2023年春季学期美国研究中心硕士论文摘要
第一组: 媒体传播
[1] 刘璐
导师姓名：张春波
中文题目：建构美国中产阶级华裔移民身份：关于华裔媒体《美中报道》北京冬奥会报道的批判性话语分析
英文题目：Constructing Middle-class Chinese Immigrants Identity: A Critical Discourse Analysis of the News Reports about Beijing 2022 Winter Olympic Games in China Tribune
摘要
美国华裔媒体是建构华裔移民身份的重要参与者。面对新冠疫情以来西方社会对华裔日益严重的歧视，以及近期中美关系的持续低迷，华裔媒体目前在参与建构美国中产阶级华裔移民身份时面临巨大挑战。正当此时，中国媒体改变了以往被动角色，积极主动通过对外传播策略参与海外华裔身份建构过程，这种对外传播策略的转变在2022年北京冬奥会的媒体报道中得到了充分的展现。冬奥会期间，美国主流媒体的相关报道仍在延续其长期坚持的一己偏见乃至冷战思维。为了给美国的潜在受众提供来自中国视角的新闻选择，中国媒体主动采取了新的行动，首次在全球媒体聚焦奥运赛事期间，以本土媒体为信源中心，联合海外华裔媒体成立奥运报道联盟。此举在带动华裔媒体参与中国对外传播的同时，也给中国本土媒体提供了一个助力美国华裔媒体间接参与建构美国华裔群体认知乃至身份认同的机会。
为更好了解中国本土媒体如何参与到海外华裔媒体对华裔移民身份的建构过程，本文选取了加入北京冬奥会华裔媒体联盟的美国亚特兰大华裔报纸《美中报道》在2022年2月4日至2022年3月4日期间有关北京冬奥会的20篇报道作为研究对象。研究方法采用范迪克的社会认知模型和意识形态模型进行批判性话语分析，并借鉴霍尔的文化身份理论，讨论在中国媒体的介入下，《美中报道》对北京冬奥会的报道建构了哪些身份主体，采用了何种话语策略，以及强调了何种身份认知。
研究发现，《美中报道》通过运用行为者描述、分类、引用、权威、数字等一系列话语策略，建构了自我、他者和具有模糊立场的三类身份主体。新闻话语中所蕴含的意识形态能够调动美国中产阶级华裔移民读者相应的身份认知。一方面，《美中报道》突出中国文化，强调对中华民族文化身份的认知。另一方面，在全球化及中国不断崛起的背景下，《美中报道》弱化读者政治身份认知，不断协调读者来源国与目的国关系，试图构建出一种既带有中国特色的大中华身份，又带着全球化、美国化的中产阶级华裔移民身份的新认知。在这一过程中，《美中报道》高度认同中国媒体信源，显示出中国媒体参与海外华裔身份建构过程的成功尝试。
Abstract
Chinese ethnic media are committed to the construction of the middle-class Chinese immigrants’ identity. However, due to the growing discrimination against Chinese in Western society brought by the COVID-19 and the deterioration of Sino-US relations, Chinese ethnic media are now facing great challenges in participating in the construction of Chinese immigrants identities in the United States. In the meanwhile, Chinese media have actively participated in the process of overseas Chinese identity construction through its foreign communication strategy, which is shown in the media coverage of the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics. During Beijing 2022, the U.S. mainstream media still kept their bias and the Cold War mentality. In order to provide the US readers with new perspectives, for the first time Chinese media have initiated a Chines ethnic media alliance to report on the Olympics, with themselves as the news sources. This alliance can make Chinese ethnic media engage in China's foreign communication, but also provide an opportunity for Chinese media to participate in constructing the cognition and identity of the middle-class Chinese immigrants indirectly.
This paper has selected 20 news articles about the Beijing 2022 from February 4, 2022 to March 4, 2022 from China Tribune, a Chinese ethnic newspaper based in Atlanta who has joined the official alliance initiated by Chinese mainland media, as the subjects of this study. Critical discourse analysis is conducted based on van Dijk's social cognitive model and ideological model. This paper has also drawn on Hall's cultural identity theory to discuss with the intervention of Chinese media, what kind of identities are constructed, which discursive strategies are employed, and which ideologies and cognition concerning identity are reinforces, resists, and negotiates in the China Tribune’s coverage of Beijing 2022 Winter Olympic Games.
This study finds that China Tribune has constructed three types of identity through a series of discourse strategies including descriptive actors, categorization, quotation, authority, and numbers. The classification is not based on actors’ nationality but on their actions in specific events, showing a non-fixed definition. In addition, the cognitive models embedded in China Tribune can arouse the middle-class Chinese immigrants' ideologies about identity construction. On the one hand, China Tribune reinforces the cognition of Chinese culture, which will subsequently enhance their national and ethnic pride. On the other hand, China Tribune resists the political ideology and tries to construct a new middle-class Chinese immigrants' identity by negotiating the context of China's rise and American individualism. In this process, China Tribune has shown its high-level of identification with Chinese media, who have a greater voice in the identity construction process of the middle-class Chinese immigrants in the United States.
