姓名：汪晶 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 论非赢利机构与美国政府的关系

论文题目（英文）： A Study of the Relationship between the Nonprofit Organizations and the American Government

论文关键词（中文）：非营利机构 美国政府

论文关键词（英文）：NPO, Nonprofit Organizations, American government

中文摘要：

本文研究了非营利机构与美国政府之间的相互关系。作者从三种模型入手，阐释一般层面上美国非营利性机构与政府之间的互动，而后详细论证了两者之间的双向关系以及互相影响的机制。一方面，非营利机构在建设市民社会与充分利用社会资源方面为美国政府的工作做出了贡献；另一方面，美国政府则通过免税政策、部门调控、国会调查监督等措施对非营利组织进行监督管理。在对一般理论与影响机制进行分析的基础上，进一步分析了在美国国内与国际上两者的互动以及三种模型在典型事例中的具体体现，并对非营利机构在美国发展的新特点加以归纳。 作者认为，非营利机构与美国政府在美国国内主要表现了互补的特征，而在国际社会上呈现较多的互相辅助的特点。本文对非营利机构在中国的发展历史进行了回顾并对其与中国政府的关系加以分析和横向比较，从美国吸取经验，提出中国在这方面能够学习和利用的意见和建议。

Abstract:

This thesis investigates the relationship between the nonprofit organizations and the American government. Three models, namely the supplementary model, complementary model, and adversarial model, are applied here to explain the general interactions between the two sectors. In exploring the bidirectional relationship, the nonprofit sector facilitates the government in the building of a civil society and effective utilization of social resources; while the government uses grants, IRS Tax Exemption policy, OMB regulation, and congressional investigations to regulate the nonprofit sector. Such relationship is further elaborated through analyses of domestic and international cases. Though all three models could be found in domestic and international cases, the author holds that in domestic arena, the relationship between the government and NPOs mainly demonstrates supplementary characteristics, and internationally, nonprofit organizations mainly follow the government’s agenda and complement government’s role in the international community. On observing the new trends in the relationship between the two sectors in the U.S. and comparing with the situation in China, we could learn lessons and make more progress in developing the third sector in China.

 

姓名：李晓曦 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 试析列奥•斯特劳斯对美国新保守主义的影响

论文题目（英文）： The Influence of Leo Strauss on U.S.Neoconservatism

论文关键词（中文）：列奥•斯特劳斯 自然权利 美国新保守主义

论文关键词（英文）：Leo Strauss, Natural Right, American neoconservatism

中文摘要：

众所周知，新保守主义在沉寂了十多年以后，随着小布什入主白宫又再次活 跃在了美国的政坛上并且对于小布什政府的外交政策起着举足轻重的作用。其 充满着霸气的气质让全世界的学者都刮目相看，并且对它开始纷纷重视起来。 当然，要想更加了解美国新保守主义的话，不了解它的思想根源是不可以的。 然而至今也没有关于谁是新保守主义的哲学思想教父的定论。不过，列奥﹒斯 特劳斯一直被大家广泛认同为美国新保守主义的哲学思想上的导师，他的主要 思想都是源于他著名的自然权利理论。而他主要的政治思想包括他对宗教重要 性的强调，对自由主义的深恶痛绝，对于虚无主义是导致美国现代危机的罪魁 祸首的坚定信念以及他很强的民族主义情节。 斯特劳斯最厉害之处在于他的学生以及他的政治思想的拥护者数量众多，并 且影响巨大，已经形成了斯特劳斯学派。其中有一些著名的人物例如阿兰﹒布 鲁姆和艾文﹒克里斯托。尤其是后者，他被认为是美国新保守主义的开创者。 正是这些深得斯特劳斯真传的人将自己的所学运用到美国政坛并且将它们教授 给新保守主义者。如果深入研究，不难发现美国新保守主义基本上传承了斯特 劳斯的主要哲学思想，而且他们所制定的美国外交政策都无时无刻不透露着斯 特劳斯的气质。所以说，斯特劳斯就是美国新保守主义的哲学思想导师。

Abstract:

After more than a decade of being marginalized, neoconservatism has reappeared on the American political scene and become one of the most powerful forces in the making of the Bush Jr. administration’s foreign policy. Its growth and influence has attracted the attention of scholars all over the world. It is very important and necessary to locate the major ideas and thoughts of neoconservatism’s philosophical fountainhead in order to better understand it. Although until now, no final agreement has been reached on who is the real philosophical mentor of neoconservatism, Leo Strauss is often mentioned in the debate and has been declared the godfather of the Republican Party’s 1994 Contract with America in the pages of the New York Times. All his major political thinking nearly derive from his famous natural right theory, and the thinking includes his preoccupation with religion, his conviction that nihilism cultivates the crisis of American liberalism, his antipathy towards liberalism and his emphasis on nationalism. Strauss has a group of students, which are often called the Straussians. They are either his students or the advocates of his political ideas. It is they who spread his major thinking and influence the American political scene. Among them are the shining stars of Allan Bloom and Irving Kristol. They share nearly all the basic political thinking of Leo Strauss and indoctrinate them into the neoconservatives. After careful scrutiny, people find that neoconservatism echoes nearly all the major political thinking of Leo Strauss. And the neoconservatives apply what they have learned from their mentor to American foreign policy. If we have a careful study of 3 the current U.S. foreign policy, we can find that it from time to time mirrors Strauss’s ideas. Thus it is safe to conclude that Leo Strauss is the philosophical fountainhead of U.S. neoconservatism.

