应措施也几经变化。然而，尽管有大量对的学者关注环境安全这一话题，很少有文献涉及美国环境问题安全化的演变进程。

本文试图阐释这一演化过程并探寻其背后的影响因素。通过研究《美国国家安全报告》、国会法案以及相关历史文献，本文发现，从1991年到2015年，美国政府对环境的认知几起几落，环境安全政策也几经调整。

在老布什时期，环境安全只是经济安全的一部分，缺乏实质性的独立措施。到了克林顿时期，环境安全被独立出来，不仅与经济密切相连，也被放在美国的地缘区域政治和国土安全的范畴中进行考虑。相应地，克林顿政府在国家机构设置和国际环境保护参与方面都付出了努力。这一认知在国防部环境安全副部长这一新职位的设立和国际环境保护参与中得到进一步实践和强化。然而，环境安全在美国国家安全议程的地位并不稳固。小布什上台后，在反恐为主旋律的背景下，环境问题的重要性大大降低，甚至被抛弃在国家安全的考虑范围之外。尽管这一时期的《国家安全战略》也涉及了环境问题，环境问题也仅仅被视为是美国发展自由贸易的障碍或者是一般性的突发事件。奥巴马时期，环境安全再次被提上国家安全议程，环境安全政策也变得更加独立和具体，其中，气候安全成为关注中心。气候变化被认为是美国国家安全的“最高战略风险”，对美国来说，这种危险时“实际存在的”、“严重的”，并且是“迫切”需要应对的。纵观美国环境安全政策起落，本文认为：尽管美国尚未形成环境安全战略，但整体而言环境安全政策日渐成熟并趋于具体化。

本文还发现，美国环境安全政策的变化受到诸多因素的影响。具体的环境问题滋发了美国政府对环境安全问题的重视，美国环境安全政策表现出明显的应激性。而在面对这些环境问题时，不同的认知和对问题的评估也会相应地影响安全政策的制定和实施。此外，像冷战结束、9.11以及金融危机这样的政治大环境也会让国家安全政策制定者转移视线，更加重视或更加不重视环境问题。而且，当国际社会热衷于环境合作时，以引领世界自诩的美国也需要作出相应表态，以防跌落世界领导宝座。与此同时，作为行政部门的首脑，国家安全政策的主要决策者，总统个人对环境问题的重视也因其拥有的权利而不容忽视。而拥有立法权和“钱袋子”的国会的态度也从正反方面影响美国环境安全的制定。

Abstract：

Traditionally, national security has always been connected with military or war. Yet, with the end of war, other problems began to stand out. In recent decades, more frequent appearance of natural disasters as well as subsequent question of refugee migrations have attracted worldwide attention. To understand environmental issues from the perspective of security also becomes a hot topic among scholars. So it is in the United States. Starting from 1991 when “environmental security” was formally incorporated into American National Security Strategy, the meaning of environmental security and the measures taken on safeguarding it has changed many times. However, despite the fact that there are substantial work on environmental security, there have been few touching how environment was gradually incorporated into American national security agenda.

This paper is an effort to make up this tiny gap in the existing literature and then try to explain the underlying reasons for its evolution. After an analysis of historical documents like the National Security Strategy, bills introduced in Congress and so forth, it is found that the perception of environmental security and the action taken to safeguard environmental security have experienced ups and downs from 1991 to 2015.

In the time of Bush Senior, environmental security was only a part of economic security with no special measures taken. When it came to the time of Clinton’s Administration, environmental security was singled out as an important part of national security, which was not only connected with economic prosperity, but the stability of America’s strategically important regions and the well being of American citizens. The idea of integrating environmental issues into national security strategy was further reinforced and actualized with the creation of the position of the Under Secretary for Environmental Security and efforts committed to international environmental protection. Yet the position of environmental security in American national security planning and policy is not secure. During the Administration of George Walker Bush when terrorism was the main concern, environment was no longer treated as a threat to American national security. Even when environment was mentioned in the two National Security Strategy reports, it was treated either as a challenge to free trade, or as a general emergency issue. Then in Barack Obama’s presidency, environment was once again analyzed as an integral element of national security with more specified measures and policies. While environment ranked high in general, the focus was narrowed down to climate security. Climate challenges were (relatively) extensively analyzed in the two National Security Strategy reports submitted by Obama, as one of the “top strategic risks” to American national security, which was “real”, “severe” and “urgent”. Based on this historical review, it is found that while there has been no comprehensive environmental security strategy established in the United States, the environmental security policies have matured and become more specified.

Also, it is found that many factors have contributed to the different environmental security policies in the United States. Actually, the policies for safeguarding environmental security has showed strong sensitivity to actual environmental issues, which has triggered the attention of American government. In faced with those objective threats, different perception and evaluation of the threat they impose also shape the steps taken accordingly. At the same time, overall political context like the end of Cold War, the War on Terror and the financial crisis in 2008 can spare or steal the attention of national security planners. Then when the global world was worrying the implications of environmental threats and promoting environmental protection cooperation, the United States was forced to act and act accordingly whose leadership otherwise would be challenged. Besides, the personal commitment to environment by the President can never be ignored, who enjoys great power as the executive leader and stands at the top of American national security policy decision process. Yet even this President is influenced by the Congress with its legislative and money purse power. And the role of the Congress can be helpful on some occasions and impeding on others.