[2] 龚文静
导师姓名：宋颖
中文题目：特朗普大选期间移民话题演讲的媒体呈现:基于《纽约时报》2016和2020年大选期间报道的内容分析
英文题目：Media Representation of Trump’s Immigration Speeches: A Comparative Analysis of The New York Times During 2016 and 2020 US General Elections
摘要
2016年和2020年美国大选期间，移民问题在美国引起巨大关注。唐纳德·特朗普以移民问题作为主要竞选策略。报纸媒体对移民政策和非法移民的处境给予了前所未有的关注，用不同的语言和表达不同内涵的视角来描绘移民问题。报纸这一选择、塑造和推广信息的过程正是媒体框架建构的体现。众多研究已经从宏观层面对移民的媒体呈现进行了广泛的探讨，但仍缺乏对2016及2020年大选期间，特朗普移民演讲的媒体呈现的对比分析研究。这两届选举中对移民问题的空前的高度关注，美国大选的独特性，以及相反的选举结果，提供了绝佳的素材来分析移民问题在媒体呈现上的差异，并为美国社会对移民态度的变化提供线索。
本文旨在研究以《纽约时报》为代表的美国主流媒体对两年间特朗普移民演讲的媒体呈现。为实现研究目的，本文基于新闻媒体的框架建构理论，采用定量内容分析方法对《纽约时报》上选取的约300篇新闻文章进行编码分析，并检验变量之间的相关性。本文中最重要的变量为以下四个：媒体框架类型、主题、主导框架和报道态度。五个主导框架为：移民的合法权益框架，移民的风险框架，政治活动框架，经济影响框架，责任分配框架本文通过卡方计算、t检验和ANOVA检验的结果得出以下两个主要结论：第一，从主题及主导框架来看，《纽约时报》关于移民问题的新闻报道存在去政治化倾向，和淡化移民犯罪问题的倾向；第二，从报道态度来看，《纽约时报》对移民问题的态度呈现从中立到积极的转变。此外，本文的研究结果传达了一个信息，即主流社会对移民表现出更积极的态度。
Abstract
During the 2016 and 2020 US general elections, Immigration issues attracted much attention across the United States as Donald Trump employed it as a major campaign strategy. Newspapers paid unprecedented attention to immigration policies and the situation of undocumented immigrants. Various languages and perspectives expressing different connotations were taken by newspapers to portray immigration. This process of selecting, shaping, and promoting messages conducted by newspapers is called media framing.
Previous studies have explored the media representation of immigration in extensive ways, but there is little research in the comparative analysis of media representation of Trump’s immigration speeches between the 2016 and 2020 general elections. The particularly high attention given to immigration issues, the unique nature of US general elections, and the opposite election results provide an excellent opportunity for this research to analyze the differences in media representation of immigration issues and provide clues for the changes in social attitudes toward immigration.
With quantitative content analysis method and framing theory, this study selected and coded about three hundred news articles from The New York Times, an influential and prestigious newspaper, and examined the correlation between coded variables. The most essential variables in this study are framing types, major themes, dominant frames, and overall tone. The five dominant frames coded in this study are civil/legal rights of immigrant frame, risk of immigrant frame, political activity frame, economic impact frame, and attribute of responsibility frame. With the results of Chi-Square calculation, T-test, and ANOVA test, this study finds out that there is a depoliticization tendency and downplay of immigration criminality of The New York Times’ news coverage on immigration issues, and The New York Times’s attitude toward immigration displays a neutral to positive transformation. Moreover, these findings convey a message that mainstream society is showing a more positive attitude toward immigration.
[3] 刘言
导师姓名：贾宁
中文题目：对《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》关于亚裔仇恨犯罪新闻报道的批判性话语分析：亚特兰大水疗中心枪击案案例
英文题目：Critical Discourse Analysis of News Reporting on Asian Hate Crime in New York Times and Washington Post: A Case of the Atlanta Spa Shooting
摘要
随着新冠肺炎疫情的爆发，亚裔美国人遭受的侮辱性行为和暴力行为大量增长。针对亚洲人的仇恨犯罪急剧增加。然而，由于种族歧视问题长期存在，亚裔美国人过去很少受到主流媒体的关注，而仅有的对他们的报道也通常是负面性的。亚特兰大水疗中心枪击案就发生在这一特殊时期，这一案件引起了美国对亚裔美国人的高度关注。由于媒体对公众的认知有很大的影响，因此，媒体如何呈现这一犯罪值得深入讨论。
本文旨在对美国两家比较受欢迎的报刊《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》针对亚特兰大水疗中心枪击案件所进行的报道，在语言层面上进行批判性话语分析。在该案件中，六名亚洲女性不幸丧生，凶手为一名年轻的白人男子。本研究试图探讨《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》新闻报道中所使用语言的话语特征，以呈现新闻工作者所建构的警方，受害者以及加害者形象，并揭示文章中所代表的新闻 从业者所传达的意识形态。本研究收集了 33 篇新闻报道文章，作为主要分析数据。这些文章分别从《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》的官方网站搜集而来，其中《纽约时报》共 16 篇，《华盛顿邮报》共 17 篇。
本研究以批评性话语分析理论作为核心研究框架与理论基础，对语言的显文互文性、词汇选择和及物性进行分析，并进行了内容分析。分析结果显示，《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》中存在数种常用话语策略。这两家媒体均利用直接和间接引用来证实其内容的可信度或表达明确的情感倾向。此外，他们都采用了各种不同的词汇来指称警察、受害者和嫌疑人，以便通过不同类型的词汇来传达各自的意图。尽管《纽约时报》在报道受害者时，相较于六名亚裔受害者，更多关注了两名白人受害者，但在大多数情况下，《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》在亚特兰大水疗中心枪击案件中表达了相似的观点。另一方面，尽管在内容上，两家报刊均多次提到亚裔仇恨犯罪并意识到此次案件可能与新冠期间的反亚裔情绪相关，但是它们都未明确回答此罪行是否受种族主义驱动，选择了给出“现在下结论为时过早”这一模糊表述。
Abstract
With the outbreak of Covid-19, Asian Americans have endured a storm of insults and acts of violence. There is a dramatic increase in Anti-Asian hate crimes. However, as the long-entrenched issue of racism, Asian Americans used to get little attention from the mainstream media and the limited portrayals of them are usually negative. The Atlanta spa shooting happened during this particular time, which aroused great attention to Asian Americans throughout the country. As media has a great influence on the perceptions of the public, the way media present this crime is worth discussing.
This study is a critical investigation of the language used in the coverage of two popular newspapers in America regarding the crime case of the Atlanta spa shooting that involves 6 deaths of Asian women committed by a young white man. This study aims to find the discursive features of the language used in news reporting from the New York Times and the Washington Post, to reveal the identities of the police, the victims and perpetrators that these writings construct in society, and to expose the ideology of news practitioners as represented in the articles. There were 33 articles used as the data of this study. These articles were collected from two well-known popular American newspapers: New York Times and the Washington Post. 16 and 17 articles are obtained respectively from the official websites of NYT and WSP. This study's primary framework is mainly based on Critical Discourse Analysis.