 

姓名：陈皓 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）：美国大选中候选人的形象建立：2004年总统辩论的个案分析

论文题目（英文）：Candidate Image Building in American Presidential Elections:Case Study of 2004 Presidential Debates

论文关键词（中文）：形象建立 总统辩论 功能话语分析

论文关键词（英文）：Image Building, Presidential Debate, Functional Analysis

 

 

姓名：贾杰 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 1995－1996年台湾危机和克林顿的台湾政策

论文题目（英文）： An Analysis of the Five Factors In the Making of U.S. Political Families

论文关键词（中文）：财富 关系 权力 教育 家庭 宗族 王朝 肯尼迪家庭和布什

论文关键词（英文）：Wealth, Connections, Power, Education, Family, Clan, dynasty

中文摘要：

长期以来，美国一直是世界各国自由与民主的典范。但是，一些政治家族在 美国历史上相当时期内占据了主导地位。从美国的开国之父们到当今的布什总 统，美国历史见证了许多政治家族的起落浮沉。 这些政治家族包括：亚当斯家族、罗斯福家族、塔夫脱家族、兰德里欧家族、 戈尔家族，还有其他诸多家族。事实上，在美国229 年的历史中，先后约有482 个家族在美国政界有3 名甚至更多的家族成员。 在这482 个家族中，本文着重关注肯尼迪家族和布什家族这两个典型的例 子，并试图分析政治家族形成中的五个因素的作用。 这五个因素分别是：财富、关系、权力、教育、和家庭。 本文试图探索这两个家族是如何积累财富并使用财富的；如何建立并利用关 系网的；如何操纵并扩张权力的；如何把教育看作是跳板和铺路石的；如何施加 家族影响力并统领家族支持的。 由于本文选题的复杂性（如家族成员数目庞大，又如代与代之间名字容易混 iii 淆），文章采用了家族树作为图解。本文共覆盖了肯尼迪家族六代人和布什家族 四代人，重点则是肯尼迪家族的第三代和第四代及布什家族的第二代和第三代。 （欲对这几代的家族成员构成有个较全面的了解，请参见附录一和附录二。同时， 为了解美国历史上其他政治家族的影响，请参见附录三。） 在对两个家族每一代都分别阐述了这五个因素之后，本文的结论是：再次肯 定并重申了美国是一个精英统治的国家。尽管美国有诸如选举和请愿等民主形 式，但在实质上，美国政治是排他性的和相对集中的。

Abstract:

The United States has long been held as the model of freedom and democracy for the rest of the world. Yet the U.S. political landscape has been dominated by political families for most of its history. From the Founding Fathers to the current President Bush, U.S. history witnessed the rise and fall of many political families. These political families include the Adams Family, the Roosevelt Family, the Taft Family, the Landrieu Family, the Gore Family, and many other political families. In fact, over the 229 years of U.S. history, there were about 482 families which boasted 3 or more family members in U.S. politics. Out of these 482 families, this thesis focuses on the Kennedy Family and the Bush Family as two outstanding examples and tries to analyze five factors in the making of political families. These five factors are: wealth, connections, power, education, and family. This thesis explores how these two families accumulated wealth and how they made use of the wealth; how they established and exploited connections; how they v manipulated and expanded power; how they treated education as a launch pad and a stepping stone; and how they exerted family influence and commanded family support. This thesis adopts family trees as illustrations due to the complexity (large number of family members and confusing given name across generation) of this tentative venture. In this thesis, the Kennedy family spanned 6 generations whereas the Bush family covered 4 generations. Special emphases were laid upon the 3rd and 4th generations of the Kennedy family and the 2nd and 3rd generations of the Bush family. (For a comprehensive picture of these generations in subject, please refer to Appendixes I and II. Some examples of other political families over the U.S. history are listed in Appendix III. ) After examining each of the 5 factors generation by generation, this thesis concludes by reaffirming that the United States is a country of elite rule. For all the democratic forms such as elections and petitions, U.S. politics is largely exclusive and centralized in essence.

 

姓名：王志纯 导师： 孙有中

论文题目（中文）： 陈水扁在《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》中的形象

论文题目（英文）： The Image of Chen Shuibian in the New York Times and the Washington Post

论文关键词（中文）：陈水扁 形象 《纽约时报》 《华盛顿邮包》

论文关键词（英文）：Chen Shuibian, Image, The New York Times, The Washington Post

中文摘要：

自2000年以来，陈水扁就是海峡两岸“焦点”。他的所作所为直接影响到海峡两岸的关系以及稳定。国内的媒体对其言行做过大量的报道和评论，观点也十分鲜明。与此同时，美国的媒体对陈水扁也有不少报道。本文选择了美国的两大主流媒体《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》，从中选择了关于陈水扁的报道进行分析。 本文分四章。第一章为介绍，介绍了陈水扁的背景，定义了“形象”一词，介绍了本文的目的和研究的问题，然后阐述了对两份报纸的选择。第二章为文献综合论述，论述了本文将运用的理论，推出了假设。第三章为对所选取的材料进行定量定性分析。在进行分析的时候，运用了相关的新闻图式，对假设进行证明。最后一章总结了全文并提出了今后的可能的研究方向。

Abstract:

This thesis examines the image of Chen Shuibian from an approach of US media. After a review of related theories and study, the studying of Chen Shuibian’s image on the mainstream US media was conducted. In defining the term “image”, a dictionary is consulted. This thesis aims to link the US reports on Chen Shuibian to the ideology behind them. This linkage is carried out in two analyses: quantitative and qualitative analyses. After the analyses, the relations between the reports and their ideology are established. This thesis is yet another contribution to the understanding of the “image” of Chen Shuibian.

