姓名：谢赟 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 2005年中美经贸事褍中的国会因素:美国国会对华态度和美国对华贸易政策

论文题目（英文）： China Bashing on Capitol Hill: U.S.-China Economic Relations in 2005 on a Congressional Perspective

论文关键词（中文）：中美经济关系 国会 贸易 贸易赤字

论文关键词（英文）：U.S.-China Economic Relations, Congress, Trade, Trade Deficit

中文摘要：

本文以2005年的中美经贸作为案例，通过分析美国国会在一系列贸易争端中扮演的角色，解读国会议员的不友好言行和个人背景以及美国国内的政治经济大环境，旨在探讨美国国会议员这种表现的原因及其对美国对华贸易政策的影响。 2005年可谓中美经贸关系的”多事之秋”。联想力排万难收购IBM成功依旧业务受阻，中海油收购优尼科铩羽而归，国会山上关于人民币升值、中美贸易失衡的批评一浪高过一浪，对华征收27.5%惩罚性关税等一连串贸易保护法案影响了两国经贸的顺利发展。美国国会利用各种手段对美国行政当局施加压力,影响美国对华贸易政策,对中美经贸关系起到了相当的负面作用。因此，深入分析2005年中美经贸摩擦有助于我们认识其中折射出的美国政治特点和新时期中美关系的新问题，对中美贸易争端中美国国会因素的探讨则可以引发双方的自我反思，从而改善两国经贸关系、推动双边贸易的进一步深入。 从美国国会的视角探讨美国对华贸易政策的政治经济学内涵，是一个十分重要却为众多学者忽视的课题。本文通过对原始资料的收集和整理，首先对2005年中美关系中的两大热点–人民币升值和中国公司并购美国公司–进行综述，重点描绘了事件过程中的”府院之争”，尤其是美国国会阻挠对华贸易的一系列努力。本文第二部分深入分析了美国国会成员的对华言论。通过对信件、证词、采访、会议记录、官方公告等一手资料的解读，并与之和中美经贸关系的实际情况进行对比，剖析了美国国会大肆渲染的中美贸易 “安全问题”和”公平问题”。本文在第三部分考察了美国国会阻挠对华贸易背后的动因。对国会议员进行个人历史、地区选民、职业背景、产业兴趣等个体分析，并结合美国国内政治经济大环境，探寻了影响美国国会议员对华立场的三个主要因素，包括议员对连任的追求（所代表选民和产业利益集团）、对个人价值观的坚持和台湾方面游说的作用。 最后，研究提出以下结论：首先，中美经贸关系的不断扩大和美国三权分工的政治体制为美国为中美经贸关系内部政治提供了动因，为国会在美国对华贸易政策制定中寻求更大话语权提供了条件。 第二，中国需要重视国会在美国政治中的作用，加强对国会的工作，改善沟通方式。也应该认识到，鉴于中美在历史、文化、意识形态等方面的差异，完全消除国会的对华敌意是不可能的。 第三，贸易摩擦主要不是中国挑起的。美国应该遏制其国内保护主义的势头，以身作则承担其相应的职责。只有本着平等互利的态度共同面对问题，中美经贸关系才有健康、稳定的未来。

Abstract:

This paper uses trade disputes between the U.S. and China in 2005 as case studies to examine the congressional role in America’s economic policies towards China, in a hope to provide a comprehensive interpretation of the political economy of the U.S.-China economic relations. 2005 turned out to be the year American’s paranoia about China reached new heights, with concerns about economic issues arising mainly from American Congress. The hues and cries about China’s currency revaluation on Capitol Hill, the tough calls for shutting off the U.S. trade with China, the political frenzy that brutally killed a Chinese company’s earnest attempt to take over Unocal… A series of tensions pushed the two nations’ economic relations to a critical moment and an increased congressional involvement presented formidable challenges to its future development. It is thus of great significance to look into the U.S.-China economic relations in 2005 with a focus on the role of American Congress. First, the highly intensified tensions in the year 2005, which is emblematic of the persisting stresses in U.S.-China relations, serve as a perfect case for the bilateral relations study. By acquiring an insight into those problems and the nature of the issues, hopefully, we will avoid similar mistakes and resolve possible crisis in the future. Second, despite its increasing proactiveness in foreign economic policy making, the research on the congressional role in U.S.-China economic relations is comparatively absent. Yet manifested in our experiences in 2005, Congress, with its increasing involvement and growing power in U.S. economic relations with China, is an important player that no one could ignore. Therefore, to examine the congressional role in the bilateral relations – its prerogative and its impacts – and to analyze the possible factors behind makes a meaningful contribution to our existing study of U.S.-China bilateral relations. The paper is divided into three chapters. Chapter One examines in depth the two hottest issues that disturbed U.S.-China economic relations in 2005 – Chinese acquisition of U.S companies and China’s currency policies. The author gives a detailed account of lawmakers’ stances and behaviors: how they wrestle with the executive branch on these issues, by what means they exert influences, and to what extent their activities have affected the U.S. economic relations with China. Chapter Two is devoted to the analysis of congressional anti-China rhetorics – security concerns and fairness allegations. Through the textual analysis of primary materials including letters, testimonies at congressional hearings, and public interviews, the author examines the arguments of Congress members, checks the validity of the arguments, identifies the gap between their rhetoric and reality, and analyzes the implication of such a gap. Chapter Three tries to search for an explanation for those lawmakers’ aggressive attack on China. By looking into the backgrounds of those lawmakers who fervently criticized China in 2005 – their constituencies and districts, their previous voting records and legislative practice, their relations with industries and different groups, the author analyzes the variables affecting the behavior of Congress members, including incentives to seek votes and get reelected, ideology of China Threat, and intercession from the Taiwan Caucus. The whole paper’s conclusive part, built upon all the above-mentioned, makes some suggestions and recommendations to both China and the United States. Given the significant benefits two countries have gained from the bilateral economic relations, the protectionist approach adopted by American Congress is obviously not an option. And to avoid future crisis and promote the sustainable development of this significant relation, both sides should make effort and fulfill their respective responsibility.

姓名：张海英 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 美国如何看待中国

论文题目（英文）： China in American Vision: An Analysis based on U.S. Official Reports

论文关键词（中文）：中国的角色定位 利益相关者

论文关键词（英文）：Role identification of China, stakeholder

中文摘要：

在很大程度上，美国对中国的角色定位决定着美国的对华政策。在2005-2006年，美国政府先后公布了多份中国方面的报告， 这些报告集中反映了美国对中国的看法。 论文简要介绍了五份报告：美中经济安全评估委员会2005年年度报告，五角大楼《中华人民共和国2006年军力报告》以及《2006四年防务评估报告》，美国贸易代表处发表的《2006年国家贸易评估对外贸易壁垒的估量报告》，以及美中贸易政策评估报告：《美中贸易关系：进入更大责任和执法新阶段》。 通过文本分析的方法，论文从报告覆盖面的广度和长度、报告的语调、以及报告所引用的数据等三个方面探讨了美国对中国的看法， 认为美国的中国形象既是积极的，也是消极的，而消极的一面占了上风。美国认为中国在经济、军事和政治层面都与美国不同，二者有着不同的目标、利益和发展战略， 中国最终会对美国的利益和安全构成挑战。 论文还对美国的这种中国印象形成的原因进行了探讨，认为冷战思维类比、认知错位和新保守主义、美国例外主义、以及现实考量，共同影响了美国对中国看法的形成。 论文还分析了未来美国对中国定位的不变以及可能的变，以及对中国的启示。最后，论文对中国的决策者给出了自己的建议。

Abstract:

Role identification of China by the United States is, in a large way, decides future American policy towards China. In 2005 and 2006, the United States government has issued several reports on China, in which American vision of China is best reflected. The thesis gives brief introduction to five reports: the 2005 Report to Congress of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Pentagon’s Military Report of the People’s Republic of China 2006 and the Quadrennial Defense Review Report, the USTR 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers: China, and the 2006 Top-to-Bottom Review of U.S.-China Trade Relations: U.S.-China Trade Relations: Entering a New Phase of Greater Accountability and Enforcement. Through textual analysis of the reports from the width and length of the coverage, the tone of and statistics used in the reports, the study explores how the United States views China and comes to the conclusion that American vision on China is both positive and negative, yet the latter is on the upper-hand. The United States believes that China has different goals, interests and strategies of development from the United States economically, militarily and politically, which will eventually challenge the interest and security of the United States. The study also explores the causes of American vision of China, concluding that Cold War analogy, cognitive dissonance and neoconservatism, American exceptionalism and practical consideration, together affect the forming of American vision of China. The study also analyses the invariability and possible change of future American role identification of China, and its implications for China. Finally, the study gives suggestions for China’s policy-makers.