The manifest intertextuality, lexical choice, transitivity, and contents are analyzed in this paper. This paper finds that there are several discourse strategies used frequently in NYT and WSP. Both media utilized direct and indirect quotations to demonstrate the credibility or emotional expressiveness of their content. In addition, they carefully select the terms used to allude to the police, the victims, and the suspect in order to indicate their distinct intents. The majority of the time, the New York Times and the Washington Post express the same ideas regarding the Atlanta spa shooting, though the NYT appears to place more emphasis on the two white victims when reporting details about the victims. In addition, although Asian hate crime has been frequently mentioned in their reports and recognized the possibility that the shootings was motivated by antiAsian hate sentiments during covid-19, neither publication offers a clear answer to the question of whether or not this crime was motivated by racism, instead, both claim that “it was too early to tell”.
[4] 熊璐
导师姓名：齐皓
中文题目：媒体生态环境下的阴谋论传播：以匿名 Q 运动为研究案例
英文题目：Conspiracy Theories in Media Ecology: A Case Study of QAnon Movement
摘要
本文对 QAnon 阴谋论进行了跨平台分析，QAnon 阴谋理论诞生于 4chan 等边缘平台，随后在主流媒体和公众中广受欢迎。与传统的网上传播的虚假信息和虚假信息不同，QAnon 已经建立了其系统化的方式来生产、传播信息，甚至使信息合法化，并在媒体技术的帮助下达到了更大的受众群体。本文以 QAnon为例，认为阴谋论的“主流化”过程离不开以信息、信息渠道和受众为核心的媒体生态的辅助。作为一个案例研究，本文回顾了 Q 在 4chan 和 8chan 上发布的初始 Q 下降，以及在 Reddit 讨论子插件上的评论。在回顾评论和帖子后，本文证明 QAnon 使用的各种媒体渠道在其增长中发挥了重要作用，吸引了更多的受众，QAnon 产生的信息通过媒体渠道和其追随者的口耳相传得以传播。然而，本文表明，考虑到各种媒体平台发布的无休止的脱平台政策，仅依靠媒体技术在传播 QAnon 阴谋论中的作用不足以使 QAnon 持续如此之久，并保持 QAnon社区之间的凝聚力。通过定性的内容分析，本文认为 QAnon 的身份形成能力、娱乐功能和宗教性质将其追随者团结在一起。通过数据驱动定量分析和定性内容分析相结合的混合方法，本文以媒体生态学为理论基础，试图阐明媒体在传播和合法化阴谋论以及其他形式的错误和虚假信息方面的作用，并更好地理解威胁美国政治和社会稳定的阴谋论的兴起。
Abstract
This paper presents a cross-platform analysis of the QAnon conspiracy theory that was born in fringe platforms like 4chan and then get popularity on mainstream media and the public. Unlike traditional misinformation and disinformation spread online and existed for a short time, QAnon has established its systematic way of producing, spreading, and even legitimizing information and reached a larger group of audiences with the help of media technologies. This paper takes QAnon as a case study and argues that the process of “mainstreaming” of conspiracy theories cannot be separated from the aide of media ecology in which message, message channels, and audience it’s the core. As a case study, this paper reviews initial Q drops which were posted by Q on 4chan and 8chan and comments on Reddit discussion subreddits.
After reviewing the comments and posts, this paper demonstrates that various media channels employed by QAnon play essential roles in its growth by attracting a larger group of audience, the messages produced by QAnon are well spread via media channels and by word of mouth from its followers. However, this paper illustrates that solely relying on media technologies’ role in spreading QAnon conspiracy theories is insufficient to make QAnon last for so long and to keep the cohesion among QAnon community considering the endless deplatform policies issued by all kinds of media platforms. By conducting a qualitative content analysis, this paper argues that it is QAnon’s identity forming ability, its entertaining function and its religious nature that unite its followers. Through a mixed method combined data-driven quantitative analysis and with qualitative content analysis, this paper apply media ecology framework to QAnon phenomenon and endeavors to articulate the role of media in spreading and legitimizing and conspiracy theories as well as other forms of mis-and disinformation and to have a better understanding on the rise of conspiracy theories which has threatened American political and social stability.
第二组: 族裔性别
[1] 童瑶
导师姓名：刘杨
中文题目：作为一种商业性移民基础设施的留学中介：中介的作用以及中国留学生的中介使用体验
英文题目：Study Abroad Agency as A Type of Commercial Migration Infrastructure: The Role of Agents and the Infrastructurally Mediated Experiences of Chinese International Students
摘要
受到高等教育国际化以及中国留学市场逐步自由化的影响，中国留学生数量自上世纪末以来大幅上升，与留学生群体一同增长的还有留学中介产业。然而，既有研究主要关注留学生，较少关注留学中介。
本研究从移民基础设施这一理论视角出发，聚焦留学中介的运作机制及其与留学生的互动，探讨作为一种商业性移民基础设施的留学中介如何协调中国留学生的跨国流动。通过与6位留学中介以及11位正就读于或毕业于美国硕士项目的中国留学生的深度访谈，本研究采集了主要数据，并运用主题分析法对其进行分析。
研究发现留学中介的协调作用体现在三个维度：轨迹、意义和体验。首先，留学中介通过背景提升、选校和文件制作这三个步骤形塑了留学生的跨国流动轨迹。中介在夯实留学生的“硬背景”时，设法获利于监管设施，如标准化语言考试；中介在提升留学生的“软背景”时，暂时转化成社交设施，给留学生提供多样的社会资本；中介在为留学生选择理想的硕士项目时，将留学生和一定排名的国际教育设施进行匹配；中介在制作迁移所必要的文件时，成为留学生和国际教育设施之间沟通的桥梁。
其次，留学中介参与构建和传播跨国学生流动的象征意义。中介将美国研究生教育塑造为“高性价比”“实践”和“解放”，将中国研究生教育塑造为“竞争激烈”“传统”和“限制”。由此，留学中介趋向于构造美国教育设施和中国教育设施的二元对立，从而达到其宣传跨国学生流动的目的。从留学生的角度看，赴美读研代表着一种提升学历的捷径。
再次，留学中介影响了留学生的申请体验。中介帮助留学申请者节省时间和精力、提升安全感以及减少焦虑。留学申请者整体上在申请初期对中介有更高的信任和期待，但是随着申请相关信息的不断积累，他们对于中介的信任和期待逐渐下降，对于自身申请能力的认识和申请自主性逐渐提高。此外，中介使用体验也有个体之间的差异。本研究认为来自不利的本科院校的申请者对留学中介的依赖程度高于来自更好的本科院校的申请者。
通过厘清留学中介和留学生的互动中的变化及差异，本研究确立了申请阶段为跨国学生流动中的重要环节，丰富了此前研究对于留学中介内部运作机制的有限认识，揭示了新的影响跨国学生流动的不平等因素。研究表明留学中介充当了国际教育设施在中国本地实际运作的“触手”，帮助其招生、训练和发送留学生到国际教育设施的不同节点。
Abstract
Boosted by the internationalization of higher education and the Chinese government’s liberalization of the international education market, Chinese international students have grown exponentially since the end of the last century. Also expanding is the intermediary industry. However, despite much research on international students, little research focuses on the intermediaries.