姓名：宋立娇 导师：贾宁

论文题目（中文）：推销策略，融入反思：论华裔美国男性在婚恋网站上的自我展示模式

论文题目（英文）：Strategies for Promotion, Reflections of Assimilation: An Analysis of Self-Presenting Patterns of Chinese American Males on a Dating Website

论文关键词（中文）：婚恋网站 华裔男性 融入情况 收入差距

论文关键词（英文）：dating websites, Chinese American males, income disparity, assimilation

中文摘要：

婚恋网站自二十世纪九十年代末开始在美国悄然兴起，到如今已经遍及全球，成为人们认识及接触另一半的重要工具。在美国的主流婚恋网站中（Match.com），华裔男性用户占据了稳定比例，他们利用网站直观便捷的优势积极的进行自我展示以及自我推销。因此，对婚恋网站的分析和研究无疑为学者了解华裔为融入美国主流社会所做的努力开辟了新路径。

本文以学界对美国华裔刻板印象及婚恋市场中种族偏好的研究为基础，基于个人主页中的文本对婚恋网站中的华裔男性和白人男性进行定量统计、定性研究和对比分析，以探究以下问题：在个人主页中，华裔男性呈现的性格、爱好及价值观等方面与白人男性整体相比有哪些异同点？基于不同收入，华裔男性在自我推销中所采用的策略遵循怎样的模式？造成这些差异的深层社会原因是什么？

研究发现华裔男性整体上呈现自身形象的模式与白人类似，其具体表现为：华裔男性在某些方面与白人男性有显著差异呈现出中华文化的特征（如对家庭和社会关系的重视方面），但在绝大多数情况下趋同（如在性格，爱好等方面的展示方面）；同时，收入不同的华裔征婚者在自我展示策略也有明显差异。收入在自我展示方面造成的差异甚至多于族群在其中造成的差异。

因此本论文主要有两大贡献：首先，对华裔和白人个人主页的对比分析从整体呈现的角度展现了种族融合与保持族系特性两股力量之间的互动；第二，对三个收入阶层的比较分析表明，即便在同一族群内，族裔的同化程度仍可能由于经济状况、移民时间和移民源地的不同而存在差异。这在一定程度上反映了当代美国社会存在的种族地位差异和收入不平等对社会产生的影响。

Abstract：

Dating websites, which came into light in the late 1990s in the United States, now have swept over the whole world, becoming crucial channels for people to contact their future dates or mates. Chinese American male daters have played an active role in promoting themselves on the mainstream dating websites such as Match.com. Thus, the analyses of dating websites provide us new perspectives to examine the efforts that Chinese Americans have made to assimilate into the host country and the host culture.

This paper, based on previous research on stereotypes of Chinese American males and the racial hierarchy that exists in marital market, will make a thorough analysis on daters’ profiles by taking quantitative and qualitative methods. It intends to answer questions such as “what presenting pattern can be obtained from Chinese American males when compared with their White counterparts as a whole?”, “how does income disparity influence Chinese American males’ self-promoting strategies?”, and “what factors contributes to all these similarities and differences?”.

The results indicate that Chinese American have taken similar self-promoting pattern as the Whites by presenting themselves in much the same way with their Caucasian counterparts in aspects such as personality, interests, and so on. On the other hand, they still maintain some specific features which are frequently highlighted in Chinese culture, such as their emphasis of family values and social interaction. Moreover, income turns out to be an influential factor to define daters’ presenting behaviors. And the disparity of income even surpasses that of ethnicity among daters.

The paper has two major contributions: firstly, the general pattern for Chinese American male daters reveals a continuous interaction between assimilation and ethnic culture endorsement; secondly, even among the same ethnic groups, the extent of assimilation differs due to different socioeconomic and generational conditions, which to some extent reveal the influence of racial disparity and social inequality in American society.

姓名：郝兴丽 导师：李莉文

论文题目（中文）：中国企业在美并购影响因素分析

论文题目（英文）：Research on the Influencing Factors of Chinese Enterprises’ Mergers undefinedamp; Acquisitions in the United States

论文关键词（中文）：并购，制度，资源

论文关键词（英文）：mergers and acquisitions, institution, resource

中文摘要：

上世纪90年代以来，中国对外直接投资迅速发展，而海外并购逐渐成为中国企业对外直接投资的主力军，近几年中国海外并购交易额占对外直接投资交易额的80%。美国智库荣鼎集团发布的报告称，；2015年中国企业海外并购交易额达610亿美元，比2014年高出16%，创了历史新高。美国智库荣鼎集团发布的报告称，过去十年中国的企业日渐成为全球并购交易中不可或缺的重要动力。在众多中国企业海外并购目的国中，美国长期以来都是继欧盟之后的第二大目的国，这种趋势在2011年后更加明显。但是，中国企业在美并购的过程并非一帆风顺，直接交易结果也有很多不尽人意。尤其几宗大型并购的受挫，更是在中国引起热议。