姓名：王琼 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 小布什政府时期美国的台海政策

论文题目（英文）： U.S Policy to the Cross Taiwan Straits Relations

论文关键词（中文）：美国外交政策 台湾问题 台海政策 小布什政府

论文关键词（英文）：US Foreign policy, Taiwan Issue, cross-Taiwan Strait Policy, Bush administration

中文摘要：

自从20世纪70年代后期和80年代前期开始，美国政府就将其台海政策建立于”一个中国”、三个中美联合公报（上海公报、中美关系正常化公报以及1982年中美公报）和《与台湾关系法》的基础之上。为了保持台湾海峡的和平与稳定，美国推行了”双轨”政策，即一方面与中国大陆确立官方关系并且促进美中合作，另一方面维持与台湾的准官方关系而且利用其来遏制中国。 小布什于2001年就任美国总统后，其政府即意图采用与前任不同的台海政策。小布什政府视中国为”战略竞争者”而不再是”战略伙伴”，并且在诸多事务上对中国采用强硬姿态。与此同时，小布什政府将台湾定义为”非北约盟友”并且通过政治交流、军售和安全合作等途径来提升美台关系。 然而，911恐怖袭击事件深刻地影响了美国的国家安全并且改变了美国对于中国的认识。小布什政府开始认识到美国在全球反恐战争以及其他许多国际和地区事务中需要中国的合作与帮助。因此，美中关系在小布什第一任期的中后期逐渐恢复。与此同时，以台独为目标的台湾民进党当局顽固地不断制造台独活动。这也极大地惹恼了美国。在中国大陆和美国的共同努力下，台湾的台独势力在某种程度上暂时有所遏制。 在小布什的第二任期，其台海政策没有做重大调整。政策的主要任务是维持台湾海峡的现状。小布什政府致力于同台湾海峡两边都保持友好关系并且防止任何一方作出过激行动刺激到另一方。2005年，台湾主要反对党领袖对大陆进行了历史性的访问。在短暂的犹豫不决之后，小布什政府即对两岸之间的对话表示了肯定和赞赏。2005年底和2006年初，美国的中国政策发生了重大变化：美国敦促中国成为国际体系中负责任的利益攸关者。此项政策变化显示出美国对中国地位和作用的认识进一步深化了。这可能对今后的美国台海政策产生影响。 当我们对小布什政府的台海政策做历史性分析，我们就能够发现其政策与前任各届政府的台海政策相比，既有相同点也存在不同之处。小布什政府的台海政策的主体内容与以前各届的基本相同，但是它也表现出了一些与21世纪初的台湾海峡的新环境相对应的新特点。 在任期剩下的两年，小布什政府还将继续推行现行的”双轨”台海政策，以达到遏制台独活动、发展美中关系以及维持台湾海峡和平与稳定的目的。

Abstract:

Since the late 1970s and early 80s, the United States has based its cross-Taiwan Strait policy on one-China, three Communiqués (the Shanghai Communiqué, the Normalization Communiqué and the 1982 Communiqué) and the Taiwan Relations Act. In order to keep peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, the US has carried out a “double-track” policy: on the one hand, establishing official relations with mainland China and promoting US-China cooperation; on the other hand, maintaining a quasi-official relationship with Taiwan and using it to contain mainland China. When Bush took office in 2001, his administration meant to adopt a different cross-strait policy from its predecessor. It regarded China as “strategic competitor” instead of “strategic partner,” and took a tough stance against China on various issues. Meanwhile, it defined Taiwan as its “non-NATO ally” and elevated US-Taiwan relations in terms of political exchanges, arms sales and security cooperation. However, September 11 terrorist attack significantly transformed US national security and altered US perception of China. The Bush administration began to realize that the US needed China’s cooperation and assistance in the global war on terror as well as many other global and regional issues. Thus, US-China relations gradually recovered during mid and late Bush’s first term. Also during this period, the independence-minded DDP authority in Taiwan stubbornly initiated independence activities, which greatly annoyed the US. To prevent independence activities in Taiwan going out of control and causing greater problem, the Bush administration exerted considerable pressure on the Taiwan authority. Thanks to both mainland China and the US’ efforts, the independence tendency in Taiwan has so far not gone out of control. In Bush’s second term, no major adjustments are made to its cross-Taiwan Strait policy. The policy’s main task is to maintain the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. The Bush administration is bent on keeping good relations with both sides on the Taiwan Strait and preventing either side from provoking the other. In 2005, leaders of Taiwan’s major opposition parties paid historic visits to mainland China. After a short time of indecisiveness, the Bush administration expressed appreciation for the dialogue between the two sides. Late 2005 and early 2006 witnessed a significant change in US China policy: the US urged China to become a responsible stakeholder of the international system. This policy change indicated that US recognition of China’s importance was deepened, which would probably have influence on US cross-Taiwan Strait policy. When making a historical analysis, we can find continuity and change in Bush administration’s cross-Taiwan Strait policy. The main content of Bush administration’s policy is in line with its precedents. But it also displays certain new features corresponding to new circumstances in the 21st century. For its remaining two years, the Bush administration will continue to carry out its current “double-track” cross-Taiwan Strait policy, so as to check Taiwan’s independence activities, improve US-China relations and maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.

姓名：刘进良 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 对反美主义的质疑：根源与悖论

论文题目（英文）： Dissenting Anti-Americanism: Its sources and Paradox

论文关键词（中文）：反美主义 政体层面 政策层面 公共外交

论文关键词（英文）：anti-Americanism, polity dimension, policy dimension, public diplomacy

中文摘要：

近年来，反美主义成为各国学术界的研究热点。在中国，大部分研究正处于起步阶段，而国外的研究中，大多是理论分析和经验断定。 本文采用一种统计分析的方式，并以定性分析作为辅助，对美国的形象问题进行全面深入分析，试图从数据中探索该问题的根源。在对反美主义产生的原因和特点，以及引发反美情绪的美国因素进行分析之后，本文对布什政府目前正大张旗鼓张罗的公共外交活动进行了反思。 本文收集了皮尤在2001年8月至2006年7月间全球态度调查计划中举行的所有调查，从中获取了各国对美国的态度数据。通过这些数据，本文试图验证当前比较流行的对反美主义原因的说法，并探索这一全球性趋势的特点。在分析中，本文也通过数据探索了美国的多面性并对其进行了分析。 研究得出以下三个结论： 首先，现有文学中对反美主义原因的解释大多不完整或者过分印象化。有些说法甚至与事实不符。反美主义的产生更大程度上是由美国自身的因素造成的。 其次，爱恨交加是全球对美国态度的主要特征。虽然外界对美国的态度都是通过政体和政策两个层面产生，但是政策层面在对美国的态度形成中起主要作用。 最后，美国对公共外交的投入只能带来外界对美国态度的些许改善，单纯依靠公共外交短期内不可能使美国摆脱反美主义的阴影。

Abstract:

In the aftermath of 9/11 attacks, numerous changes in international relations and global affairs have transformed the ways in which the United States understands itself and in how others perceive it. Anti-Americanism has become a regular feature of both mass and elite opinion around the world. Many academic articles and books have been written about this phenomenon. However, most of them are theoretical analysis or empirical assertion. This thesis approaches this hot topic in a statistical analysis manner, which would provide a more reliable and clearer picture. Through examining survey and poll data, complemented with qualitative analysis, this thesis examines the image problem of America in depth. It first dissects the causes and nature and reveals that anti-American sentiments are mainly driven from American factors. Then a scrutiny of which factors generate the dislike, if not hatred, of America is performed. Based on these findings, this thesis concludes with a reflection on public diplomacy which the Bush administration is pursuing. This thesis looks through all of the surveys and polls conducted by Pew organization between August 2001 and July 2006, and collects the data regarding global attitude toward America, with which this thesis checks the popular explanation for the rising of anti-Americanism and makes efforts to explore the nature of this global trend. These statistical data also help this thesis in exploring which aspects of America attract people abroad and which aspects alienate them. The research arrives at the following findings: First, the explanations of the causes of anti-Americanism in the existing literature are largely patchy and impressionistic and many of them contradict with facts. Anti-Americanism is mainly driven by American factors. Second, ambivalence tends to be the defining feature of the masses in their attitude towards America. However, although America is viewed through the two dimensions, the policy dimension, rather than the polity dimension, dominates their thinking about America. Third, the effort of public diplomacy is likely to bring about only marginal changes. In the predictable future, exclusive dependence on public diplomacy would fail to win the “battle of ideas” and free America from anti-American sentiments.