This thesis approaches international student mobility from the theoretical perspective of migration infrastructure. By examining the working mechanism of study abroad agencies and agent-student interactions, it explores how study abroad agencies as a type of commercial infrastructure mediate the transnational migration of Chinese international students. The thematic analysis method is adopted in analyzing the primary data retrieved from in-depth semi-structured interviews with six study abroad agents and eleven Chinese international students who are studying at or have graduated from American master programs.
This thesis identifies the study abroad agencies’ mediation in three dimensions: trajectory, representation, and experience. First, study abroad agencies shape the transnational migration trajectory of students in three steps, namely background improvement, program selection, and document production. While consolidating the students’ “hard background,” agencies manage to profit from the regulatory infrastructure, e.g., standardized language tests. While upgrading the students’ “soft background,” agencies temporarily transform into social infrastructure, offering various types of social capital to students. While selecting the ideal master programs for students, agencies match the students with certain rankings of the global educational infrastructure. While producing the migration-required documents for students, agencies communicate between the students and the global educational infrastructure.
Second, study abroad agencies engage in constructing and circulating the represented meanings of international student mobility. They depict American graduate education as “cost-effective,” “practical,” and “liberating” while domestic graduate education as “competitive,” “orthodox,” and “restrictive.” In this way, they tend to create a dichotomy between the educational infrastructure in the US and the educational infrastructure in China, thus promoting international student mobility. From the students’ perspective, attending US graduate schools represents an easier route to academic distinction.
Third, study abroad agencies influence the students’ application experiences. Agencies save time and energy for students, increase their sense of security, and reduce their anxiety. Students have more trust in and expectation of their agents at the beginning of application, but as they acquire more application-related information, the trust and expectation decline whilst their self-perceived application capabilities and application initiative increase. Besides, the infrastructurally mediated application experiences vary from person to person. Overall, this thesis presumes that students from disadvantaged universities develop a greater degree of dependence on agencies than students from distinctive universities.
Through delineating the dynamics and nuances within the interactions between study abroad agents and international students, this thesis establishes the application phase as a vital point of international student mobility, enriches the previously limited understanding of the internal working of study abroad agencies, and reveals new factors underlying the unevenness within international student mobility. It demonstrates that study abroad agencies actually function as the “arms” of global educational infrastructure at the ground level, recruiting, crafting and finally dispatching the international students to different nodes of the global educational infrastructure.
[2] 陈杨睿
导师姓名：罗鸣
中文题目：性别角色的变化：中国女学生在留美过程中女性气质、女性身份以及单身状态的协商
英文题目：Changes of Gender Role: Chinese Female Students NegotiatingTheir Femininity, Female Identity and Singleton in America
摘要
本研究从着装方式、审美观念、婚姻观和自我发展等方面，探讨了在美单身中国女留学生通过协商女性气质、女性身份和单身身份而产生的性别角色的变化。现有关于跨国女性和学生话题的文献，很大一部分关注的是已婚女性及其在家庭内外的性别角色。很少有专门针对中国单身女留学生的研究，以及她们在与女性特质、女性身份和单身身份的协商中性别角色的变化。本研究旨在了解参与者个体化体验的动态多样变化和变化过程。鉴于文化适应不是一个整体的过程，本研究采用 John Berry 的文化适应模型和周敏的分段同化理论。本研究采用半结构化访谈和开放式问题的定性方法，以获得更详细的信息。17 名在美国生活超过两年的单身女学生参与了采访，分享了她们的经历和变化。
研究发现，参与者在美国留学的经历从三个层面给她们带来了变化。在个人层面上，研究对象与自己的女性特质和女性身份达成了的和解，她们不再遵守女性的刻板印象，更自在地面对自己作为女性的身份。在人际层面上，自我发展始终被优先考虑，她们在处理亲密关系和与家人协商时，更看重自己的发展。在规范层面上观察到性别的实体化，研究对象认识到性别不再只是一个二元概念，而是人们生活中的一个活跃因素。研究还确定了影响因素，从变化机制上可以分为两个层次。研究对象受到她们的原生家庭、女性前辈和交际圈中的熟人的影响。她们在制度层面上受到教育系统和学校的影响。这些不同的拼图组合成她们独特的体验。
Abstract
This study explores the changes of gender role of single Chinese female students in the United States in terms of their negotiation with femininity, female identity and singleton, which is observed from their ways of dressing, concepts about beauty, attitudes toward marriage and self-development. Existing literature on the topic of transnational female and students put a large proportion of attention on married women and their gender roles inside
and outside their families. Few studies have been done revolving specifically around single female Chinese international students and the changes of their gender role from their negotiation with femininity, female identity and singleton. This research intends to understand the dynamic and diverse changes and changing processes among the individualized experiences of the participants. Given that acculturation is not a monolithic
process, this research resorts to John Berry’s acculturation model and Min Zhou’s segmented assimilation theory. A qualitative method with semi-structured interview and open-ended questions is utilized in this study to get more detailed information. Seventeen single female students who have been in the U.S. for more than two years participated in the interview and shared their experiences and changes.
The research discovers that the participants’ experiences of studying in the United States caused changes from three levels. On the individual level, the participants experienced a reconciliation with their femininity and female identity, meaning they were less concerned with conforming to stereotypes of women and more at ease with who they were as women. Self-development is consistently given priority to on the interpersonal
level and the participants valued their own development higher when handling intimate relationships and bargaining with their families. The substantialization of gender is observed at the normative level. The participants discovered that gender was no longer only a binary concept but an active agent in people’s life.