 

姓名：顾国平 导师： 孙有中

论文题目（中文）： 联盟内部的一致与分歧：美英报纸对伊拉克大选报道的对比研究

论文题目（英文）： Consensus and Contention within the Coalition:A Comparative Study of the U.S. and U.K. Press Coverage of the Iraqi Election

论文关键词（中文）：伊拉克大选 纽约时报 华盛顿邮报 泰晤士报 卫报 报道

论文关键词（英文）：Iraqi Election, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Times, The Guardian, Coverage

中文摘要：

在2003年的伊拉克战争中，美国和英国曾亲密结盟，一起推翻了萨达姆政权。之后，他们又一起鼓吹在伊拉克建立和实现西方式的民主和自由。虽然英美在伊拉克问题上紧密合作，但是由于他们在全球政治格局中处于不同的地位，他们各自的利益并不完全相同。这篇论文基于”媒介垄断理论”和”话语分析方法”，对美英两国的四份主要报纸有关2005年1月底举行的伊拉克大选的报道进行分析，以揭示它们报道的异同，并分析产生这些异同的主要原因。这四份报纸是美国的《纽约时报》与《华盛顿邮报》和英国的《泰晤士报》与《卫报》。 文章对研究样本进行了定量和定性分析。研究的结果证实了”媒介垄断理论”的有效性：四份报纸都倾向于维护本国的国家利益，只是在对国家利益的判断上，《卫报》和其它三份报纸有所不同。 四份报纸对伊拉克大选报道的异同表现在：一方面，它们都高举民主和自由这两面意识形态的大旗。另一方面，从各份报纸对伊拉克大选和美英的伊拉克政策的态度看，《卫报》与其它三份报纸形成了鲜明的对比：《卫报》主要是负面的报道，对美英两国政府在伊拉克问题上的单边主义和暴力政策进行了揭露和批判，而《纽约时报》、《华盛顿邮报》和《泰晤士报》则更多的是正面报道， 从总体上肯定和支持两国政府的对伊政策。 美英这四份报纸对伊拉克大选报道的异同是由多方面的原因造成的。从它们的相似性上看，可以归因于民主和自由这两个理念的影响，它们在美英两国的意识形态和外交政策中都发挥着非常重要的作用。而它们报道的不同则可以追溯到两国在外交策略和国内政治的不同：英国政府更倾向于采用多边主义外交，而美国却更多地实行单边外交；同时，英国政府所面临的国内反对派的力量也要比美国政府所面临的大得多。总的来说，《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》在报道上极其相似的主要原因是布什政府内部在伊拉克问题上达成了基本的一致，而布莱尔政府内部的裂痕则导致了《泰晤士报》和《卫报》的巨大差异。

Abstract:

The United States and United Kingdom were close allies in the 2003 campaign to overthrow Saddam. They are still closely allied in the high-flown cause of bringing Western-style democracy and freedom to Iraq. Yet, close as they have been on the issue of Iraq, their different positions on the global political structure mean that they have different interests. This study takes the approaches of Media Hegemony Theory and News Discourse Analysis to reveal the consensus as well as contention among the U.S. and U.K. leading newspapers in their coverage of the 2005 Iraqi election, and to explore the deeper reasons for the consensus and contention, by making a comparison between the four U.S. and U.K. newspapers, namely, the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Times, and the Guardian. The methods employed in this study include both quantitative and qualitative analysis. The findings of this study confirm the validity of Hegemony Theory-the media tend to side with the perceived national interest, though the Guardian interpreted it differently from the other three. Substantial evidence demonstrates that all four newspapers held up the ideological flag of democracy and freedom in their coverage. On the other hand, in terms of their attitude towards the Iraqi election and U.S./U.K. Iraq policy, the Guardian took a mainly negative stance, in contrast to the other three which all portrayed a largely positive picture of the Iraqi election. Several factors contribute to the consensus and contention among the four newspapers. Their consensus might be the result of the important role the concepts of democracy and freedom play in both countries’ national ideology and foreign policies. The contention could be traced to the different foreign policy approaches and domestic politics of the United States and United Kingdom: The U.K. government favored a multilateral approach while the U.S. unilateral; The U.K. government also faced greater domestic opposition than the U.S.. On the whole, the general consensus within the Bush administration over Iraq and the deep chasm in the British government, together with these newspapers’ political leanings, largely account for the similarity between the New York Times and the Washington Post and the huge discrepancy between the Times and the Guardian.