姓名：黄圆圆 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 战争中的超级大国——小布什政府的两份国家安全战略报告与伊拉克战争

论文题目（英文）： Hyperpower at War – Bush Administration’s National Security Strategy Documents and the Iraq War

论文关键词（中文）：美国国家安全战略报告 伊拉克战争 进攻性现实主义 先发制人 单边主义 推广民主 反恐战争 黩武主义

论文关键词（英文）：National Security Strategy, Iraq War, Offensive Realism, Preemption, Unilateralism, Democracy, Counterterrorism War, Militarism

中文摘要：

小布什政府执政以来发表的两份《美国国家安全战略报告》（2002年/2006年）不仅包含了应对恐怖袭击的相关措施，更涵盖了美国在新的国际形势下处理国家安全问题的总体战略。小布什政府的国家安全战略将对美国国家安全利益的考虑置于首位，对美当前所处的战略环境、美国国家利益、当今面临的威胁和全球军事布局进行了清晰界定和深刻讨论，一定程度上修正了克林顿政府1999年国家安全战略报告的策略模糊性。美国掀起的全球反恐斗争在第二份文件中升级为消灭暴政的斗争，并始终处于国家安全战略报告的核心位置。利用相辅相成的政治、经济和军事手段来实现短期、中期和长期的战略目标也始终是国家安全战略报告的基本方针。两份报告字里行间无不显露出美国战略制定主体的心理特征，即美利坚民族的天赋使命感和特殊优越感。换言之，世界只有在美国领导下才能安全稳定，美国只有在全球范围内处于绝对优势才能保证自身安全。 2003年爆发的伊拉克战争正是两份报告间的承上启下的关键，一方面它是第一份报告所制定的国家安全战略的第一个全面实践的平台，另一方面伊战成败和战前战后美国对外政策的成效也对第二份报告中的国家安全战略调整起着重要作用。以约翰•米尔什默的进攻性现实主义为主要理论基础，本文旨在通过对两份国家安全战略报告的文本分析和对伊拉克战争的案例分析来揭示美国国家安全战略和伊拉克战争的本质。论文第一部分主要从美国的世界观和对自身地位的认识、对美国国家利益和美国的敌人的界定、美国国家战略目标以及实现战略目标的具体措施等四个角度分析第一份国家安全战略报告。第二部分探讨第一份报告中制定的国家安全战略如何运用于伊拉克战争，特别是美国发动战争的理由和伊战的经验教训。其后是研究伊战对于第二份报告的影响以及该报告对于前一份报告的继承与发展。最后将探讨两份报告所制定的国家安全战略的突出特征，着重评价布什主义三大支柱—-先发制人、单边主义和推广民主，兼论美国在中东面临的两大战略困境，并对美国未来的战略调整作出合理预测。 正如伊战所反映的，小布什政府奉行的是与美国传统外交政策形成巨大反差的国家安全战略。两份国家安全战略报告中的冠冕堂皇的”民主自由”的口号也无法掩盖其真实意图。”九•一一”事件和全球反恐战争乃至消灭暴政的斗争实质上只是美国用以维持其绝对优势、攫取由美国主导的单边世界产生的可能利益以及重塑世界秩序以实现美国新帝国野心的借口。但在现实世界中军事上的压倒性优势和单边主义举措并不能保证美国战略目标的实现，这一点在伊拉克战争中尤为明显。短暂的军事胜利之后，美国便陷于由自身过度扩张和力量过度使用而导致的困境中无法自拔，不得不重新回归国际社会寻求盟友和国际组织在反恐战争、伊拉克重建和其他跨国问题上的帮助。不过仅凭这一事实还是无法动摇美国对于全球霸权的不懈追求。实际上小布什政府在第二任任期中除了对于战略目标实现手段的必要调整外，仍然保持甚至推进了美国的战略目标和全球布局，其现实主义、扩张主义和实用主义的基调并未改变。因此未来几十年内，美国对于单极世界和国际社会对于多极世界的规划之间，正在崛起的美利坚新帝国和正在不断融合的国际社会之间，以及和平和战争之间的冲突和斗争必将持续进行。

Abstract:

The Bush administration’s two National Security Strategy documents represent not merely a reaction to the September 11 terrorist attacks, but also a comprehensive blueprint scheming security arrangements at home and abroad. They outstandingly prioritize U.S. national security interests and develop an inclusive strategy to protect American interests and defeat American enemies. Avoiding diplomatic ambiguities of the 1999 Clinton NSS document, they provide an innovative vision of America’s national security and global commitment in an incisive manner. The war on terror, and later the fight against tyranny in the second document, lies at the core. And a wide range of interconnected political, economic, and military tools America should employ in the short, medium, and long terms are also clearly specified. What lies in between the lines of the two NSS documents is the idea of Manifest Destiny and exceptionalism. In other words, the world could not achieve security and stability without America’s leadership and it is impossible to achieve America’s national security without maintaining America’s global supremacy and primacy. The whole essay is designed to crystallize the nature of the Iraq war and of the Bush administration’s two National Security Strategy documents under the guidance of John Mearsheimer’s offensive realism and Alexander Wendt’s constructivism. In the first part the thesis would analyze the first NSS document (September 2002) from four perspectives: America’s strategic vision of the world and its own role, America’s national interests and its enemies, America’s national objectives, and a variety of means to realize these objectives. The second part would probe into how principles and strategies in the first NSS document are implemented in the Iraq War in terms of the war rationales and the war legacies. Then the thesis will analyze the impacts of the Iraq War on the administration’s second NSS document as well as continuity and changes in this document compared with the previous one. The fourth part of the thesis is devoted to discussing some outstanding characteristics of the grand strategy prescribed in the two NSS documents, especially the three most important pillars of the Bush doctrine, say, preemption, unilateralism, and democracy. It will also include a detailed depiction of the two dilemmas the U.S. is facing now and further predictions about America’s future involvement in the Middle East. As manifested in the Iraq War, the George W. Bush Administration is pursuing a new national security strategy symbolizing a radical departure from American foreign policy tradition. The high-sounding rhetoric of freedom and democracy in the two NSS documents cannot conceal America’s real intentions. The September 11 trauma and the war on terror-the fight against tyranny as an updated version-only serve as the pretext for securing America’s global primacy, seizing potential interests brought by American hegemony and unipolarity, and creating an international order favorable to America’s imperial designs. However, military supremacy and unilateralist measures do not necessarily guarantee the full accomplishment of America’s national objectives. Despite the initial military victory in Iraq, the U.S. is now bogged down in its own overexpansion and overcommitment. In fact the U.S. has to turn back to international institutions and its allies for support and cooperation in resolving current problems concerning the counterterrorism war, Iraq reconstruction, and other cross-border issues. The only hyperpower cannot go it alone at all time. But this hasn’t changed America’s aspiration for the global hegemony yet. The Bush administration will continue to pursue an expansionary national security strategy and maintain an aggressive posture across the globe. The confrontation and conflict between the design of a unipolar world and that of a multipolar world, between an ever-expanding American Empire and an ever-integrating international community, between peace and war will continue into the following decades.

姓名：姜晓珊 导师： 孙有中

论文题目（中文）： 2005年美国地方报纸关于中国的新闻标题研究

论文题目（英文）： China in the Headlines of American Regional Papers in 2005: a Content Analysis

论文关键词（中文）：美国地方报纸 新闻标题 中国形象

论文关键词（英文）：American Regional newspaper, news headline, image of China

 中文摘要：

中国在美国新闻媒体中的形象一直是中美两国学术界研究的热点。但是大部分研究针对的是美国的精英报刊或主要商业广播网络，对美国地方报纸的研究一直未受到国内学术界的重视。而对于特定区域的受众来说，地方性报纸是其掌握各种综合信息的首选媒介。因此，深入研究美国地方报纸对中国的报道可以填补学术界对美国媒体研究的一个空白。另一方面，新闻标题是新闻的概括和总结，标题的作用随着”读题时代”的到来日益突现。由于标题简短的特点以及在报纸中显著的位置，标题提供的信息最容易被读者记住。而新闻工作者撰写标题的过程也是选择最重要信息的过程，不可避免地受到主观意识形态的影响。标题可以极大地影响读者对新闻的理解和认识，关于中国的新闻标题在建构中国形象的过程中具有重要作用。 基于地方报纸以及新闻标题的重要性，本文主要采取定量的方法研究2005年美国各州地方报纸关于中国的新闻标题，通过对标题语义强度、报道类型及其不同特点的分析来揭示美国地方报纸新闻标题对中国形象的建构。研究显示，虽然大部分标题在语义上是中立的，但否定性的标题是肯定性标题的两倍，通常表现为”中国威胁论”或涉及中国意识形态的评论。标题内容通常选择关于中国的负面问题作为最重要的信息，而对中国政府的改革或解决问题的措施等却很少涉及。

Abstract:

China’s image in the American news media has long been a hot issue in both American and Chinese academic circles. Considerable research has been made on the news content of elite newspapers as well as major commercial broadcasting networks, but regional newspapers have been overlooked. As a matter of fact, within the region they are available, regional newspapers are the primary source for most people to get new information about what is happening around them and in the world. In this sense, a study on coverage of China in American regional newspapers can be regarded as gap-filling. On the other hand, headlines in newspapers deserve special attention in media studies. Due to the shortness of headlines and their conspicuous position in news, the audiences usually rely on headlines to represent the news in memory. As they summarize what is the most important according to the journalist or the editor, headlines usually provide a “subjective definition” of the situation, and this influences the interpretation made by the audiences. Therefore, news headlines about China play an important role in construction of China’s image by newspapers. This study examined the headlines about China in American regional newspapers from 50 states. The quantitative analysis methods were employed to analyze the attitudes, themes, and other characteristics of headlines. The findings show that though a large portion of the headlines were neutral, the number of negative headlines was more than twice the number of positive ones. Negative attitude was usually expressed by concern over the “threat” of China’s rise or by association with China’s ideology. The headlines were much more likely to cover problems about or in China than progress made, and the reforms and measures taken by Chinese government to deal with problems were seldom reported.