The study also identifies factors that can be separated into two levels in terms of the changing mechanism. The individuals were impacted by their families, female predecessors, and regular acquaintances on an interpersonal basis. They were impacted by the educational system and schools on an institutional level. And these varied puzzles assemble into their distinct experiences.
[3] 王瑶
导师姓名：刘杨
中文题目：美国华裔被收养者的文化认同和种族认同：关于中国被收养者的文化和种族身份建构与协商的实证研究
英文题目：The Paradox of Cultural Identity and Racial Identity on Chinese Adoptees in the United States: An Empirical Research of Chinese Adoptees’ Cultural and Racial Identity Formation and Negotiation
摘要
在深入访谈的基础上，本研究深入探讨了美国华裔被收养者的文化认同和种族认同，以及促进其身份建构和协商过程的影响因素。以往的研究从种族认同的角度探讨了家庭对华裔被收养者身份认同的影响，但很少有研究从文化身份和种族身份两个维度来考察他们的身份形成和协商过程，同时关注宏观、中观和微观三个层面塑造他们身份的影响因素。本研究建立在两个主要的理论框架之上，即文化-种族模型和社会认同理论，并采用定性研究方法，对中国被收养者的身份形成和协商过程进行了细致深入的了解与分析。本研究旨在挑战人们普遍认为美国华裔被收养者只是“华裔美国人”的看法，并强调他们身份的复杂性和细微差别。
本文采用了深度访谈的方法，对十四位研究对象进行了一对一的访谈。作者采用主题分析作为分析方法解读访谈数据，分析认为，华裔被收养者存在一个共识，即他们在种族上是中国人，但他们对自己的文化身份有不同的认知，分为三种类型：兼具中国和美国文化身份的双文化认同者、荣誉白人和无所归依的格格不入者。该研究还指出，家庭影响、社区多样性和美国的结构性种族主义是中国被收养者身份形成和协商中最突出的因素。其他因素，如被收养者的海外经历和白人救世主叙事，对他们的身份形成和协商虽有一定影响，但有影响范围有一定局限性。
本研究的结果表明：1）中国被收养者的文化认同和种族认同之间存在矛盾。尽管他们都承认自己的种族身份是中国人，但他们对自己的文化身份有不同的看法。2）华裔被收养者的身份是流动的、变化的。随着他们年龄的增长，他们对自己的中国种族和文化身份的认同感有所增强。3）社会对华裔被收养者身份的看法与他们对自己的身份认同之间存在着差距和冲突。4）不同层面的影响因素交织在一起，从上到下影响着中国被收养者的身份认同和协商过程。
本研究通过从文化认同和种族认同两个维度讨论中国被收养者的身份，打破了以往研究中笼统的 “华裔美国人”概念。同时，通过探讨影响华裔被收养者身份建构和协商过程的因素，本研究揭示了塑造和影响跨种族被收养者身份建构过程的不同层面的隐性社会结构，为跨种族养父母、被收养者和相关政策制定者提供有价值的见解。
Abstract
Based on in-depth interviews, this study delves into the cultural identity and racial identity of Chinese adoptees in the United States and the influential factors contributing to their identity formation and negotiation process. Previous studies have explored family’s effect on Chinese adoptees’ identity construction and negotiation from the perspective of ethnic identity. However, few examined their identity formation and negotiations from two dimensions—cultural identity and racial identity and also focused on the influential factors shaping their identity in three levels: macro, meso, and micro level. The study builds on two major theoretical frameworks, which are the cultural-racial model and social identity theory. A qualitative research method is utilized to provide a nuanced and in-depth insight into Chinese adoptees’ identity formation and negotiation process. This study aims to challenge the commonly held perception of Chinese adoptees as simply “Chinese Americans” and highlight the complexity and nuances of their identity.
With 14 in-depth interviews and the thematic analysis method, the present study argues that Chinese adoptees have a common sense that they are racially Chinese, but they have different perceptions of their cultural identity, which are categorized into three types: bicultural American, honorary white, and outsider for both cultural groups. The study also identifies family influence, community diversity, and structural racism in the US as the most salient factors in Chinese adoptees’ identity formation and negotiation. Other factors like adoptees’ abroad experience and white savior narrative have less impact on their identity formation and negotiation.
The findings of this study suggest that 1) There is a paradox between Chinese adoptees’ cultural identity and racial identity. Even though they all acknowledged themselves as Chinese for their racial identity, they have varied perceptions of their cultural identity. 2) The identity of Chinese adoptees is fluid and changing. As they grew older, they became more aware of their Chinese racial and cultural identity. 3) There is a gap and conflict between how society perceives Chinese adoptees’ identity and how they identify themselves. 4) The influential factors at different levels are intertwined and affect Chinese adoptees from top to bottom.
By discussing the identity of Chinese adoptees in China from two dimensions: cultural identity and racial identity, this study breaks the generalized notion of “Chinese Americans” in previous studies. At the same time, by exploring the factors that influence the identity construction and negotiation process of Chinese adoptees, the study reveals the hidden social structures at different levels that shape and influence the identity construction process of transracial adoptees, providing valuable insights for transracial adoptive parents, adoptees, and related policymakers.