 

姓名：邱辉 导师： 孙有中

论文题目（中文）： 唐人街在《纽约时报》中的形象（2000-2004）

论文题目（英文）： The Image of Chinatown in the New York Times, 2000-2004

论文关键词（中文）：《纽约时报》 内容分析 话语分析 形象 唐人街

论文关键词（英文）：The New York Times, Content Analysis, Discourse Analysis, image

中文摘要：

《唐人街在〈纽约时报〉中的形象，2000—2004》以《纽约时报》自2000 年1月1日至 2004年12月31日有关唐人街的报道为研究对象，采用内容分析 和话语分析的研究方法，试图揭示《纽约时报》所塑造的唐人街形象。 本文试图回答以下三个问题： （1）《纽约时报》塑造了什么样的唐人街形象？ （2）它是如何建构唐人街形象的？ （3）《纽约时报》的唐人街报道是否被刻板化？ 内容分析的单位是每一篇报道，编码项目包括：报道篇数、报道长度、报 道体裁、稿源、信源、报道中主要人物的性别和职业（或角色）以及话题和子 话题。定性分析主要围绕五个方面展开：主题、标题、新闻图式、措辞和暗示。 内容分析发现，《纽约时报》对唐人街和在其中生活的华人所给予的关注非 常有限，大部分有关唐人街的报道都涉及到暴力、违法犯罪、事故或同中国传 统文化相关的行为，也就是说，都涉及到各种偏离社会常规的行为。报道中居 住在唐人街里的华人的形象常常是千篇一律的，都被描述成在工作、住房、语 言或教育等方面有问题的人，或者是制造麻烦的人。考察报道中的信源可以发 现，发表观点的人主要来自精英阶层，包括政府官员、商人、媒体和学者。普 通华人只有在涉及到某种负面行为或同中国传统文化相关的行为时，才会在报 道中唱主角。研究报道中华人主要人物的职业（或角色）可以发现，华人多从 事餐饮业或做其他小生意，并且经常被描述成不法之徒或受害者。 对相关报道进行话语分析的结果也证实了以上结论。主题分析发现，《纽约 时报》多数有关唐人街的报道直接或间接地集中在三个主题上：餐饮业、犯罪 与中国传统文化。这种报道倾向会加深读者头脑中固有的唐人街形象，由此可 能对生活在唐人街中的华人产生不利影响。研究还发现，记者有时会选用具有 特定色彩的词汇来描述同唐人街相关的人和事，以此来间接地表达自己的看法 或情感。负面的评价通常是通过十分微妙的方式表达的。 不过，从报道的基本规范和表层形式来看，《纽约时报》比较好地遵循了自 由主义的新闻规范，其对唐人街的报道一般是以事实为基础的。从新闻图式的 角度看，相关报道多数具有完整的结构图。多数新闻报道的标题在措辞上也是 比较客观的。同时，记者基本上能够区分报道内容和评论。 总体看来，《纽约时报》所塑造的唐人街和美国华人形象具有刻板化倾向， 这主要是议程设置和新闻选择的结果。

Abstract:

The current study was designed to use methodology of content analysis and discourse analysis to give a full-account description of the news content about Chinatown drawn from the New York Times from January 1, 2000 to December 31, 2004. This study addressed the following three questions: 1) What was Chinatown’s image in the New York Times? 2) How was Chinatown’s image constructed or framed in the New York Times? 3) Was Chinatown stereotyped in the New York Times’ coverage? If so, to what extent was Chinatown stereotyped? Variables defined for quantitative content analysis include: number of news items in each year and in every three months, length of items, types of items, news sources, quoted sources, gender and occupations (or roles) of main characters in news stories, and topics and subtopics. Qualitative analysis mainly focuses on five aspects of relevant news stories: themes, headlines, news schemata, lexical style, and implication. Quantitative content analysis found that the New York Times paid very limited attention to Chinatown and Chinese Americans living there. The majority of news stories about Chinatown were associated with violence, illegality, crime, accidents, or certain deviant cultural behaviors. Chinese Americans living in Chinatown were often stereotypically presented as problem people, as causing trouble (demonstrations, protests), or as having problems (work, housing, language, education). Examination of quoted sources showed that the major opinion sources were elite sources, including government, business, media and academics. Chinese Americans appeared less often as major agents unless they were suspected or

 

姓名：范海东 导师： 孙有中

论文题目（中文）： 英美主流报纸上的邓小平形象

论文题目（英文）： The Image of Deng Xiaoping in The Times (London),The Guardian (London), The New York Times, and The Washington Post

论文关键词（中文）：邓小平 形象 意识形态 《泰晤士报》 《卫报》 《纽约时报》 《华盛顿邮报》

论文关键词（英文）：Deng Xiaoping, Image, Ideology, The Times (London), The Guardian (London), The New York Times, The Washington Post

中文摘要：

本文选取英国的《泰晤士报》和《卫报》以及美国的《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》, 以对邓小平从1985年7月1日至2004年8月31日的相关报道为研究对象，旨在揭示四家报纸在对邓小平的报道中如何塑造邓小平的形象以及具体塑造了怎样的邓小平形象。与此同时，本文还探讨了四家报纸上的邓小平报道的特点、相互之间的异同以及报道是否客观，公正和真实。 本文同时使用定量与定性分析的方法。研究的理论基础为新闻叙述框架和建构主义。定量分析主要侧重报道篇幅、报道体裁、稿源、信源、议题等，定性分析则侧重主题、新闻图式、词汇色彩、语气态度等。 定量分析发现邓小平的形象被负面地报道。四家报纸受其意识形态的影响对邓小平的报道高度政治化，具体表现在各家报纸的新闻选择、议程设置与关键词上。 定性分析发现上述四家报纸对邓小平形象的塑造极不公正，表现为少量事实被放大和过度报道，而大量事实则被有意忽略或遗忘。负面报道充斥着对邓小平外貌的描写、有关邓小平健康状况的谣传、对邓小平改革的批评与指责、对邓小平治国方略的贬抑与否定以及对邓小平历史功绩的偏见等方面。与此同时，四家报纸对邓小平的态度都体现出一种亦褒亦贬的矛盾。 纵观全文，基于相同的意识形态基础，四家报纸在对邓小平的相关报道上处理手法大体一致，大同小异。另一方面，上述四家报纸对邓小平的报道在基本事实上没有捏造，但远谈不上客观和公正，邓小平的形象和中国的形象被严重扭曲。