姓名：朱轶凡 导师： 孙有中

论文题目（中文）： 詹姆斯-麦迪逊和他的理想共和政府：不变的原则和演变的观点

论文题目（英文）： James Madison and his Ideal Republican Government: Persevering Principles and Transiting Values

论文关键词（中文）：共和政府 詹姆斯•麦迪逊

 论文关键词（英文）：Republican Government, James Madison

中文摘要：

詹姆斯•麦迪逊毕生投入美国政治，贡献为后人称道。他主导制宪大会的方向，推动1787宪法的批准，建立起有效的联邦政府，被誉为”美国宪法之父”。新政府伊始，他努力维护三权分立、权力制衡的政治原则，为后世美国政治立下宝贵先例。由于反对汉密尔顿推行的一系列政策，麦迪逊借助人民力量组织了美国历史上第一个反对党，开启了美国两党制的历史。 本文考察了麦迪逊从安纳波利斯会议开始到第二届国会结束这段时间的政治活动，以麦迪逊主张的共和原则为着眼点，按照时间顺序追述他的立场和观点，并根据主题探索他主要政治思想的发展轨迹。 麦迪逊认为，理想的共和政府应该能够保护公益，体现人民主权，反映人民的意志。他相信，单纯的多数人统治不能保证公益，应该建立有效机制防止多数人对少数人利益的侵犯。公益不只是短期利益，而更应该关注长期的利益。联邦政府应该和州政府一样，建立在人民主权之上。这样，联邦政府和州政府的权力才具有坚实的基础。 为了实现这些目标，麦迪逊提出了有限政府、代议制、大共和国和权力制衡的理论，并加以实施。本文回顾了这些观点的形成与发展过程，并剖析麦迪逊如何将自己的理论放到联邦政府的实践中去检验，对自己的观点进行反思。联邦制建立以后，他对于行政部门的相对实力有了新的评估；面对日益增长的联邦权力，他也认识到，并非仅仅需要防范州政府对联邦政府的挤压，联邦政府也在不断膨胀自己的势力。 本文还回应了针对麦迪逊政治思想的一些误解。和汉密尔顿不同，麦迪逊并非一个国家主义者。他主张有效的联邦政府，但是对联邦政府的权力加以严格限制。从一开始，麦迪逊就和汉密尔顿持有不同的原则，国会期间他和汉密尔顿的逐渐分裂是自然的结果，麦迪逊并没有改变自己的政治立场。麦迪逊虽然承认党争的必然性，认为社会中存在不同的利益集团，但他并不是一个现代意义上的多元主义者，他并不提倡不同利益集团的冲突。 对麦迪逊思想的研究对于理解美国的政治有着重要的意义。本文只涉及了麦迪逊政治生涯的一部分，他的其他思想还有待发掘和研究。

Abstract:

James Madison had played an important role in early political history of the United States. He pushed for the drafting and ratification of the Constitution during and after the Philadelphia Convention, saw the establishment of the new federal government and was called “Father of the Constitution”; He set precedence for government operations in the new government, practiced the principles of separation of powers as well as checks and balances. In reaction to the policies carried out by Alexander Hamilton, Madison appealed to the people, organized the first opposition party, and thus started the two-party system in the United States. This paper inspects the developments of James Madison’s Republican theory from the Annapolis Convention to the end of the second session of Congress. After a chronological review of his political activities, it summarizes Madison’s transiting and persevering thoughts on a subject-oriented platform. Madison believed in an ideal republican government that is built on popular sovereignty and protects public good. According to James Madison, public good is not majority rule. The government should establish effective institution to prevent majority infringement on minority rights. Public good should encompass both short-term and long-term interests. In order to acquire a solid foundation for national power, the federal government should, like the state government, draw its authority from the sanction of the people. In order to realize these goals, Madison proposed the theory of limited government, representation, the extended republic and the checks and balances theory. This paper reviews the formation and development of his political theories, analyzed the interacting of Madison’s theory and the political practices: Madison re-evaluated the relative strength of the three branches, and came to see the encroaching nature of the national government. This paper refuted some scholar opinions that misunderstood James Madison. Madison had never shared the consolidationist view that Alexander Hamilton had. He advocated for an effective, but limited central government. His departure with Hamilton was not a reversal of political standing. Madison acknowledged that factions are inevitable, but he is not a pluralist that appreciates the conflicts between different interest groups. The study of Madison’s political theory would facilitate and enhance the understanding of the essential structure of the political system of the United States. This paper only touch upon a small part of his profound theory, and there are still other fields to be developed and researched.

姓名：聂平俊 导师： 孙有中

论文题目（中文）： 美国三大媒体对中国的报道的内容分析

论文题目（英文）： What the Big Three Networks Say about China: Content Analysis

论文关键词（中文）：内容分析 中国报道 报道主题 报道倾向 2005年

 论文关键词（英文）：Content Analysis, Theme Tendency, China Reporting, The Year Of 2005

中文摘要：

2005年对中美关系而言，是冷战结束以来最平稳一年，两国关系脱离了”非敌即友”的简单逻辑；美国明确地把中国定位为崛起的大国。在实践中，双方有合作有分歧。那么美国电视媒体如何看待正在崛起的中国和中美关系呢？在本研究中，作者对美国收视率最高的三家电视网ABC、CBS 和NBC在 2005年所做的中国报道进行了全面、深入的分析。三家电视网报道中国的节目组成、报道主题、报道倾向和三家媒体在这些方面的异同是本论文的研究重点。这三家电视网的中国报道都呈现出受与美国相关事件驱动的特点。就节目组成而言，CBS比ABC和NBC更多元化。报道主要围绕中美关系、中国社会问题、环境和自然灾害、中国政治和外交等主题展开，其中有关前三个主题的报道占全年总报道的60%以上。最后，作者对三家电视网在报道前三个主题时呈现出的报道倾向及他们之间的异同进行了考察。

Abstract:

The year of 2005 ushered in a historically more mature era in the Sino-American relationship, when both sides were able to back off from the simplistic approach of regarding the other as “either friend or foe” and to cooperate with each other where they could and diverge where they could not. Against this backdrop, how did American television cover China, a rising power and the U.S.-China relations? The China reporting in 2005 by the Big Three Networks, the premier news sources for the American public are examined exhaustively in current study. In terms of the composition of news programs in reporting China, CBS’s is more diversified than that of ABC and NBC. The three networks’ China reporting in 2005 was America-connected-event-driven. The three networks presented American audience with a small volume of news items on China. Their reporting was very limited in content diversity and mainly revolved around such themes as U.S.-China relations, social issues, environment and disaster, domestic politics, foreign affairs, human rights-related issues and China’s economy. Moreover, the reporting on the first three themes accounted for more than 60 percent of their total reporting. The general tendency in reporting the first three themes and the similarities and differences between the three networks in this respect are also examined and analyzed in this study.

姓名：应殷 导师： 付美榕

论文题目（中文）： 中海油并购尤尼科案的政治经济分析

论文题目（英文）： Reflection on the Political Economy of CNOOC’s Defeated Bid for Unocal

论文关键词（中文）：中海油 优尼科 并购 贸易纠纷 石油 美国国会

论文关键词（英文）：CNOOC, Unocal, Mundefinedamp;A, Trade Disputes, Oil, Congress

中文摘要：

本文为中海油并购优尼科失败案的政治经济分析。通过解读美国国会在此案中的反对意见以及本案的政治经济环境，本文旨在探讨中美商贸、石油问题和美国国内政治这三个要素在此案中起到的关键性作用。 2005年6月，中国三大国有石油公司之一的中海油对美国优尼科石油公司发起高达185亿美元的收购要约。随后，美国国会以公平原则和安全问题为由，对中海油的并购请求进行了一系列的抵制。同年8月，中海油发表声明，宣布由于美国方面政治压力带来的不确定因素，决定退出本次竞购。 中海油并购优尼科一案体现了大型跨国并购在经济和政治上的复杂性，因此对中国公司今后的海外并购有深刻的借鉴意义。同时，此案反映了美国政府的一些特性以及中美关系在新时期的一系列问题，因此对美国研究领域也有重要的学术意义。其次，本案围绕的中美商贸和能源安全问题也值得中国方面对本国政策进行反省，从而为改善今后的贸易和外交关系铺平道路。 虽然本案已受到了中美学术界的广泛关注，然而鲜有文章专门从美国研究角度入手，对本案进行深入的政治经济分析。本文采用中美双方报道的原始资料，首先对本案分四个阶段进行综合性叙述，从而揭示中海油以及各个利益相关者在本案中的立场和表现。然后，本文又对美国国会成员在本案中发表的信件、证词、公告和采访进行分类解读，从而探讨意识形态问题、公平问题和安全问题等反对意见在此案中的有效性和重要性。最后，本文分析了本案的政治经济环境，着重讨论了并购前的中美商贸关系-包括贸易纠纷以及中国公司对美国公司的收购；和并购前的石油情况-包括美国的能源安全问题以及中国石油公司在全球的投资热潮。结合美国国内政治，本文分析得出并购前不利的政治经济因素促使国会成员在本案上达成了保护主义的立场。同时，国会的政策制定过程也允许国会成员使用非常规手段为中海油并购制造障碍。这些因素在这场并购战中决定了中海油的失败。本文的结论部分对本案进行了回顾，并得出了一些涉及跨国投资-尤其是在美国投资-的经验教训。同时，结论部分也谈及了此案对中国方面的启发，并对今后的研究提出了建议。