[4] 龙玥杉
导师姓名：李期铿
中文题目：对抗性别刻板印象：美国女性参议员的对华态度，自1993到2022
英文题目：Encountering Gender Stereotypes: U.S. Female Senators’ Attitudes Toward China from 1993 to 2022
摘要
自1992年起，当选参议员的美国女性逐渐增加。在第102届国会中，女性占据了参议院4个席位。而第118届国会中，已有25名女性在参议院任职。随着美国参议院中女性数量的增加，女性参议员或在某些具体问题上或施加独特的影响。本文研究女性参议员在外交事务，以检验其在此传统被认为是男性更擅长的领域中的表现。选取其对中国相关事项的态度是出于现实意义的考虑。
女性参议员通过涉及中国事项的立法活动和投票行为表现了她们对中国的态度。以往的文献表明，性别差异确实存在于参议院的立法活动和投票行为中。本文进一步研究了参议院在中国相关问题的投票行为和提案/赞助模式中呈现的性别差异。本论文的研究问题包括：一，女性参议员最关心哪些领域的中国事项？她们对此的态度是什么？二，女性参议员与其他参议员在不同的涉华问题的上，态度是否存在差异？三，哪些因素可能影响女性参议员的差异性行为？本论文采用统计和内容分析的混合方法，在女性主义和历史制度主义的理论框架下对1993年至2022年间美国女性参议员的对华态度进行比较研究。此外，本论文还特别关注了导致性别差异的因素。本文在美国国会和美国参议院的网站上收集数据，数据包括女性参议员的基本信息、发起/共同发起的法案和点名投票的记录。
本文的主要发现有：1). 女性参议员的提案和共同提案都表现出其对中国的负面态度，涉及议题有：中国对美国国家安全的潜在威胁，贸易和经济，台湾问题，以及中国文化和历史。2). 与女性在国防和外交关系方面较弱的性别刻板印象相反，女性参议员凯莉-阿约特共同发起的法案中，多数有关中国对美国国家安全的潜在威胁。3). 多数女性参议员的投票结果受到党派和所属选区的影响，但与男性参议员相比，女性参议员受到党派和所属选区的影响更小；4). 其他与党派、所属选区投票均不同的女性参议员受到的影响因素包括女性主义运动，就职委员会，个人抱负，和历史阶段差异。
本文的局限性在于：首先，数据收集可以采用更便捷的网页爬取的技术。第二，鉴于女性参议员的任期不同，有关某些问题的投票行为只呈现出一些女性参议员的选择。要研究个人对某些问题的态度的变化或一致性可能会很困难。
Abstract
Since 1992, the number of female senators who were elected to the U.S. Congress has increased. In the 102nd Congress, women took up 4 seats. In the 118th Congress, there are 25 female senators in the Senate. With the increasing number of female senators in the U.S. Senate, female senators could be a group of people who may carry weight over certain issues. This thesis examines female senators’ influence on foreign relations, especially on Sino-U.S. relations, which was traditionally regarded as men’s specialist field, aiming at presenting their efforts in encountering gender stereotypes that women are weak in foreign affairs. The Sino-U.S. relations were chosen as it is one of the most significant bilateral relationships in the 21st century.
Through legislative activities and voting behavior concerning China-related issues, female senators presented their attitudes toward China. Previous literature has shown that gender difference does exist in legislative activities and voting behavior in the U.S. Senate. This thesis took a step further to study the gender differences presented in voting behavior and sponsorship/cp-sponsorship pattern concerning China-related issues. Research questions of this thesis include: Firstly, what issues about China do the female senators care about most? And what are their attitudes toward China? Secondly, are there any differences in attitude toward China-related issues between female senators and other senators? Thirdly, what factors may contribute to female senators’ different attitudes toward China-related issues?
Using a mixed method of statistic method and content analysis, this thesis adopts a comparative approach to study U.S. female senators’ attitudes toward China from 1993 to 2022 under the theoretical framework of feminism and historical institutionalism. Furthermore, this thesis pays special attention to factors that contribute to gender differences. The data collected included female senators’ basic information, bills sponsored/co-sponsored by female senators, and female senators’ records of roll call voting. And they could all be found on the website of the Library of Congress and the website of the United States Senate.
The findings concerning sponsorship and co-sponsorship pattern include a). relevant bills that were sponsored or co-sponsored by the female senator Kelly Ayotte were all negative toward China; b). Among Ayotte’s sponsorship, China’s potential threats to U.S. national security and human rights issues in China were mentioned; c). Contrary to the gender stereotype that women were weak in defense and foreign relations, Kelly Ayotte co-sponsored most bills concerning China’s potential threats to U.S. national security. Other topics mentioned included trade and economy, the Taiwan issue, and Chinese culture and history, all of which presented her negative attitudes toward those topics; d). Compared to male senators who co-sponsored bills concerning China-related issues, female senator Kelly Ayotte co-sponsored the most bills in one term on average; e). senators who paid attention to China-related issues had their own focuses concerning topics, and they usually co-sponsored bills relating to those topics that they were familiar with.
The findings concerning voting behavior include a). Female senators usually voted the same as the majority in the Senate when the result was almost all “Yea” or “Nay”; b). Female senators usually voted the same as the majority of their parties in a tied vote; c). If they did not vote as the majority of their parties in a tied vote, they would vote the same as the other senators who were from the same state as them. However, when those factors interacted with gender, they do less affection for female than male senators. Other possible factors include personal beliefs about feminism, committee services, personal aspirations, and historical durations.
For the limit of time, this thesis could be improved in several aspects as follows. Firstly, the collection of data could apply software techniques concerning web scraping and data cleaning. In such a way, the process of data collection could be done in a shorter duration more explicitly. Secondly, given the different terms of female senators, voting behaviors concerning certain issues only presented some female senators’ choices. Combined with the changes in candidates, it could be difficult to study changes or consistency in an individual’s attitude toward certain China-related issues. Therefore, the dynamic of attitudes of U.S. female senators toward certain issues was not included in the thesis. Thirdly, the sponsorship pattern and voting behavior were summarized from different female senators for the limited number of the sponsored bill by female senators. Therefore, the result presented the general attitudes of female senators without looking into the constituents of the groups.