Abstract:

This study is a content analysis of the coverage of Deng Xiaoping in four quality newspapers of U.S. and U.K. i.e. The Times (London), The Guardian (London), The New York Times, and The Washington Post from July 1, 1985 to August 31, 2004. This study aimed to find out what the image of Deng Xiaoping was and how it was constructed in the four papers. Comparisons were made among the four newspapers’ coverage of Deng Xiaoping, and evaluations were given in regard to objectivity, fairness and truth. This content analysis is a combination of quantitative analysis and discourse analysis with theories of framing and social construction of reality as theoretical foundation. Quantitative analysis mainly focused on volume coverage, news types, news sources, quoted sources, issues and topics. Discourse analysis focused on themes, news schemata, wording, tones and attitude. The findings of quantitative analysis showed that the image of Deng Xiaoping was largely negatively reported. The chosen four newspapers’ coverage of Deng Xiaoping was highly politicized due to their ideology homogeneity. The four newspapers’ news selection, agenda-setting, and choice of words contributed to the negative construction of Deng Xiaoping’s image. Discourse analysis found that the chosen four newspapers’ portrayals of Deng Xiaoping were severely unfair in that a small proportion of facts were magnified and over-exposed while a large proportion of facts were willfully ignored or neglected. Negative coverage of Deng Xiaoping was imbued with derogatory depictions of his appearance and stature, rumors of his health, criticisms of his reforms, denials of his statecraft, and biased assessments of his achievements and legacies. Analysis of the four newspapers’ coverage demonstrates that there was a universal ambivalence in attitudes toward Deng Xiaoping. In summary, due to the homogeneity in ideology, there were no distinct differences among the four newspapers in their coverage of Deng Xiaoping. The four newspapers’ coverage of Deng Xiaoping was factual on the whole, but far from being objective and fair. The image of Deng Xiaoping and that of China were seriously marred with distortion and unfairness.

 

姓名：庞琴 导师： 孙有中

论文题目（中文）： 解析美国主要新闻报纸中中国女性形象，1998-2005

 

 

姓名：王婷 导师： 李莉文

论文题目（中文）： 违宪还是被陷？－分立政府与总统弹劾

论文题目（英文）： Caught or Entrapped: Divided government and presidential impeachment

论文关键词（中文）：分立政府 总统弹劾

论文关键词（英文）：Divided Government, Presidential impeachment

中文摘要：

本文研究的是在美国的分立政府(divided government)中，政府权力分立的状 态对于弹劾总统的影响，研究对象是安德鲁·约翰逊(Andrew Johnson)总统和比 尔·克林顿(Bill Clinton)总统被弹劾的案例，两位总统均是在分立政府中被弹劾 的。分立政府，在本文中指总统无法在国会两院中的至少一院里取得多数议员的 支持。文中选取的案例是美国历史上仅有的两个完成了所有弹劾程序的总统弹劾 案。 文章分别追溯了两起弹劾案的来龙去脉，检验了由众议院表决通过的弹劾议 案的指控是否符合宪法有关弹劾总统的标准，再现了总统的政治敌人为弹劾总统 所做出的努力，探究了当时分立政府中总统与国会之间矛盾的产生与发展，并构 想了这两起弹劾案如若发生在一致政府(united government)的情形。 通过对比分析两个案例，文章得出结论：在分立政府中，控制国会而又反对 总统的多数党领导人很可能会利用宪法中有关弹劾总统的规定来扩大该党的利 益和权力，因此分立政府比一致政府容易诱发总统弹劾案。文章同时指出，为了 党派的政治利益和权力变相利用宪法所赋予的弹劾总统的权力，这将会损害到民 众的利益以及国家的民主。

Abstract:

This thesis investigates the effect of divided government on presidential impeachment through an analytical review of the impeachment cases of President Andrew Johnson and President Bill Clinton, both of whom were impeached in a seriously divided government. Divided government is understood here as a situation in which the president fails to enjoy a majority support in at least one of the two houses. The two cases reviewed and analyzed here are the only two completed presidential impeachment cases in the U.S. history. The study traces the triggering events and development of the impeachments, examines the House-approved articles of impeachment, inquires into the impeachment efforts by the political opponents of the accused presidents, recalls the conflicts in the divided governments and the growth of divisiveness, and portrays the possible looks of the presidential impeachments in a united government. By reviewing the two cases respectively and comparatively, the analysis concludes that in a divided government, presidential impeachment could be exploited by opposition party leaders ruling Congress against the president, and party interests and the desire for power could make motivations for presidential impeachment higher than those in a united government. The analysis also points out that such political exploitation of the Constitutional provision on presidential impeachment would harm public interests and democracy.