Abstract:

本文为中海油并购优尼科失败案的政治经济分析。通过解读美国国会在此案中的反对意见以及本案的政治经济环境，本文旨在探讨中美商贸、石油问题和美国国内政治这三个要素在此案中起到的关键性作用。 2005年6月，中国三大国有石油公司之一的中海油对美国优尼科石油公司发起高达185亿美元的收购要约。随后，美国国会以公平原则和安全问题为由，对中海油的并购请求进行了一系列的抵制。同年8月，中海油发表声明，宣布由于美国方面政治压力带来的不确定因素，决定退出本次竞购。 中海油并购优尼科一案体现了大型跨国并购在经济和政治上的复杂性，因此对中国公司今后的海外并购有深刻的借鉴意义。同时，此案反映了美国政府的一些特性以及中美关系在新时期的一系列问题，因此对美国研究领域也有重要的学术意义。其次，本案围绕的中美商贸和能源安全问题也值得中国方面对本国政策进行反省，从而为改善今后的贸易和外交关系铺平道路。 虽然本案已受到了中美学术界的广泛关注，然而鲜有文章专门从美国研究角度入手，对本案进行深入的政治经济分析。本文采用中美双方报道的原始资料，首先对本案分四个阶段进行综合性叙述，从而揭示中海油以及各个利益相关者在本案中的立场和表现。然后，本文又对美国国会成员在本案中发表的信件、证词、公告和采访进行分类解读，从而探讨意识形态问题、公平问题和安全问题等反对意见在此案中的有效性和重要性。最后，本文分析了本案的政治经济环境，着重讨论了并购前的中美商贸关系-包括贸易纠纷以及中国公司对美国公司的收购；和并购前的石油情况-包括美国的能源安全问题以及中国石油公司在全球的投资热潮。结合美国国内政治，本文分析得出并购前不利的政治经济因素促使国会成员在本案上达成了保护主义的立场。同时，国会的政策制定过程也允许国会成员使用非常规手段为中海油并购制造障碍。这些因素在这场并购战中决定了中海油的失败。本文的结论部分对本案进行了回顾，并得出了一些涉及跨国投资-尤其是在美国投资-的经验教训。同时，结论部分也谈及了此案对中国方面的启发，并对今后的研究提出了建议。

姓名：穆特灵 导师： 滕继萌

论文题目（中文）： 奋斗的歌声：美国黑人音乐与社会运动

论文题目（英文）： Sing in Struggle: Black Music and African American Social Movements

论文关键词（中文）：

非裔美国人 黑人音乐 奴隶制 民权运动 平等 自由

论文关键词（英文）：African American, Black music, civil rights, Freedom, Equality, Slavery

中文摘要：

自从非洲人民被欧洲列强诱拐并贩卖到美洲大陆以后，他们从没有停止过为争取自由和平等的奋斗，而他们的音乐也一直伴随着这漫长的斗争。在这篇论文中，我将试图探讨非裔美国人的音乐在他们争取自由平等斗争中所起的作用，以及社会运动如何改变了美国黑人音乐的发展状态。本篇论文共分三个部分，分别针对三个不同的历史时期：美国奴隶制及废奴运动时期，20世纪60年代的民权运动时期，以及后民权运动时期。在美国的奴隶制下，美国黑人的宗教民歌 (spirituals) 在帮助黑奴从南方种植园逃往北方自由州的过程中起到了非常重要的作用，不仅给予他们希望和力量，而且作为一种传递秘密信息的媒介有效地掩护了他们的逃亡。在美国内战时期，那些被称为”违禁品”（contrabands）的逃到北方的黑奴和那些后来加入北军的自由黑人在联邦军营里及其附近吟唱着他们的宗教民歌，大大鼓舞了联邦军队的士气，加速了联邦在内战中的胜利。在20世纪60年代的民权运动中，许多传统的黑人宗教民歌再度被发掘出来，它们和其它一些黑人音乐流派一起对于增强民权运动参与者的认同感，责任感以及团结性起到了至关重要的作用，同时，它们还记录了民权运动的重大事件，鼓舞了那些唱着自由之歌的参与者战胜恐惧。如果说美国20世纪60年代的社会背景让那时的黑人音乐带上了较强的政治色彩，那么黑人音乐又反过来宣扬和传播了民权运动的政治议程。在后民权运动时期，由于美国的城市中心区的生活条件每况愈下，同时由于60年代后期和70年代早期”黑人权力”运动遗留下来的更具战斗性的态度，一些黑人音乐流派比如rap，尤其是gansta rap（帮伙rap）呈现出一种咄咄逼人的姿态，借此来暴露贫民窟里绝望的黑人的生活。关于rap音乐对于美国青年的影响一直存在很多争议：有些人认为rap年轻人，尤其是黑人青年借以表达观点、愤怒的方式，而另一些人则担心rap对社会造成的不良影响，并认为它阻碍了美国黑人社会的进步。论文最后一章分析了该争议的各个方面，但rap音乐是否有利于美国黑人社会生活的改善和提高仍然没有定论，而这个问题也只能由rap音乐接下来的发展状况来决定。

Abstract:

Since African people were abducted and sold to North America they have never stopped their struggle for freedom and equality, nor has their music ceased accompanying their fight. In this paper, I will attempt to explore the role of African-American music in the Black struggle for freedom and equality and how black social movement has changed the development of black music. This paper is divided into three parts addressing three periods respectively: before and during the abolition of slavery, the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s and the post-civil-rights period. Under slavery, black spirituals played an important role in assisting slaves’ escape from southern plantation to the North, giving them hope and strength and serving as coded message; during the American Civil War, spirituals sung by the “contrabands” near the Union army camps as well as black soldiers helped keep the military morale of the Union troops and expedited the victory of the Union. In the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, many old spirituals were revived and they, together with other genres of black music which drew inspiration from them, played a critical role in identity formation on the part of the participants, reinforcing their solidarity and commitment, documenting events and dispersing fears. If the social context in the 1960s gave black music at that time a political focus, black music then helped publicize and disseminate the political agenda of the Civil Rights Movement. In the post-civil-rights era, due to the deteriorating condition of the inner city in urban areas, and partly because of the militant legacy of the Black Power movement, some genre of black music like rap, especially gansta rap, took a belligerent tone to expose the ghetto life of desperate blacks. There has been much controversy about the influence of rap on American youth: some people think rap is a way of empowering youngsters, particularly black youngsters, to express their views, anger or whatsoever while others fear its harmful impact on society and consider it a hindrance to the advancement of the black community. The last chapter of this paper will analyze various aspects to the controversy but the issue with regard to whether rap would be conducive to the advancement of the black community remains an open question.