本文采用实证研究的方法，分析对中国企业在美并购交易的直接结果具有影响的制度性和非制度性因素。分析发现，在并购交易中，买方是否采用顾问和是否现金支付对交易的直接结果具有很大的正向作用。而是否采用顾问对其他制度性因素和非制度性因素也有调节作用，但是否使用现金对其他因素的调节作用不明显

Abstract：

Since 1990s, China has witnessed a rapid development in foreign direct investment. Cross-border mergers and acquisitions has served as the main impetus in China’s foreign direct investment. Statistics show that in recent years, the transaction value of cross-border mergers and acquisitions take up 80% of that of foreign direct investment. According to the report from Rhodium Group, the value of cross-border mergers and acquisitions in 2015 reached 61 billion dollars, a level never recorded. At the same time, in the past decade, Chinese enterprises have become an indispensable driver for global mergers and acquisitions. Among the many targets of Chinese enterprises, US has long been the second large target after EU, this trend became more apparent since 2011. However, the transactions of Chinese enterprises in US do not go smoothly most of the time, and the immediate results of transactions are usually unsatisfactory. In particular, some failed mega-deals aroused wide attention in China.

With empirical study, this paper analyzes the institutional and non-institutional factors that might have influences on the immediate results of transactions in US. The finding shows that whether the acquirer employs advisors and whether the acquirer pays in cash have direct influences on the immediate results. Whether utilizing advisors can modulate the effects of some institutional and non-institutional factors, but the modulating effects of cash payment is not significant.

姓名：张卫东 导师：梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）：美国当前对华政策讨论（2012-2015）：内容，原因及建议

论文题目（英文）：The Current China Debate in America (2012–2015): Contents, Causes and Policy Suggestions

论文关键词（中文）：美国知华派，中国，中美关系，对华政策讨论

论文关键词（英文）：American China hands, China, U.S.-China relation, China debate

中文摘要：

中美关系在最近三年矛盾增多，双方的战略互疑也在加深，这一点在美国几乎成了公认的事实。在2015年春，美国学者及多个智库发表了众多评论中美关系未来走向的文章及研究报告，其主流观点是中美关系在未来不会朝着更好的方向发展。一些学者甚至认为目前中美关系中的竞争因素已多于合作因素，中美关系已经到了一个新的临界点。换言之，美国自从尼克松政府以来一直执行的以“接触”和“防范”为主的对华政策有可能被其它诸如“威慑”，“抑制”或“遏制”政策所取代。因此，我们有必要探索为什么在美国会有这些对中美关系前景持消极态度的言论以及我们应该如何应对这种走向。

本文主要探索25名美国知名中国问题研究专家在2012年1月至2015年6月期间对中国的观察研究。由于对中美关系前景走向的观察是以对中国国内形势的判断为前提的，除了探索这些专家对中国外交政策的评论以外，本文也会重点探索他们对中国政治，经济，军事及社会发展状况的观察，以求对他们的观点有全面的认识。本文将研究这些专家的期刊文章，博客，演讲稿，活动发言，访谈，报纸评论，研究报告等共计307篇，约77万字。

运用定性及定量的研究方法，本文有以下发现：在中国政治方面，多数专家认为中国目前面临许多问题，如腐败，社会不公及环境恶化。与此同时，面对着内部的权力斗争，腐败及外部的公众政治参与热情和其它经济社会压力，中国共产党变得更加脆弱了。因此，中国迫切需要民主化的政治改革，但新领导人做的却与此相反。在中国经济方面，这些专家几乎都认为中国传统的经济增长模式已经不可持续了，中国迫切需要进行经济改革，以便让市场发挥更大的作用。但是经济改革的成败取决于政治改革，如果没有政治改革，中国的经济改革便不会取得成功。在中国军事方面，中国军力的现代化令许多专家担心中国在亚太会对邻国及美国的优势地位带来不利影响。在外交方面，多数专家认为随着其实力的增长，中国必然会对其它国家有更多的要求，中国甚至拥有把美国赶出亚洲及取代其全球领导地位的意愿。本文也探索了这些专家提出的应对中国的策略。多数人认为美国应该继续寻求与中国的合作，但同时也应该加强对中国的防范，因为中国的内部发展轨道及与外部世界的接触都充满了未知因素。

此外，本文还探讨了这次对华政策讨论的一些特点。在认识论上，这些学者犯了以偏概全的错误：他们确实看到了中国发展的一些问题，但是却把部分问题当做整体来看待。对“国强必霸”的迷信使得这些专家在看待中国与邻国在东海及南海问题上的领土争端这一问题时漠视基本事实。对中国民主化进程的失望引起了他们的愤怒。在这场辩论的背后是对全球实力变化的恐惧。对“美国例外论”的笃信使得这些学者很难接受中国崛起这一前景：他们认为中国这样一个非英语，非西方同时又非民主的国家如果在不久的将来首先在经济上领导世界，这对世界是祸而非福。本文也会对中国在未来如何应对这种倾向提供一些建议。

Abstract：

In the pastthree years there is almost a consensus in America that U.S.-China relation is worsening and mutual strategic distrust is also deepening. Indeed in early 2015 there is a surge of articles and research reports from American scholars and think tanks concerning the future of this relation, and the majority view is that U.S.-China relation will go downward in the future. Some American scholars even claim that currently the competition element in U.S.-China relations outweighs the cooperation element and U.S.-China relation is coming to a tipping point. In other words, the traditional American hedging policy since the Nixon Administration may give way to tougher China policy such as deterring, checking or even containment. As a result, it is necessary to explore why there emerges such a trend in America and how China can deal with such negative views on the prospect of U.S.-China relation.