 

姓名：王沂凡 导师： 滕继萌

论文题目（中文）： 史迪威的召回对美国对外政策的制定的启示

论文题目（英文）： The Recall of Stilwell and Its Implication to Policy Makers

论文关键词（中文）：美国外交政策 美国 中国 史迪威 蒋介石

论文关键词（英文）：US Foreign Policy, The United States, China, Stilwell, Chiang Kai-shek

 

姓名：闫薇 导师： 滕继萌

论文题目（中文）： 随意处置的国际合法性：美国眼中的联合国

论文题目（英文）： International Legitimacy At Disposal: The United Nations in the Eyes of Washington

论文关键词（中文）：美国外交 国际合法性 联合国

论文关键词（英文）：US Foreign Policy, International Legitimacy, United Nations

姓名：杨望平 导师： 龚雁

论文题目（中文）： 1990年以来好莱坞战争电影中的美国英雄主义：新特点与旧主题

论文题目（英文）： American Heroism in Hollywood War Films since 1990:New Trends and Old Themes

论文关键词（中文）：美国英雄主义 好莱坞 战争电影 爱国主义 民主英雄

论文关键词（英文）：American Heroism, Hollywood, War Films, Patriotism, Democratic hero

中文摘要：

英雄主义一直都是美国好莱坞战争电影的一个重要主题。进入二十世纪九十年代以来，伴随着战争电影的重新崛起，英雄主义在美国银幕上也迎来了新的春天。但是，美国英雄主义作为一个文化和历史的概念，也是随着美国社会与文化的发展不断演进的。新时期，英雄主义在美国社会与文化中的内涵也有所变化。9/11 恐怖主义袭击中美国普通民众在反抗恐怖主义劫持者、抢救受伤人员、支援受难家属等过程中表现出的英雄举动更引发了关于美国英雄主义的探讨。针对美国英雄主义在新时期的内涵，美国国内及国际都有不同的见解。本文将银幕上的英雄主义与美国社会现实，文化演进以及历史经历相结合，在分析二十世纪九十年代以来美国好莱坞战争电影中美国英雄主义的特点及内涵的基础上，进一步探讨银幕上的英雄主义形象与美国社会、历史、政治以及文化的关系。 九十年代以来，好莱坞战争电影中的英雄主义继承了一些传统特点，例如勇士传统、爱国主义、个人英雄主义等，同时也表现出新的特点。银幕上的英雄仍然是战争勇士，但是往往是在不得已的情况下，为了维护正义或保护家庭参战，而不是为了追逐英雄荣誉或是受浮夸的爱国主义言辞的鼓动而参战。战争对英雄们来说仍然是一部个人历险和奋斗史，但是，在继承个人英雄主义传统的同时，战士们也认识到集体协作和服从命令的重要性。电影中的英雄也不再是无所不能，坚不可摧的”超人式”英雄，而是变得更真实，更人性化，是民众可以触及的平民英雄。他们只是美国民主社会的普通一员，面对战争与死亡同样会害怕，但是他们却能在必要的时候，坚守岗位，做好本职工作，正是这一点让他们脱颖而出，成为新时代的英雄。当银幕上的英雄形象发生变化时，反面角色的形象也发生了变化。银幕上的坏人不仅局限于希特勒，纳粹分子，共产主义者，还包括恐怖主义分子。反面角色作为个人变得更人性化，作为一个群体则变得模糊，前者是因为现代电影的现实化和真实性所至，后者是因为现代战争中，高科技武器及战术的运用，使得美国军队可以远距离地打击敌人。 银幕上表现的英雄主义与美国社会、历史、政治以及文化是密切相关的。冷战结束，前苏联解体，美国成为唯一的超级大国，加上美国军队在阿富汗战争，伊拉克战争中的胜利，助长了美国人的气势，优越心理和英雄主义情结油然而生。另一方面，这些胜利都无法与二战中美国的英雄壮举相比，对二战中辉煌胜利的怀恋以及对经历了三十年代经济危机和二战的那一代美国人的敬仰开始在美国盛行。这都为银幕上英雄主义的重生打下了基础。克林顿政府，老布什以及小布什政府对个人责任以及政府责任的明确与强调，美国经历的数次战争，尤其是二战和越南战争对美国民众心理的影响，伴随着美国社会中精英英雄的缺失产生的众多普通民主英雄，反映到影片中，银幕上的英雄主义就表现出前文所述的特点。 另一方面，银幕上的英雄主义也对美国社会及观众产生了深远的影响。电影中对英雄主义的渲染进一步加深了一些美国传统价值观和习俗，例如个人主义，家庭价值观，宗教信仰，男权思想以及”我们”和”他们”的两极思维模式。银幕上英雄们对个体和团体生存的强调，对虚而不实、空泛爱国主义论调的轻视也对传统意义上的爱国主义概念提出了质疑。战争电影刻画的英雄主义形象主要通过美国士兵表显出来，这就有助于重塑在越战中受损的美国士兵及美国军方的形象。此外，通过电影这一大众媒体，银幕上的英雄主义形象也引导着现实社会中美国人对英雄主义这一概念的理解。 由此可见，美国英雄主义与美国传统文化的根基紧密相连，同时也随着美国社会、历史、政治以及文化的发展，在各时期呈现不同的特点。这一规律反映到电影中，二十世纪九十年代以来好莱坞战争电影中美国英雄主义的特点及内涵既继承了美国传统文化中的一些核心因素，也体现了这一时期的新的特点，同时又反过来对美国社会及观众产生影响。

Abstract:

The terrorist attack on September 11, 2001, produced the same trauma among the American people as had the Japanese attack on December 7, 1941, and the nation responded with the same patriotic fervor that followed Pearl Harbor. The initial heroic response of Americans prompted national recognition of a multitude of heroes and a nation-wide discussion on heroism in America. Hollywood as a cultural phenomenon as well as an entertainment industry in the United States corresponds to the social trend by producing multiple war films with heroism as the main theme. As a matter of fact, the Hollywood screen has already witnessed the resurrection of heroism in American war films since the 1990s. The current study undertakes to examine the presentation of heroism in Hollywood fictional war films since 1990, exploring special features of heroism in Hollywood war films since 1990 and shifts in the nature and function of the heroic image on the big screen. In comparison with previous presentations, heroism in Hollywood war films inherit such old themes as the warrior heroism, individualism and patriotism while assuming new features like different motivations, a regained trust in institutions and faith in the community, a democratic ordinary hero image as well as the fight against a human and sometimes faceless protagonist. The author has also analyzed how the presentation of heroism on the screen connects to the American contemporary culture and society. In doing so, the author attempts to demonstrate that on the one hand, the representation of heroism on the screen since 1990 is shaped by social, political and cultural realities in contemporary American society as well as the American war experiences; and on the other hand, the screened image also generates significant cultural impact on the American audience as well as the American society in general.

 

姓名：胡翀 导师： 付美榕

论文题目（中文）： 美国总统就职演说中反映的鼓舞作用与实际作用

论文题目（英文）： Inspirational Role and Practical Role of American Presidents Reflected in their Inaugurals

论文关键词（中文）：鼓舞作用 实际作用 总统制度 总统就职演说

论文关键词（英文）：Spiritual Role, Practical Role, Presidency Presidential, Inaugural addresses

中文摘要：

虽然宪法并未明文规定，美国总统在就职典礼上发表就职演说已成惯例。从华盛顿开始，每隔四年，历届总统都要借此机会，或表明立场，或阐述政见，或展望未来，或做出承诺，以求弥合分歧，笼络民心。 与其它的政治宣言一样，就职演说也免不了虚词浮藻和陈词滥调。但仔细读来，其中不难发现对当时热点事件、政策走向的点评信息。因此，对于理解美国历史的发展轨迹，了解美国总统制度的变化，就职演说堪称是绝佳的一手资料。 本文认为美国总统有双重角色。一是精神领袖的角色，代表人民阐述国家的理想、信念和精神。二是实际、务实的政治家，需应对美国的内政和外交。 本文的主要任务在于通过研究就职演说，来发现美国总统双重角色中变与不变的因素。一方面，就职演说需要团结民众，聚拢人心，需要有较高的立场，摆脱党派羁绊，超越个人局限。因此，其中有贯穿始终的精神和原则。华盛顿、林肯和福兰克林•罗斯福的演说就超越了时空，久为流传。而另一方面，总统的就职演说离不开当时的历史环境，是特定历史时期和特定场合的产物。因此，它所反映的总统双重角色也会有时代的烙印。门罗开创了美国外交新格局；杰克逊是第一个平民总统，在任期内他强化了总统制；而杜鲁门和克林顿，则分别是冷战开始和结束后当选的总统。他们的演说与美国乃至世界局势紧密相关。 此外，为了探索总统角色变化发展的外部原因和深层次原因，本文最后还研究了美国政治体系的变化和发展。

Abstract:

Though not prescribed by the Constitution, delivering an inaugural address at the inauguration ceremony has become a custom. From George Washington forward, every four years, all the American presidents have exploited it to make their positions known, to elaborate on their political viewpoints, to look forward to the future, or to make promises, so as to strike compromise and mobilize the nation for support. Like other political declarations, the presidential inaugurals are banal and platitudinous in some sense. However, under careful studies, comments on hot issues and policy orientation of the time when the inaugurals were delivered are not difficult to spot in the texts. Therefore, the presidential inaugurals are important first-hand material to understand the course of American historical development as well as the institution of U.S. presidency. This thesis holds that the U.S. presidency has twin roles. One is the inspirational role of the Chief Executive, embodying and articulating the ideals and aspirations of American people. And the other is the practical role of an effective politician, dealing with domestic as well as foreign issues. Based on this observation, this study is to examine the changes and continuities in both the inspirational role and the practical role of American presidency, as reflected in their inaugurals. On one hand, the inaugurals should serve to unite the nation and have meaning to all people of all time. Therefore, there are permanent themes in the inaugurals throughout the American history. For instance, the inaugurals of Washington, Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt are considered to transcend time and space. And on the other hand, the presidential inaugurals are situated in specific historical context, and designed to address immediate issues. Therefore, the twin roles of the U.S. presidency have undergone changes over time. James Monroe had initiated a new pattern of American foreign policy; Andrew Jackson was the first “common man” to be an elected president, and during his presidency, had consolidated the supremacy of the presidency; while Truman and Clinton came to power before and after the Cold War. Their inaugurals were unavoidably imprinted with domestic and international situations at the time. In addition, in order to trace the root causes for the evolution of the presidential role, this thesis also presents an interpretation of the continuities and changes in the context of American political system.