姓名：徐晓慧 导师： 滕继萌

论文题目（中文）： 透视“芭比娃娃”：“美国小姐”大赛衰落之现象

论文题目（英文）： An Overloaded Barlie Doll: The Downfall of the Miss American Pageant

论文关键词（中文）：”美国小姐”大赛 衰落 阶级性 内在固有的性别歧视和种族歧视

论文关键词（英文）：Miss America Pageant, Downfall, classist, nature built-in sexism and racism

中文摘要：

作为现代选美比赛活动的起源，”美国小姐”大赛活动起源1921年的”海滨美人”比赛。大赛于1954年首次被美国广播公司搬上电视荧屏，轰动全美。在随后的二十多年间大赛一直处于其历史的鼎盛时期。在此期间，其电视直播曾创下美国国内的最高收视率。然而进入九十年代后，大赛开始一步步走向衰落。现在的”美国小姐”大赛已经尽显疲态。虽然大赛组委会不断地对其进行改革，但大赛仍难挽颓势。本论文试图通过分析”美国小姐”大赛衰落的原因展示选美比赛的主要共性以期提出对中国选美比赛的几点看法。 美丽这个概念本身无法定性，然而”美国小姐”大赛为了选出理想的美人，确定了一系列的美丽标准。这些标准的确定及任何更改不但以外表美为中心而且还明显贴上了美国中上层阶层的观念和价值标准的标签。更重要是它作为一种选美比赛对妇女的物化和歧视以及其所固有的种族歧视使其必然成为美国妇女运动和民权运动攻击的对象。进入九十年代，随着人们对平等权利的追求以更快节拍的进行着，”美国小姐”大赛越来越背离社会的发展方向。另外，”美国小姐”大赛还面临着来自其他众多选美赛事的残酷竞争。同时，国际选美大环境也进入了尴尬的境地。当国际性的选美赛事在西方国家无力回天时，它们在第三世界国家找到了新的市场。然而国际性选美标准的单一化及其本身体现的西方价值观念必然会产生不同文化间的文化冲突和第三世界国家对国际性选美赛事的抵制及抗议。总之，”美国小姐”大赛的阶级性，其所固有的性别歧视和种族歧视以及世界选美大环境的不景气现状使其衰落成为必然。 “美国小姐”大赛的经历给我们提供了一个吸取教训的好机会。”美国小姐”大赛已经成为美国传统文化的一部分。它所体现的是美国社会中的阶层制度下的男权文化价值观。它已经成为了美国人尤其是美国妇女争取平等权利道路上的一个绊脚石。以此为鉴，我们应该携起手来主动遏制选美活动在中国的泛滥，为人人取得平等权利而奋斗。

Abstract:

Founded in 1921, the Miss America Pageant, as the origin of the modern beauty pageants, once enjoyed the most prestigious status among cultural events in America during the 1950s and 1960s. Having endured for 86 years, and having become part of American cultural tradition, it not only offers invaluable insight into the broad changes and trends of American society but also indicates how American society evaluates femininity, race and class. However, since the 1990s, it has had to face a downfall fate. The paper tries to explore the reasons behind its downfall as a means of illustrating the common nature of all beauty contests in the hope of advancing some implications for China on this matter. The paper first explores the indefinable nature of the concept of beauty, and then dissects the inflexible beauty standard of the pageant. The paper finds that the essence of the beauty standard of the pageant is still the contestants’ physical beauty, though it has made effortless transformations to make itself more relevant and political correct. Furthermore, the suppositional ideal beauty of femininity confirms to the standards of the upper middle class of American society, which demonstrates the classist nature of the pageant. Then the paper probes into the entanglement of the pageant with sexism and racism. The built-in sexism, and racism of the pageant make it inescapable from attacks from women’s groups and civil rights groups. The pageant becomes more and more irrelevant to and inconsistent with women’s changing roles and the increasing racial-consciousness of the society. Finally, the ruthless competition from other large beauty contests as well as the lame world beauty contest culture, deteriorated by protests from the newly-found markets of worldwide beauty contests, gives the pageant another deadly push on its downfall. The experience of the Miss America Pageant offers us a fine opportunity to learn some lessons. As a cultural tradition of America, it has become a stronghold of the patriarchal and hierarchal values of American society. With its considerable pernicious influence on men and women, the pageant is an obstacle hard to combat on the road of pursuing equality for Americans in their society, especially for women. Bearing this in mind, we should deliberately hold back the prevalence of the beauty contests in China.

姓名：静莹 导师： 郭亚玲

论文题目（中文）： 与上帝同枕：试论基督教联盟与共和党的结盟

论文题目（英文）： In Bed with God: The Alliance between Christian Coalition and the Republican Party

论文关键词（中文）：基督教联盟 共和党 联姻

论文关键词（英文）：The Christian Coalition, Republican, Party alliance.

 中文摘要：

宗教和政治的关系问题一直是美国研究的热点问题之一。这一类研究相对集中在综论政治宗教关系，宗教对选举的影响，宗教右翼的崛起等方面。本文选取的角度是研究作为基督教右翼新时期典型代表的基督教联盟和美国共和党之间的联姻。 本文分析了双方联姻的有利条件，所付出的代价和未来的趋势。双方的联姻基础是互取所需：一方面，共和党需要来自基督教联盟的直接及间接的选票支持来获得大多数选民的支持以及其在各级选举上的胜利；另一方面，基督教联盟更需要素来以宗教上友好，拥有顽固保守势力的共和党的支持，来为其证明身份，提供更广阔的舞台来推行他们保守的政治目标。但是，这场联姻为双方都带来了困境。基督教联盟不仅因为其党派倾向性而失去了免税资格，更因它对共和党的迎合态度使其失去的了一些成员和支持者，这些因素加速了基督教联盟的衰退。共和党同样面临着一些潜在的危险。它与基督教联盟的联姻，使其有可能失去部分温和派成员和中间选民的支持。 本文在对基督教联盟和共和党的联姻进行分析的基础上，提出了大胆的预测：这场联姻建立在互利基础上的联姻，将因难以长期互利，获利不均，而失去以往的吸引力，渐渐淡出人们的视野。

Abstract:

This thesis is a preliminary attempt at understanding the alliance between the Christian Coalition and the Republican Party. The Christian Coalition is a political action group emerged in the 1980s in the United States, which is mainly mobilized by white evangelicals and is often considered as the recent token of Christian Right movement. It obtained tax-exempt status as a religious group. Yet it boldly marched its way toward the Republican Party and received considerably high support from the Republican side. The thesis explores the reasons for mutual support between the Christian Coalition and the Republican Party. On the one hand, Republican Party’s religious friendly image and its conservative stances on social issues offer the Christian Coalition an arena to advocate and implement its conservative agendas. On the other hand, the Christian Coalition’s massive capacity of voter registration and resource mobilization has turned out to be of vital importance for Republican Party to achieve election success in an age of low voter turnout. Nevertheless, the alliance fails both sides to some extent. The thesis then intends to explain the problems facing the alliance and the point to be made here is that there are more troublesome consequences than happy memories out of this alliance. For the Christian Coalition, due to its alliance with Republican Party, it lost tax-exempt status and began to disintegrate since some members thought the Christian Coalition had deviated from its original conservative concerns. For Republican Party, it bears the potential of losing support from moderate party members and moderate voters and being marginalized. Hence, the thesis put forward the prediction that the alliance between the Christian Coalition and the Republican Party is likely to end eventually.

姓名：韩伟 导师： 闫循华

论文题目（中文）： 小布什与约翰逊的比较分析

论文题目（英文）： George W. Bush, Not Another LBJ

论文关键词（中文）：国内政治 公众舆论 媒体 总统连任

论文关键词（英文）：Domestic politics, public opinion, the media and presidential reelection.

中文摘要：

随着伊拉克战争的爆发，越来越多的人将小布什和越战时期的约翰逊总统联系在了一起，试图寻找他们之间的相同之处。伊拉克战争和越南战争的确有很多可比之处，而且从一开始一些战争的批评者就认为伊拉克战争将是另一场越战，而布什将会重蹈约翰逊的覆辙。但是布什2004年的成功连任似乎向世人证明了他不是另一个约翰逊，伊拉克战争对他来说也不是另一场越战。 本文旨在分析为什么布什能够在伊拉克战争期间成功连任，而约翰逊只能最后悲惨的退出总统竞选连任。尽管有很多文章都在比较布什和约翰逊，但是对这一问题缺少一个深入的，角度鲜明的学术研究。本文将着重从国内政治和媒体角度比较二者，分析他们的得失成败。决定一个战争总统成败的因素是多方面的，本文不仅将揭示民众支持对战争总统命运的决定性意义，还将在分析原因的过程中昭示越战以来特别是9/11恐怖主义袭击之后，美国国内政治气氛的变化以及美国媒体的改变。结尾部分总结得出拥有民意支持和充分利用民意是布什成功连任的关键，这也是约翰逊失败的地方。 本文大致分为四个部分：开头介绍，分析民意，分析媒体和结尾部分。在分析民意部分，文章首先比较了六十年代的大众和9/11恐怖主义袭击后的大众的不同，然后分析了布什和约翰逊分别是怎样在战争期间面对和应对民众的，他们的行为如何分别争取了民众支持或招致了民众不满。然后文章深入分析了六十年代的反战运动和现在美国的反战呼声，揭示了为什么布什可以幸免于大规模的反战运动，而约翰逊最终被反战浪潮所吞没。 媒体部分与民意部分结构基本相似：首先文章比较了60年代媒体的自由主义浪潮和9/11恐怖主义袭击后媒体的爱国主义浪潮，然后分析了两位总统对媒体不同的政策，态度和应对方法，并由此指出约翰逊媒体政策的致命缺陷和布什的成功秘诀。 结尾部分是对上文论证的总结，回答了开头提出的问题：”为什么布什可以成功连任，而约翰逊却一败涂地？”由此得出了国内支持对战争总统命运的决定性作用。 要强调的一点是，本文集中讨论的是布什在连任竞选中成功而约翰逊失败的原因，布什目前政治资本的变化和政治困境不在讨论范围内。