[5] 吴琼
导师姓名：李今朝
中文题目：夹缝中的生存：从乔治·宇野的家族史看日裔美国人的“忠诚问题”
英文题目：Surviving between White Supremacy and Civic Identity: Deciphering the Japanese American “Loyalty Question” through the Lens of George Uno’s Family History over Two Generations
摘要
日裔美国人的“忠诚问题”是日裔美国历史中的核心问题之一，它贯穿了日裔在美国所有身份危机和政治危机。早在第二次世界大战之前，即二十世纪初，美国主流社会就 拒绝将日裔美国人视为“真正的美国人”。即使对第二代、在美国出生的日裔美国人来说， 尽管他们名义上具有美国宪法修正案第十四条所赋予他们的出生公民权，也仍然未能被主流社会接纳为“真正的美国人”。这一身份危机在第二次世界大战期间愈发凸显：虽然日本、德国和意大利都同时向美国宣战，但只有在美国的所有具有日本血统的人作为一个群体被大规模地怀疑、抓捕，并在没有经过任何审判和正当程序之下以“战时安全需要”的借口被大规模监禁到集中营。 日裔美国人的“忠诚问题”受到了学术界的广泛关注，但是既往的研究多聚集于两点：一是列举日裔美国人在二战时期的英雄事迹，以此来体现日裔美国人的爱国和奉献；二是研究日裔美国人在二战期间所受到的不公平待遇，从而探寻日裔美国人群体所受的创伤，而对日裔美国人的“忠诚问题”所折射出的美国国家认同问题却鲜有讨论。因此，本文尝试从历史学的角度，用微观史学的研究方法走进日裔美国人宇野家族史之中，以探寻围绕在“忠诚”话语本身的三大核心问题：一、为什么日裔美国人的“忠诚问题”会成为一个问题，而非德裔美国人、意裔美国人的“忠诚问题”？二、日裔美国人的“忠诚问题”本身存在的问题如“忠诚”是怎么成为话语/话术的？怎么被主流言说的？又是怎么被主流构建的？三、对于美国而言，忠诚的美国人意味着什么、标准又应该是什么？又是怎么被日裔所认知的、应对的？
通过深入研究宇野家族成员的通信、手稿、个人档案、演讲、采访的录音和视频、个人书写和新闻剪报，本文将这三大研究问题编织进宇野家族两代人跌宕起伏的个人历史之中，借由宇野家族微观历史来看洞察日裔美国人的集体大历史。由此发现：尽管美国自视为一个以民主、自由、法制的意识形态和程序合法性立国的国度，其宪法的合法性以及政府的合法性都建立于公民国家认同的原则之上，即美国作为一个共同体，对所有忠实和遵从于它的体制和社会价值的人开放。但美国的国家认同事实上暗含了族裔的界定，美国的 公民身份事实上是附加了“血缘”上的界定，因此日裔美国人的“忠诚问题”实质体现了美国在白人至上主义和公民国家认同之间的角力。
美国在二战期间罔顾宪法威信和司法程序非法拘禁日裔美国人群体并对其实施忠诚度调查，正体现了美国在白人至上主义和公民国家认同之间的踌躇导致了日裔美国人自我忠诚认知与美国人对日裔美国人忠诚认知的错位，进而导致日裔美国人需要通过更高昂的代价如亲人反目、流血或生命来换取美国对其忠诚度的肯定。此外，本文进一步通过对日裔美国人民权活动家爱迪生·宇野的个人历史来指出，定义“真正的美国人”的标准应该在于他们对美国政治体制和社会价值的认可和实践，而并不仅仅在于其在二战期间的英勇善战的功绩。由此，本文明晰了日裔美国人“忠诚问题”的本质与矛盾之处，并阐明了美国身份的真正内涵与标准。
Abstract
The Loyalty Question has been a central theme in Japanese American history, which embodies all the identity crises and political crises of the Japanese American community. As early as the beginning of the twentieth century, mainstream American society had refused to recognize Japanese Americans as “real Americans” or the United States “good citizens.” Even for the second generation Japanese Americans who had been born in the United States, who were entitled to their rights of citizenship by birth under the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, they still could not be accepted as "real Americans" by mainstream society. This identity crisis reached its peak during the Second World War. While the United States was at war with Germany and Italy as well as Japan, only the “loyalty” of people with Japanese ancestry was questioned, and only Japanese Americans were suspected, arrested, and incarcerated as a group without any trial and due process under the pretext of “wartime security needs.” The Japanese Americans’ “Loyalty Question” has been well-researched by generations of scholars, mainly under two themes. One is to uncover the heroic deeds of Japanese Americans during World War II so as to show their contributions and sacrifices in wartime efforts. The second is to expose the unfair treatment of Japanese Americans during World War II so as to examine the trauma and legacy of the Japanese American community. However, seldom have studies probed into the question of Japanese American “Loyalty” and the implication of the United States' national identity. To bridge the gap, this thesis follows the history of one particular Japanese American family by the name of George Uno to explore three core questions surrounding the discourse of “loyalty” itself: Why does the “loyalty” of Japanese Americans become a problem instead of the “loyalty” of German Americans and Italian Americans? What is the problem with the Japanese Americans Loyalty Question? What does it mean to be a loyal American, and what is the standard? How is “loyalty” understood by Japanese Americans?
Utilizing microhistorical methodology, this thesis weaves those three questions into the story of six members of the Uno family in two generations by scrutinizing their correspondence, manuscripts, personal files, tapes or videos for speeches, presentations, and interviews, personal writings, and news clippings. By zooming in on one family, the Japanese American history unfurls itself as the family story sheds light on the formation of the Japanese American community in the United States, their constant identity crises in the twentieth century, and also their reclaiming of identity under the inspiration of the Civil Rights Movement. More importantly, the thesis attempts to reveal that the Loyalty Question associated with Japanese Americans reflects a paradox or discrepancy between white supremacy and civic identity in the United States.
The United States has claimed itself as a nation founded on the ideology of democracy, freedom, and the rule of law, and procedural legitimacy. Hence, its national identity in theory is based on civic identity, which means, as a political entity, the United States is open to all who are loyal to and conform to its institutional rules and social values. However, the Loyalty Question has exposed that the national identity or Americanness of the United States implies a fundamental ethno-racial divide or white supremacy. This paradox between white supremacy and civic identity leads to the gap between Japanese Americans' self-perception of their Americanness and the United States’ perception of Japanese Americans. During the War, this tension resulted in the United States’ distrust of the Japanese American community and illegally detained Japanese Americans regardless of justice and the rule of law. In addition, through the personal history of the Japanese American civil rights activist Edison Uno, this thesis further provides another possibility of defining “loyal American,” which was to examine whether their practices had followed such fundamental principles as justice, liberty, and rule of law. Thus, this research hopes to clarify the essence and contradiction of the discourse of Loyalty and decipher the connotation and standards of American national identity.