 

姓名：杨峰 导师： 李期铿

论文题目（中文）： 中美关系中的相互认知：以越南战争为例

论文题目（英文）： Mutual Perceptions in Sino-U.S. Relations:the Vietnam War as a Case Study

论文关键词（中文）：越南战争 相互看法 中美关系

论文关键词（英文）：The Vietnam War, Mutual Perception, Sino-U.S. Relations

中文摘要：

描述美国与越南战争的作品相当之多，而多数作品都是针对美国卷入战争的原因和战争的结果展开研究的。本论文尝试从一个新的角度，即中美相互看法的角度，重新阐述所谓的”中国因素”–中国在越南战中所起的作用。文章将对如下问题作出回答：遏制政策和”多米诺”理论在美国决策过程中发挥了什么作用？在美国决策者看来，中国扮演了什么角色？中国实际上扮演了什么角色？中国对美国的越南政策做出了何种反应？中国为什么会采取这种政策？中美如何看待它们在越战期间的双边关系？中美关系的缓和对越南战争及中美对越政策有什么影响？ 对他国看法不仅体现了一个国家本身的思想意识形态和自我认识，同时还反映了对他国及其人民的的认识。这是决定中美关系的一个重要因素，它也在很大程度上影响了中美两国对越南的政策。20世纪50年代，美国把中国看成苏联的傀儡和”国际共产主义阴谋”的忠实追随者。因而，美国这一时期采取了对华孤立和遏制的政策。到了60年代，在认识到中国和苏联的分裂之后，美国开始认为不受苏联控制的中国会更加敌视美国，而且会在全世界范围内更加积极地支持反对美国”纸老虎”的民族解放运动。这种把中国当成其在越南的真正敌人的观点构成了美国越南政策的基础。在美国卷入越南和随后扩大战争的的整个过程当中，慕尼黑类比、”多米诺”理论以及遏制政策都发挥了至关重要的作用。同时，自从新中国成立以来，美国便被视为中国的头号敌人。中国领导人认为美国在越南的战争升级对中国的安全构成了极大的威胁。中国通过对越南民主共和国提供大量的外交和军事支援来反对美国的政策。尽管中美在越南问题上的斗争势不可免，双方都显示了极大的克制，从而避免了另一个朝鲜战争的爆发。 “物极必反”，到了60年代末，当中美两国的敌对发展到高峰之后，双方的相互看法开始发生变化。中国不再被美国视为”共产主义侵略者”，反而成为了美苏斗争中重要的砝码。随着美国越南战争的降级，中国领导人认为美国对中国的威胁也在减弱。这些变化为中美关系的改进创造了条件。中美关系的缓和一方面降低了美国从越南撤军的危险，另一方面也加速了越南战争和平解决的进程。越战的结束最终消除了中美两国发生正面冲突的可能性。 总之，本论文认为中美间的相互看法在他们制定各自的越南政策和对对方的政策的过程中起到了十分重要的作用。

Abstract:

The literature on the U.S. and the Vietnam War is voluminous. A huge number of authors have approached the issue by analyzing the causes or the consequences of the U.S. involvement in the war. This thesis aims at clarifying the “China factor”– the role China played during the Vietnam War from the perspective of mutual perceptions between the U.S. and China. It tries to answer the following questions: What were the roles of containment policy and Domino Theory in the U.S. policy making? What was the Chinese role perceived by the U.S. policy makers? What was the actual role played by China in the Vietnam War? What were China’s responses toward U.S. policies in Vietnam? Why did China adopt that policy? How did China and the U.S. regard their bilateral relations during the Vietnam War years? What were the relations between Sino-U.S. rapprochement and changes of their policy toward Vietnam? Perceptions not only reflect a nation’s ideology and self-image, but represent knowledge and understanding that one people have of another. They have been an essential factor in the making of U.S.-China relations. The Vietnam policy of either the U.S. or China was also shaped, to a great extent, by image and perception. In the 1950s, China was perceived by U.S. policymakers as a puppet of the Soviet Union and a partner in the “International Communist Conspiracy”. Thus, the U.S. adopted a policy of isolating and containing China. Then, in the 1960s, after realizing the open Sino-Soviet split, Americans started to see a seemingly unrestrained China as much more hostile and in favor of wars of national liberation throughout the whole world against the American “paper tiger”. In this context, the proposition that American’s real enemy was China was basic to its Vietnam policy. During the process of U.S. involvement in and escalation of the war, the Munich analogy, the Domino Theory and the containment policy were all pivotal factors. In the meantime, China viewed the U.S. “imperialists” as its arch enemy ever since the founding of the PRC. Chinese leaders considered the U.S. escalation of the war in Vietnam a serious threat to the Chinese national security. Therefore, China responded to the U.S. escalation with strong diplomatic and military support to the DRV. However, both sides showed great restraint during the Vietnam conflict, which helped to avoid a direct confrontation of the Korean War nature. Changes of mutual perceptions between China and the U.S. occurred in the late 1960s after their hostility reached the peak. China was no longer seen by Americans as a “Communist aggressor” but an important counterweight in the balance of power between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, as the U.S. de-escalation of the Vietnam War began, Chinese leaders felt a real decline of the U.S. threat to Chinese national security. These changes in perceptions promoted chances of mutual understanding and room for improvement in Sino-American relations. The Sino-U.S. rapprochement reduced the risk of U.S. disengagement from Vietnam and accelerated the process of reaching a negotiated settlement of the Vietnam War. The end of the Vietnam War eliminated a source of potential conflict between the U.S. and China. All in all, this thesis argues that mutual perceptions between the U.S. and China were a pivotal factor in the making of their respective policies toward Vietnam and each other in more than two decades from 1950 to early 1970s.

姓名：李佳 导师： 李期铿

论文题目（中文）： 美国政治家族成因分析：肯尼迪家族与布什家族个案分析

论文题目（英文）： The 1995-1996 Taiwan Crisis and Clinton’s Taiwan Policy

论文关键词（中文）：

台湾 危机 克林顿政府

论文关键词（英文）：

Crisis, The Clinton Administration, Taiwan