Abstract:

With the Iraqi war occupying the American political debate, an interesting analogy between Bush and LBJ has been rising. People are diving into the historical archives to make some connections between the two “war presidents”. It is true there are some similarities between the Bush and LBJ. But with the success of Bush’s reelection, it seemed that he strengthened his political status and avoided stepping into a quagmire as LBJ did. So this project aims to examine the reasons why LBJ’s ghost did not haunt Bush much, and why Bush successfully got reelected with an ongoing foreign war, while LBJ could not even hold up to the last minute and gave up the hope of reelection. Numerous articles have been written by Bush’s critics or champions, making connections between the two presidents, but there is a lack of in-depth research on the comparison of the two from an academic perspective. This paper will focus on domestic factors which are fatal to LBJ in the Vietnam War and also decisive in Bush’s Iraq war. By comparing the changes of domestic atmosphere (including the public opinion and the media), and how the two presidents reacted to, or manipulated these factors respectively, this research seeks to uncover the decisive role of domestic support in a foreign war. By doing this, this paper also shows how the American domestic politics have changed toward the use of force overseas as well as the change of journalism since the Vietnam War, especially after the 9/11 attack. All these discussions help support the conclusion that the possession of domestic support and the manipulation of it are critical to Bush’s successful reelection, while LBJ failed spectacularly on this point. The paper is mainly divided into four parts: introduction, the public part, the media part and the conclusion. In the public part, the paper first compares different publics that LBJ and Bush were facing during the two wars. It looks at how people in the 1960s behaved differently from people in a post 9/11 society. Then the paper analyzes how the two presidents reacted to the public differently during wars. Finally it compares the antiwar movements in the 1960s and now, explaining why Bush could escape from a nationwide antiwar atmosphere, while LBJ was swallowed by it. The media part generally adopts the same structure as the public part. First the paper gives two pictures describing the tendency of the media then and now: the liberal media in the 1960s and the patriotic journalism. Then the paper moves on to analyze two presidents’ management of media in the two wars, pointing out the fatal weakness in LBJ’s media policy and Bush’s secrets to success. The conclusion answers the question the paper raises at the beginning, summarizing the importance of domestic support in a war president’s political destiny. I would like to emphasize that this paper is focused on analyzing reasons why Bush outperformed LBJ in the aspect of reelection, and Bush’s present political morass is not an issue in this paper. The paper is not making a prediction of Bush’s political career, so the change of his political status now is beyond the scope of discussion.

姓名：李婧 导师： 龚燕

论文题目（中文）： 种族主义在卡蒂娜飓风事件中是否是促成新奥尔良市市区非裔人口大面积受灾的一个因素

论文题目（英文）： Not A Colorblind Disaster Is Race A Factor in the Heavy Loss of African Americans in the city of New Orleans during Hurricane Katrina?

论文关键词（中文）：卡蒂娜飓风 种族主义 机构种族主义 个人种族主义

论文关键词（英文）：Hurricane, Katrina Racism, Institutional Racism, Individual Racism

 中文摘要：

种族主义问题一直是中美两国学术界的研究焦点。在2005年8月的卡蒂娜飓风事件中，受灾最严重的新奥尔良市市区的非裔人口成为了主要的受灾人群。在这次美国近一个世纪以来最大规模的自然灾害中，他们所遭受的损失远远超过同一地区内的白人群体。这种基于不同种族所存在的巨大差异性和不平衡性，在整个卡蒂娜飓风受灾区域中是十分独特的现象。 与此同时，面对急需救援的新奥尔良市市区的广大灾民，政府的反应以及其他社会机构的反馈却并不积极。他们的不积极体现在提供支援物资的不及时，联邦灾害管理局（FEMA)的措施不得力和滞后的救援计划，以及媒体无依据的对受灾非裔美国人群的负面报道等等诸多方面。而仅仅在两年前，当一场危害程度相对较小的查理飓风袭击佛罗里达州市时，政府的救援措施却非常的及时和到位。为什么面对一个非裔人口占大所数的城市，政府和其他相关机构的反应如此的滞后与不力？ 这些问题构成了本篇文章所要讨论的主题–在卡蒂娜飓风事件中，种族主义是否是促成新奥尔良市市区非裔人口大面积受灾的一个因素。本文主要通过定性分析，并结合对灾前新奥尔良市市区的社会，经济，地理环境等数据的定量分析，来考察机构种族主义和个人种族主义在飓风前，飓风中和飓风后三个阶段中的表现，以此来说明种族主义确实是促成在新奥尔良市市区非裔人口大量受灾的一个重要因素。 迄今为止，学术界大部分的研究报告主要侧重于对受灾最严重的新奥尔良市市区的地理环境，重新修筑环城大坝的可能性以及重建地区经济的具体政策建议。而考察种族主义在这次自然灾害中的表现，能够为研究当代美国社会的种族主义问题提供一个新颖的角度与空间。

Abstract:

Race has always been a hot issue for both the Chinese and American academic circles. During the event of Hurricane Katrina in August, 2005, African Americans became the major victims in the hardest-hit area — the city of New Orleans. In this unprecedented natural disaster in America, they experienced a much greater loss than their white counterparts in the city. Katrina’s uneven and disproportionate impact upon different race groups in the city of New Orleans was a unique phenomenon in the entire storm-affected region. At the same time, facing the great number of flood victims in the city of New Orleans, the government performance and other social institutions’ responses were not at all efficient and active. Their inactiveness and inefficiency were reflected in the following aspects such as the delayed delivery of relief work, poor performance of FEMA and the widespread fabricated reports which negatively framed African Americans during the storm. In sharp contrast, only two years ago, the government had performed adequately and satisfactorily during a minor storm — Hurricane Charley in the state of Florida. So why did the response of the government and other major institutions prove to be so delayed and poorly-managed in the rescue work of a city with a predominantly black population? These issues formed the thesis of this research — is race a factor in the heavy loss of African Americans in the city of New Orleans? The research mainly adopts the qualitative approach, combined with the quantitative analysis of the social, economical and topographical information in the city of New Orleans prior to the storm. It studies the role that institutional racism and individual racism played throughout the three stages — pre-Katrina, during Katrina and post-Katrina, to prove that race is an important factor to bring about the disproportionate and uneven loss that African Americans had suffered in the city of New Orleans. Up till now, considerable research has been made on the study of the topographical environmental issues, levee system and reconstruction of the city of New Orleans. This paper is an attempt to probe into the issue of racism during a natural disaster Hurricane Katrina in the hope to offer the race studies in America a new perspective.

姓名：王寅杰 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 美中经济与安全审查委员会：美中关系中日益重要的经济安全和国会的作用

论文题目（英文）： The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission (USCC): The Growing Importance of Economic Security and the Role of Congress in U.S.-China Relations

论文关键词（中文）：

美中经济与安全审查委员会 中美经济关系 经济安全 永久正常贸易关系

论文关键词（英文）：

The U.S.-China Economic And Security Review Commission (USCC), U.S-China Economic Relations Security, Implications, The PNTR debate

中文摘要：

中美建交后，中美贸易额持续增长。冷战后，两国经贸关系的战略地位日益提升。可是，互补的经贸关系也产生了不少摩擦，经济安全问题开始挑战21世纪这对最重要的双边关系。国内外政治交织，美国国会跃跃欲试，开始逐渐发挥对外交政策的影响。克林顿政府早期，最惠国待遇与人权挂钩；晚期，永久正常贸易关系辩论走进了国会的议会厅。最终，国会放弃年度贸易地位审查，为中国入世扫清障碍，准备全面进入中国市场。忧国忧民，国会随即成立美中经济与安全审查委员会，着眼于经济安全，监督美中经贸关系，为国会、总统提供咨询。 在全球化的大背景下，委员会对政府的对华政策的可行性产生了怀疑，对中国政府的所谓”重商主义”的出口导向型贸易政策进行了多年的抨击，担心中国经济的整体发展将会危及美国的国防工业乃至整体工业的基础，强烈要求中国政府加快政治经济改革，遵守包括世界贸易组织在内的国际组织规则, 并要求政府采取强硬措施保护本国经济，依靠对华的现有经济优势促其就范。本文回顾委员会成立背景，分析成立意图, 调查成员背景，描述听证会等重要活动，并研究年度报告等出版物，试图对委员会对中美经贸关系的基本立场进行分析和解读。 研究证明了作者关于委员会的假设： 首先，委员会成员多为贸易保守主义和强硬外交政策的支持者，他们的个人立场影响了年度报告中的政策建议。 其次，委员会成立的目的在于加强对经济安全的关注，政策建议侧重贸易关系对中美关系负面影响，本无可厚非。但是，委员会在提出了一些理性的建议之外，也制造了一种”恐华”的气氛，值得关注。 最后，在中美经贸关系上，国会委员会发挥着重要作用，”中国威胁论”的论调不绝于耳。中国不能听之任之，应该积极和委员会成员进行接洽，邀请他们参观中国，从而改变他们对中国抱有的成见。