Instead of investigating the general views of the American public concerning U.S.-China relation, this paper will explore the concrete views of twenty five leading American China hands concerning China from January 2012 to June 2015. As the evaluation of the prospect of U.S.-China relation is based on the evaluation of China’s domestic situation, this paper will first explore how these American scholars see China’s political, economic, military and social development as well as its foreign policy in recent years for the sake of having a better understanding of their views and logic concerning China and U.S.-China relation. In specific, 307 pieces of articles, interviews, blog articles, event transcripts, lectures, comments and research reports will be explored and analyzed, while the total number of words of these materials is about 770,000.

By using both quantitative and qualitative methods, this paper has several findings concerning the majority views of these American China hands. Politically, a majority of them believes that China faces numerous problems such as corruption, inequality and environment deterioration. At the same time, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is becoming weaker in the face of internal problems such as corruption and vicious power struggle and external problems such as the public’s desire for political participation and other socio-economic pressures. As a result, China is in urgent need of democratic political reforms but the new leadership seems not on the right side of history. Economically, there is almost a consensus among these scholars that the traditional Chinese economic growth model is now coming to an end and China is in urgent need of taking economic reforms which give the market more says in economic life. But economic reform depends on political reform, without which China can almost never achieve economic transformation. Militarily, China’s fast modernization of its weapons systems and human resources causes many of them to worry about China’s intentions toward its neighbors and America in the Asia-Pacific region. In foreign policy, a majority of these scholars believe that as China becomes stronger, it naturally will want more from other nations and China may have the ambition to ease out America from Asia and even replace America as the global leader. Then this paper will explore the policy suggestions of these scholars on how to deal with China and it seems that a majority of them believe America needs to continue to seek cooperation with China but China also needs to be hedged against as its future is full of uncertainties, in terms of its domestic situation and its engagement with the outside world.

In addition, this paper also tries to generalize some features in the current China debate. Epistemologically, these scholars have seen China’s problems but they commit the mistake of overgeneralization. The obsession in the belief that when a nation becomes strong it will inevitably seek regional or even global hegemony leads them to ignore the basic facts in China’s territorial disputes with other nations in the East and South China Seas. Disappointment in China’s “lack of democratic transformation” makes them angry.Underlying this debate is the fear toward the redistribution of power on the international stage, and American exceptionalism makes it almost impossible for these scholars to accept that a non-English-speaking, non-western,non-democratic country like China is an alternative or even a challenge to the America-led liberal democracies.Lastly, this paper also provides some recommendations on how to deal with such a situation in the future.

姓名：汪艺 导师：宋颖

论文题目（中文）：种族骚乱的框架分析：1992年洛杉矶骚乱和2014年弗格森骚乱的对比研究

论文题目（英文）：Framing Racial Protest: A Comparative Study of the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest and the 2014 Ferguson Unrest

论文关键词（中文）：种族骚乱，框架理论，《纽约时报》，《华盛顿邮报》，1992年洛杉矶骚乱，2014年弗格森骚乱

论文关键词（英文）：Racial Protest, Frame, the New York Times, the Washington Post, the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest, the 2014 Ferguson Unrest

中文摘要：

学术界用框架理论研究大众媒体与社会运动或骚乱之间关系的著作很多，但主要集中在报纸或电视对反战运动，女性运动，反全球化运动的研究上，很少涉及种族的运动或骚乱，尽管这类事件在美国历史上并不罕见。即便有一些论著，但也大部分都是采用描述性的研究方法。

2014年的弗格森骚乱使很多人想起了美国历史上的一些类似的种族骚乱，其中最著名的就是1992年洛杉矶骚乱。本文选取1992年洛杉矶骚乱和2014年弗格森骚乱为研究对象，运用框架理论，采取内容分析、文本分析、定性研究与定量研究相结合的方法，研究了美国国内纸质媒体—以《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》为例，如何报道种族骚乱。同时，考虑到这两起事件发生相隔了20年，意在寻求纸媒对这两起种族骚乱事件的报道是否有重要不同。

研究结果发现：相比1992年对洛杉矶骚乱的报道，美国国内纸质媒体在报道2014年弗格森骚乱时，的确有了进步。具体体现在，报道总体来说更为积极，采用了更多非官方人员的阐释，减少了报道中的种族刻板印象。但是，在对于2014年弗格森骚乱的报道中，过于将骚乱原因归结于警察执法的为问题，而相对削弱了种族问题的重要性，这种疏漏，体现了美国后种族时代的“无视肤色”的核心概念，仍然为维护白种人的优势地位服务。

文章通过研究媒体对同一类事件在不同时代的报道，有利于进一步了解媒体与社会骚乱的关系，以及社会环境对媒体报道的影响。

Abstract：

Research on the relationships between mass media and social movements or protests has largely concentrated on the ways through which newspapers and television networks represent the anti-war movements, feminist movements, global justice movements. Few has studied racial protests, which are not rare in the history of the United States.