Abstract:

The bilateral trade value has kept growing after China established diplomatic relations with the United States. The post-Cold War era further advanced the strategic position of U.S.-China economic relations. However, trade disputes occurred from time to time in the complementary trading relationship. Economic security has begun to cast shadows upon the most important bilateral relationship of the 21st century. International and domestic politics pushed the U.S. Congress to the frontline of U.S.-China economic relations. Early in the Clinton Administration, the Most Favored Nation (MFN) status was linked with human rights issues; Later, Congress debated on the permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) with China. Eventually, Congress gave up the rights to annually review China’s trade status and therefore paved the way for China’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Now, the United States was poised to explore the huge Chinese market. Worried about the security aspects of the economic relations, Congress established the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission (USCC) right after the PNTR debate. USCC was required to monitor the security implications of U.S.-China economic relations and submitted due recommendations to the President and Congress. In the background of globalization, the Commission doubted that the government China policy would work. It criticized China for following the so-called “Mercantilist” trade policy for years. It warned against the possibility that China’s economic growth may pose danger to the defense industrial base or the overall economic infrastructure. The Commission demanded from Chinese government a effective “social and economic reform” and obey the international norms, including the rules of WTO. In addition, it also called on American government to take strong actions to protect the domestic economy and use economic leverage at hand to press China to reform. In an attempt to understand the political views of the Commission towards the bilateral economic relations, the paper reviews the PNTR debate, analyzes the purposes of the Commission, describes important events such as the hearings, and studies the annual reports. The paper proves the hypothesis as follows: First of all, the majority of the Commissioners support trade protectionist policy and aggressive foreign policy. Their personal stand to a large extent directed the recommendations in the annual reports of the Commission. Moreover, the purposes of the Commission are to monitor and investigate the security implications of U.S.-China economic relations. It is no wonder that policy recommendations focus on the negative implications of the relationship. However, when the Commission raised some reasonable fears, it resulted in unnecessary paranoia of the rise of China. Last but not least, the Commission plays an important role in the U.S.-China economic relations. It is advisable to actively engage the Commissioners in a creative way. The government may invite them to China for site visits and briefings on China’s economic policy. As a consequence, it may change their political views to the benefit of a healthy China-U.S. relationship in the foreseeable future.

姓名：徐康乐 导师： 滕继萌

论文题目（中文）： 透视“新时代武侠”：重读近期武侠大片制作热潮

论文题目（英文）： Through the Lens of Neo-Wuxia:A Rereading of the Recent Wuxia Movie Proliferation

论文关键词（中文）：新时代武侠 电影 形象 全球化

论文关键词（英文）：neo-wuxia, Cinema, Representation, globalization

 中文摘要：

李安2000年的武侠大片《卧虎藏龙》刮起了一股全球的武侠热潮，随之而来的华语武侠大片让人应接不暇，不仅赢得了亿万海内外观众，而且引起了电影评论界的极大注意。武侠片，这一原只为中国观众所知悉的类型电影，开始被当成世界动作电影中的一个新门类。 其实，伴随着中国传统文化几千年的发展，以及中国电影业过去一个世纪的变迁，不仅”武侠”的概念，就连”武侠片”的形态也经历了无数变化。于是，在假设”武侠”本身就是一种多变性、适应性很强的艺术形式的前提下，本文提出当前的武侠大片是一种”新时代武侠”电影，受当代社会经济等因素的影响，不同于以往的武侠片。 通过研究最有国际影响力的三部大片《卧虎藏龙》、《英雄》、和《十面埋伏》中的女侠形象，以及这一系列”新时代武侠”中对暴力的描述，本文发现突出的侠女形象，甚至是”反武侠”的女性形象恰恰挑战了原有的男权社会对女性的压迫，结合对暴力的浪漫化诠释，它们一同定义了”新时代武侠”。 将”新时代武侠”中的女性形象、暴力影像对比西方想象中对东方的”定势思维”，可以发现这些新元素在一定程度上有助于消除被扭曲的东方文化形象。最后，在分析”新时代武侠”的成因及影响时，本文指出经济全球化的趋势不仅 铸成了当前的”新时代武侠”电影，而且还将长期影响着中国电影的发展。

Abstract:

Initiated by Ang Lee’s wuxia masterpiece Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon in 2000, a cycle of Pan-Chinese martial arts movies have enjoyed a remarkable amount of critical attention and global visibility. Wuxia pian, a previously generic label unfamiliar to the Western world, is greeted as an apparently new trend in transnational action cinema. In fact, as an indigenous cinematic genre in China, wuxia pian has a rich heritage for its development over the past century and its far more remote origin in Chinese pre-modern literature and drama performance. With a presumption that wuxia per se is a cultural conception adaptive to diversified themes and narratives, the paper addresses the recent wuxia proliferation a “neo-wuxia” cinema, which indicates that the cinematic representations and the consequent transnational influence have been largely redefined by contemporary social and economic conditions. The paper probes into the women warrior images and the martial arts fighting sequences in movies like Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon, Hero, House of Flying Daggers, and so on. Through these examinations, the increasing prominence of the female protagonists and the romanticized narratives of violence are found to construct the neo- aspects in these wuxia mega-productions. By setting women warriors against the traditional binary opposition between Lotus Blossom and Dragon Lady, and contrasting romanticized wuxia violence with the emasculated Chinese male image, the paper contends that neo-wuxia elements would help to some extent deconstruct the previous stereotypes of Chinese national images in the Western imagination. In an effort to seek reasons behind the increasing transnational engagement between wuxia and the international audiences, economic globalization is recognized as a major force behind the formation of neo-wuxia, and it will continue to affect the whole national cinema industry.

姓名：王豪芳 导师： 龚燕

论文题目（中文）： 两个大规模移民时期加州本土主义的对比研究

论文题目（英文）： A Comparative Study of Nativism in California during Two Mass Migration Periods

论文关键词（中文）：本土主义 反移民主义 加州 187法案 排华主义

 论文关键词（英文）：Ivesm, Immigration Restrionism, California, Proposition 187, anti-Chinese movement

中文摘要：

美国是一个移民国家，但美国并非对所有移民的到来持欢迎态度。在1880-1930的第一个大规模移民时期，美国制定了很多限制移民的政策和法规。随着六十年代移民政策的放开，美国迎来了第二个大规模移民时期。同样地，反移民潮在当代的大规模移民时期又有兴起的迹象。移民的大量涌入为美国反移民主义和本土主义提供了生存的优良土壤。本土主义意为“本地人”对“外来人”的反对和排斥，它对美国两个大规模移民时期的反移民主义中起了重要作用。因此，研究本土主义对深入了解美国大规模移民时期的反移民主义现象有着非凡的意义。

从某种意义上来说，加利福尼亚州是美国在移民问题上态度转向的风向标。十九世纪末加州的排华主义推动了美国第一个基于种族的移民限制法案的产生。该法案拉开了美国第一个大规模移民时期反移民主义的序幕。同样地，在当代的大规模移民时期，加州又率先通过带反移民性质的187法案。因此，本文对本土主义的研究是以两个大规模移民时期的加州为背景的。具体而言，本文通过对比分析十九世纪末的反华主义和二十世纪末的排外法案两个案例，将揭示本土主义在两个时期反移民主义中所起的重要作用。此外，通过对比两个时期本土主义的异同，本文认为本土主义随着时间的变化而变化。与十九世纪相比，当代的本土主义更具隐蔽性且影响力有所下降。

 Abstract:

is a nation of immigrants, but Americans have not always welcomed newcomers with open arms. During the first mass migration period of 1880-1930, the influx of newcomers was accompanied by a thriving of anti-immigrant actions and policies in the receiving country. Similarly, contemporary “mass immigration” period that started with the liberalization of US immigration policy in 1965 also saw the resurgence of immigration restrictionism reminiscent of the previous period. Nativism, which generally refers to the hostility of natives toward perceived “aliens” or “outsiders”, plays an important role in immigration restrictionism in both periods. Therefore, it is meaningful to study nativism in order to better understand the phenomenon of immigration restrictionism that usually marks the mass migration period.

California is distinguished in both periods amid the turn of national mood against immigration. In this paper, the study of nativism would be placed in the larger context of immigration restrictionism in US history and in the particular context of immigration restrictionism in California in two mass migration periods. Specifically, the paper would reveal the role of nativism in the politics of immigration restrictionism as well as the continuities and changes of nativism in both periods through a comparative study of two cases in California: anti-Chinese movements in the late 19th century and immigration restrictionism mainly targeted at Mexican immigrants in the form of Proposition 187 in the late 20th century.

By comparing these two periods in California history, conclusions could be hopefully reached: first, nativism plays an important role in the immigration restrictionism of both periods; secondly, nativism evolves with time, and comparing to nativism in the late 19th century, it works in a more obscure way and is less influential in the modern period.