The 2014 Ferguson Unrest, as the most recent one, reminded many of the similar racial unrests in America, among which the most famous one is the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest, the 2001 Cincinnati Riots, to name just a few. This paper picks up two of them—the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest and the 2014 Ferguson Unrest as research targets. Using the method of content analysis and textual analysis, and based on the theoretical framework of media framing, this paper inquires as to how the national newspapers—represented by the New York Times and the Washington Post, covered these two unrests and if there exits significant difference in the coverage of the two unrests, given their 22 years’ time gap.

The research finds that the national newspapers do make some progress in the coverage. Compared with the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest, the reporting of the 2014 Ferguson Unrest was more positive, employed more non-official voices, reduced the racial stereotypes reporting. However, in analyzing social context for the 2014 Ferguson unrest, the coverage overwhelmingly blamed police force/militarization, thus reducing the significance of race issues, failing to point out the public policy that has caused the chaos in Ferguson. This failure manifests the popular color-blind racism nowadays in American society, which still functions to defend white advantages.

This paper contributes to the research on relationship between media and social protests, and the influence of social contexts on media report.

姓名：陈婷 导师：宋颖

论文题目（中文）：彭丽媛与米歇尔·奥巴马的媒体形象塑造：中美主流报纸的内容分析研究

论文题目（英文）：Framing Peng Liyuan and Michelle Obama: A Content Analysis of Mainstream Newspapers’ Coverage in China and the U.S.

论文关键词（中文）：框架理论，彭丽媛，米歇尔•奥巴马，性别刻板印象，传统的第一夫人形象

论文关键词（英文）： Framing theory, PengLiyuan, Michelle Obama, Gender Stereotypes, Traditional First Lady Role

中文摘要：

2013年3月14日习近平主席成为中国新一届领导人；2013年3月22日起携夫人彭丽媛访问俄罗斯和非洲国家；从此，彭丽媛开始吸引全世界的目光。中美的主流报纸时常同时对彭丽媛和美国第一夫人米歇尔•奥巴马进行报道。这些报纸采用不同的语言，表达不同的情感，呈现两位第一夫人的手法也有所不同。这个过程即是报纸“塑造人物形象”的过程。

本文旨在分析中美的主流报纸在塑造当今世界最具影响力的两位第一夫人——彭丽媛和米歇尔——的媒体形象时运用了哪些主题框架。研究选取了《人民日报》《中国日报》《纽约时报》以及《华盛顿邮报》等中美主流报纸，分别抽样选取了三个时间段内以上报纸对彭丽媛和米歇尔的报道文章。三个时间段分别为，彭丽媛作为第一夫人的第一年（2013年3月14日至2014年3月14日），米歇尔第一任期以及第二任期的第一年（2009年1月20日至2010年1月20日，2013年1月21日至2014年1月21日）。通过量化统计、内容分析方法以及框架理论的运用，本文对抽样的新闻报道进行了研究，并提取了“性别刻板印象”、“传统的第一夫人形象”、“称职/不称职”以及“讨人喜欢/不讨人喜欢”这四个主题框架，除此之外，还分析了每个主体框架下的二级框架，其他话题以及报道的整体基调。本文就“中美的主流报纸在塑造彭丽媛和米歇尔的媒体形象时运用了哪些主题框架”进行了双层次的分析研究。首先，分析比较了中国主流报纸对彭丽媛和米歇尔以及美国主流报纸对二位的框架报道；其次，在此基础之上，分析比较了中美主流报纸对二位的框架报道。

研究结果显示，四种报纸在报道彭丽媛时运用的主题框架集中在“性别刻板印象”，对米歇尔的报道集中在“传统的第一夫人形象”上。此外，研究还发现，中美主流报纸对彭丽媛的框架报道存在不同，而对米歇尔的框架报道几乎一致。中国主流报纸对彭丽媛均呈现正面报道，而美国主流报纸对彭丽媛的报道负面居多；在报道米歇尔时，中美报纸均呈现出一个多性格、全面、有褒有贬的美国第一夫人形象。

本文运用框架分析法和内容分析法对美国主流媒体和地方媒体对我国孔子学院报道做了框架对比研究，对比了美国主流媒体和地方媒体对孔子学院报道的框架，报道的篇幅和报道语气。研究样本取自北京外国语大学图书馆Lexis-Nexis数据库，主流媒体以纽约时报和华盛顿日报为样本，地方媒体以美国各州的州报及地方报纸为样本，时间选取了2004年11月我国在美国马里兰大学建立第一所孔子学院的时间起点至2014年末。研究表明，主流媒体最常用的报道框架是冲突框架，而地方媒体最常用的是人情味框架。在报道数量和篇幅上，主流媒体以孔子学院为主题通篇的报道数量只占，大多是从其他政治事件的报道中，提到孔子学院是中国推广其软实力的重要举措，并且多篇文章涉及中国和美国意识形态的冲突，认为孔子学院是中国政治宣传的工具。在报道语气上，主流媒体以消极报道和中立报道为主。相比而言，美国地方媒体对孔子学院关注度更高，在报道篇幅上，以孔子学院为主题的通篇报道数量多，主题涵盖孔子学院的揭牌仪式，学院的运作，汉语课堂，文化活动等等，主要强调孔子学院作为文化和语言推广学校，对当地的经济发展，为当地人才走向国际化起到促进作用，报道语气以积极和中立为主。

Abstract：

As Pengliyuan has become so popular that she started to attract global attention, since Xi Jingping became China’s new national leader on 14th March, 2013 and later (starting on 22nd March 2013) they visited Russia and African countries, many mainstream newspapers in China and the US often covered her with her U.S. counterpart – Michelle Obama. They used different words, expressed different connotation and portrayed PengLiyuan and Michelle Obama in different ways. This process is how newspapers “frame” people.

Thus, this study aimed at finding out how mainstream newspapers in China and the U.S. frame Pengliyuan and Michelle Obama, the two most influential first ladies nowadays. This study collected and examined news articles covering two first ladies from People’s Daily, China Daily, New York Times and Washington Post. News articles in three periods were chosen, first year in Pengliyuan’s term (2013/03/14-2014/03/14) and first years in Michelle Obama’s first and second terms (2009/01/20-2010/01/20 and 2013/01/21-2014/01/21). By employing quantitative content analysis and framing theory, four dominant frames, Gender Stereotypes, Traditional First Lady Role, Qualified/Unqualified, Likable/Unlikable were coded and examined, together with secondary frames under each dominant frames, other topics and overall tone of coverage. This study conducted two-level analysis when examining how People’s Daily, China Daily, New York Times and Washington Post framed PengLiyuan and Michelle Obama. The first level was to compare framing of PengLiyuan and Michelle Obama by two Chinese newspapers and framing of them by two American newspapers; the second level was to compare how Chinese newspapers and American ones framed PengLiyuan and how Chinese newspapers and American ones framed Michelle Obama.

Results showed that all four newspapers covered PengLiyuan mostly in Gender Stereotypes and Michelle Obama mostly in Traditional First Lady Role. In addition, Chinese newspapers and American newspapers framed PengLiyuan differently, especially reflected in the overall tone of coverage, while almost the same when framing Michelle Obama. Chinese newspapers framed PengLiyuan positively, but American newspapers fixed more attention on her negative aspects. All four newspapers covered Michelle Obama in an all-around way, including both positive and negative aspects.

姓名：张梦京 导师：翟峥

论文题目（中文）：美国主流媒体和地方媒体对孔子学院的报道框架对比研究

论文题目（英文）：Framing the Confucius Institute: A Comparative Studies of US National and Local Newspaper Coverage of the Confucius Institute

论文关键词（中文）：美国主流媒体 美国地方媒体 孔子学院 框架分析

论文关键词（英文）：the Confucius Institute, US media coverage, framing analysis

中文摘要：

本文运用框架分析法和内容分析法对美国主流媒体和地方媒体对我国孔子学院报道做了框架对比研究，对比了美国主流媒体和地方媒体对孔子学院报道的框架，报道的篇幅和报道语气。研究样本取自北京外国语大学图书馆Lexis-Nexis数据库，主流媒体以纽约时报和华盛顿日报为样本，地方媒体以美国各州的州报及地方报纸为样本，时间选取了2004年11月我国在美国马里兰大学建立第一所孔子学院的时间起点至2014年末。研究表明，主流媒体最常用的报道框架是冲突框架，而地方媒体最常用的是人情味框架。在报道数量和篇幅上，主流媒体以孔子学院为主题通篇的报道数量只占，大多是从其他政治事件的报道中，提到孔子学院是中国推广其软实力的重要举措，并且多篇文章涉及中国和美国意识形态的冲突，认为孔子学院是中国政治宣传的工具。在报道语气上，主流媒体以消极报道和中立报道为主。相比而言，美国地方媒体对孔子学院关注度更高，在报道篇幅上，以孔子学院为主题的通篇报道数量多，主题涵盖孔子学院的揭牌仪式，学院的运作，汉语课堂，文化活动等等，主要强调孔子学院作为文化和语言推广学校，对当地的经济发展，为当地人才走向国际化起到促进作用，报道语气以积极和中立为主。

Abstract：

This study compares how the U.S. national and local newspapers frame the Confucius Institute and explores what are the difference in terms of dominant frames, the length and the tones of the coverage. Framing analysis is conducted to examine the reports within the period from 2004 to 2014. The samples from national newspapers are drawn from The New York Times and The Washington Post, two leading newspapers in terms of circulation and influence in the US. And the local newspapers are selected from states with Confucius Institutes in the Lexis-Nexis Database. Results of the analysis reveal the difference between the US national and local newspaper coverage of Confucius Institutes in terms of dominant frames, length of coverage and tones of coverage. The conclusion is that the Confucius Institute do not draw much attention from national media according to the numbers of reports and the length of coverage. Moreover, Confucius Institutes are framed more as the Chinese government’s political tool to promote China’s soft power, confront western ideology and compete for international influence. The dominant frame is conflict frame and the tone is negative. In contrast, in local newspaper coverage, Confucius Institutes are framed more as an educational institution that promotes language learning and cultural exchange, which benefits local business and prepare children for globalization. The dominant frame is human interest frame and the tones are generally positive and neutral.

姓名：杨茹君 导师：李今朝

论文题目（中文）：美国福特基金会的全球本土化：国际慈善组织在促进农村妇女参政方面的案例研究

论文题目（英文）：Globalizing the Ford Foundation in China: A case study of international philanthropy in rural women’s political participation

论文关键词（中文）：跨国慈善 福特基金会 全球本土化 中国农村妇女参政

论文关键词（英文）：Transnational philanthropy, Ford Foundation, glocalization, Chinese rural women’s political participation

中文摘要：

跨国慈善基金会对全球现代化进程和经济发展贡献巨大，然而在受资助国，这些组织却通常都沾染了敏感的政治色彩。针对跨国基金会的研究中，经常会出现“文化帝国主义”这一字眼，而这一观点也被普罗大众所接受。但是，文化帝国主义这一批评往往过于简单，抹杀了慈善社会关系的复杂性和互动性，并且否认了本土受资助者的能动性。本土受资助者不仅仅是国外资金的接受者，更是具体受资助项目的推动者和负责人。

本文关注在华跨国慈善组织的运营，具体研究以福特基金会为案例。作为在改革开放后进入中国的第一批外国慈善组织，时至今日，福特基金会仍是在华项目投资金额最为庞大的慈善组织之一。从1988年福特基金会在北京开设地区办公室之后，福特已在中国进行了近三十年的项目运作，关注领域极为广泛，包括中国法制建设、民间社会发展、扶贫和性别平等等。但是，相比于福特基金会在华项目的领域之多和资金之巨，学术界对其的关注和研究却是稀少的。如同针对其他跨国基金会的研究，这些学术文献也多流于笼统的判断，而并非基于实证研究的科学论证。

本文旨在展现福特基金会在华运营的复杂性，通过研究其性别和农村治理项目，重点探讨本土受资助方的能动性，衡量两者之间的互动社会关系。本文选择性别和农村治理项目的原因在于该项目的丰富特性。这些项目既为了促进政治参与中的性别平等，又旨在推动中国基层治理改革。研究这些项目，一方面要借鉴文化帝国主义的视野和批评，但另一方面要避免简单笼统的意识形态指控，关注福特基金会和本土受资助方的互动关系，并强调后者的能动性。

在奥斯特兰德和舍维什（1990）提出的“慈善是种社会关系”理论的指导下，本研究将福特基金会的性别和社会治理项目放置在“全球本土化”的框架之下，目的在于探究这一本质为社会关系载体的外国资金资助项目，是如何实现本土化的。福特性别和社会治理项目下共有14个具体项目，基于这些项目的持续时间和社会影响，作者选取4个具体项目进行案例研究。作为实证研究，本文数据主要来自档案文件和深度访谈。档案文件包括基金会年度报告、内部评估报告、学者对具体项目的评估以及项目产出的培训材料。深度访谈对象共有十人，包括福特项目官员、具体项目受资助方和其顾问以及项目的直接受益者农村女性。

通过研究基金会的战略规划和本土受资助方的能动性，本文发现：在项目本地化的过程中，福特基金会既不是议题设置者也并非主导者，而是发挥着推动者的角色。福特基金会项目设立目标十分明确，即通过建立本土学者、行动者的关系网络，以及有战略性的选择从国家到县级的项目试点和有官方背景的受资助者，进而从基层推动民主和性别平等。但是，福特项目的成功不仅仅因为其目标明确、资金和技术资源丰富。中国政府默许甚至鼓励国际组织参与基层民主的试验田是成功背后的决定性因素。福特基金会和本土受资助方的共同需求，以及从技术角度而言，福特在项目实施过程中采取的尊重本土能动性的不干涉态度也同样具有重要意义。从本土受资助方的角度而言，她们的能动性体现在认识到解决村委会女性比例下降这一问题的迫切性、从福特基金会获取财政资助、接受福特进行性别和治理项目的框架，并将其吸收进现有本土框架中、项目实施过程中适时根据当地情况自主调整项目计划，以及利用中国”党国”体制促进项目实施。本文通过案例分析表明，本土的能动性有两个层面，一是改变外来概念和框架，二是接受适合本土需求的概念和框架。通过整合国际组织和本土政府资源，本土受资助方解决了自己关切的问题，她们既不是跨国慈善组织的代理人，也不是政府的代言人。

本研究认为，尽管如奥斯特兰德和舍维什的理论所预测，福特基金会在这一慈善关系的最初阶段占据主导地位，然而由于本土受资助方与福特在农村妇女参政问题上利益一致，再加上中国党国决策体制的限制，福特在项目进程中逐渐失去了主导地位，在项目后段中只沦为资金提供方一角。而这两个因素也决定着要在中国基层治理中实现性别主流化，福特必须采取保守的方法，并在很大程度上依赖其受资助者获得政府资源。总之，在慈善组织跨国活动的研究中，受资助国的政治制度和民间社会的发展程度、政府对国际组织的总体态度以及资助领域都是重要的变量。本文还表明，文化帝国主义这一论点不能被盲目套用在任何国际组织VS.发展中／第三世界国家的语境中。

Abstract：

Transnational philanthropic foundations in China, along with other forms of international organizations, have been contributing to the modernization and development of China, yet they are also getting politically sensitive as in many other recipient countries. Cultural imperialism is often associated with transnational operations of foundations; a view shared by academics and the general public in both donor and recipient countries. However, the overly simplistic and heavily ideological claim does no justice to the complex and interactive philanthropic social relation, and denies the agency of local recipients, who are not just receivers of foreign money but more importantly— promoters and undertakers of specific projects.

This thesis takes up the issue of transnational philanthropic foundation’s operations in China and examines specifically that of the Ford Foundation.Among the pioneering foreign philanthropic foundations operating in China after the reform and opening up in the 1980s, Ford Foundation remains to be one of those with largest monetary commitment till today. With its regional office established in Beijing in 1988, Ford’s nearly three-decade operations in China have covered aspects from legal system construction and civil society developmentto poverty alleviation and promotion of gender equality. However, compared to its large-scale operations and enormous grant sums, the academic attention that the Foundation has received is far from enough to assess its three-decade involvement. Most of the existing evaluations, echoing those on transnational philanthropic organizations in general, notably those by Robert Arnove (1984) and Edward Berman (1980), are assertive instead of empirical and demonstrative.  To complicate the picture of Ford Foundation in China as it is, this thesis studiesthe Foundation’s program of gender and village governance by adopting an agency-based approach and restoring the social relation it has with local recipients. The reason for choosing gender and village governance program lies in its rich nature of aiming both to promote gender equality in political participation and governance reform at grassroots level in China.

This thesis borrows the perspective and critique of cultural imperialism but also avoids purely ideological assertion and explores the interactive social relation of Ford Foundation and its local recipients, especially the agency of the latter. Adopting the theory of philanthropy as a social relation proposed by Ostrander andSchervish (1990) and the concept of glocalization proposed byRoland Robertson (1995), this research examines Ford’s gender and village governance program under the framework of glocalization. The purpose is to explore how the foreign foundation funded projects, which in essence are carriers of social relations, became localized in China. Under Ford’s gender and village governance program, there are altogether 14 rural women’s political participation projects.This empirical researchhas chosen four of them to investigate based on a project’s duration and impact. The primary sources used for this study include both archival records — such as the Foundation’s annual reports, unpublished internal report, academic evaluation reports of specific projects, and training materials generated by the program—and also in-depth interviews with ten participants of those projects from both donor and recipient side, including the Foundation’s program officer, project recipients and consultants, and also those rural women who were direct beneficiaries of those projects.

Probing into both the Foundation’s strategic planning and agency of local recipients, this research finds that contrary to the simplistic and overarching claim of cultural imperialism, Ford Foundation plays a role of facilitator instead of agenda-setter or dominator in the glocalization process. The Foundation certainly has clear goals of promoting democracy and gender equality at grassroots level through building networks among Chinese activists and scholars and through strategically choosing project pilot sites which were distributed at all administrative levels and handpicking recipients with official backing. However, the success of the Foundation’s projects does not lie solely in its clear-mindedness or monetary and technical strength. The Chinese government’s endorsementto and even encouragement of international organizations participating in the experiment field of grassroots democracy is a determining factor of the success. Also of importance arethe compatible needs the Foundation shared with local recipients and, from a technical perspective, its hands-off approach in giving recipients full autonomy. On the side of local recipients, their agency is demonstrated through recognizing the need of tacklingunderrepresentationof women in villagers committee, approaching Ford for financial support, acceptingthe Foundation’s frameworks and absorbingthem into existing local ones, adjusting project plan according to local needs and incorporatingproject implementation into Chinese Party-State institutional system. In general, their agency is two-fold in the sense of not only transforming imported concepts and frameworks but also accepting those that answer local needs or, in another phrase, glocalizing those frameworks. From the perspective of local recipients, a decisive factor of the success of Ford projects is that they are either part of the Party-State administrative system— women’s federations at different levels and Ministry of Civil Affairs — or they are able to access and use Party-State resources as non-governmental women’s organizations. By integrating the resources from transnational organization and local government to address their own concerns, local recipients are by no means the surrogates of transnational philanthropy.

The thesis argues that though the Foundation dominated the beginning of the philanthropic relation as Ostrander’ and Schervish’s theory has predicted, it ceased to dominate and even shrunk solely to the role of monetary provider in the process because of the compatible needs it had with its recipients and the Party-State decision-making system. As a matter of fact, these two factors together decided that the Foundation had to adopt a conservative approach in mainstreaming gender in village governance and rely largely on local government resources through its recipients.Therefore, in transnational philanthropic studies, the administrative system and development of civil society in recipient country, governmental attitude toward international organizations in general, and its funded fields shouldall be treated as important variables. Also, the thesis of cultural imperialism should not be blindly applied to any scenario of international organization versus developing or third world countries.