第三组: 政治外交
[1] 王涵
导师姓名：付美榕
中文题目：美国女国务卿对国际危机中使用武力的外交政策态度研究--基于理性选择视角
英文题目：Foreign Policy Attitudes of US Female Secretaries of State towards the Use of Force in International Crises: A Rational Choice Perspective
摘要
美国自建国以来，共有三位女性曾担任国务卿一职，即马德琳·奥尔布赖特（1997-2001）、康多莉扎·赖斯（2005-2009）和希拉里·克林顿（2009-2013）。就外交政策决策而言，她们在任职期间都给世人留下了“铁娘子”的形象，这显然有悖于传统上“男人好战，女人善合”的认知。当然，一些学者将这种传统认知解释为一种性别上的刻板印象。也有学者认为，女性领导人更容易发动战争，或者认为不同于立法部门，行政部门的女性掌权者更倾向于使用武力解决纠纷。以上情形表明，女性政治家是否更倾向于使用和平手段解决国际纠纷仍存在迷思。自尤金妮·安德森1949年被任命为美国驻丹麦大使以来，越来越多的女性投身于外交政策和国际安全事务，但关于女性对外交政策的态度偏好的学术研究却明显匮乏。因此，研究女性政治家在外交政策中的态度偏好，有助于丰富性别与暴力的关系以及政治精英的外交政策态度的学术研究，并揭示女性掌权者真正的外交政策态度，打破对她们的刻板印象，从而客观公正地评价她们的是非功过。
鉴于此，本文试图探究美国女国务卿对使用武力应对国际危机的外交政策态度，并试图结合理性选择理论和战争的讨价还价理论来解释其态度倾向的形成，揭示三位女性国务卿的共同特征和个人特征。研究思路和方法可概括如下：首先，在梳理性别和暴力、美国外交政策态度和美国女国务卿相关文献的基础上提出研究问题；其次，对其传记资料中有关应对国际危机的内容进行文本分析，并采用理性选择理论和Fearon-Powell的战争讨价还价理论予以阐释。本研究发现，三位美国女性国务卿在面对国际危机时，对使用武力的偏好度从高到低排序为奥尔布赖特、克林顿、赖斯；尽管她们对于采取军事行动解决国际危机的态度截然不同，但三人对军事行动的务实态度却惊人一致。这表明，女性并非绝对的和平主义爱好者，也不是绝对的武力偏好者，因而“女性善合”假说通过三位女性国务卿的案例无法得到验证。
本文通过进一步的分析表明，无论三位女国务卿支持或是反对使用武力解决国际危机，都是基于成本效益计算的理性选择，但其理性选择的考量因素各有不同。三位女国务卿的共同特征在于她们对军事力量的务实态度，即无论怎样选择，她们都认为军事力量是助力其外交政策目标实现的一种手段；此外，“承诺问题”和“信息不对称”是她们偏好武力解决国际危机的共同考量因素。
本文的学术贡献主要包括研究方法和视角两个方面。不同于研究“女性善合”假说通常使用的定量研究方法，本文采用定性研究方法，通过细致的文本分析揭示三位女性国务卿对于使用武力解决国际危机的态度，并基于理性选择和战争讨价还价理论进一步阐释三位女国务卿对于使用武力解决国际危机的态度倾向的原因。
Abstract
Since the founding of the United States, three women have served as Secretary of State, namely Madeleine Albright (1997-2001), Condoleezza Rice (2005-2009), and Hillary Clinton (2009-2013). It is astonishingly interesting that all the three stateswomen in foreign policy decision-making are labeled as “iron ladies” by the media because of their foreign policy attitudes. Such representations deviate from the conventional wisdom of ‘conflictual men, cooperative women’, which some scholars interpret as a kind of gender stereotype. There is also scholarship suggesting that female leaders are more prone to waging wars and that women in the Executive Branch are more likely to use force, different from women in legislative branches with the propensity for peace and compromise. Thus, the relationship between women and peace is academically perplexing. Since Eugenie Anderson’s appointment as U.S. ambassador to Denmark in 1949, an increasing number of women have been involved in foreign policy making, but there is still a distinct lack of scholarship on women’s attitudinal preferences for foreign policy. Therefore, studies on the attitudinal preferences of female politicians in foreign policy can help enrich the research on the relationship between gender and violence and on elites’ foreign policy attitudes, reveal the foreign policy attitudes of women in power, and break the stereotypes about them, thus fairly evaluating their performances.
Due to the significance of studying foreign policy attitudes of top female leaders in foreign policy making, this thesis intends to investigate the foreign policy attitudes of US female Secretaries of State towards the use of force in international crises; to explain how such attitudes are developed in their foreign policy decision-making processes through analysis of their choices from the perspectives of rational choice theory and Fearon-Powell bargaining theory of war; and to reveal their common ground and personal characteristics. For that purpose, this study will first review the existing literature on gender and violence, US foreign policy attitudes, and US female Secretaries of State, which brings research gaps and questions; then collect samples and data, which will be examined by textual analysis and further illustrated through rational choice theory coupled with Fearon-Powell bargaining theory of war. This study finds that the level of the propensity for using force of the three US female Secretaries ranked in descending order: Albright, Rice, and Clinton; and they all held pragmatic attitudes to using force in international crises despite their divergent foreign policy attitudes towards using force. These findings indicate that women are not absolute pacifists or total warriors. Thus, the women-peace hypothesis cannot be verified through the cases of the three US female secretaries.
This study argues that the foreign policy attitudes of three US female Secretaries of State towards using force, whether in favor of or not, were developed by their rational choices based on cost-benefit calculations in foreign policy decision-making. The three female Secretaries’ rational considerations, however, were not always overlapping, despite their pragmatic attitudes towards using force. In other words, all the three female secretaries considered military force as a technique to help achieve their foreign policy goals, no matter what factors influenced their attitudes in different crises.
The contribution of this thesis is twofold. Firstly, studies on the relationship between women and peace often employ quantitative methods, while this thesis makes use of qualitative methodology to analyze a large number of details through textual analysis to reveal the foreign policy attitudes of the three Secretaries of State towards using force in international crises; secondly, the study adopts the rational choice and bargaining of war theory as new perspectives to further explain how the foreign policy attitudes of the three female secretaries of state were developed in their foreign policy decision-making.
[2] 汤文
导师姓名：李期铿
中文题目：关于美国参议员对拜登政府清洁能源政策的政治极化研究—以《2022年通胀缩减法案》为例
英文题目：Political Polarization of U.S. Senators towards Clean Energy Policies of the Biden Administration—a Case Study on the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022
摘要
政治极化是美国政治中最显著的特征之一。早在20世纪70年代，美国学者就开始对这一现象进行了研究。在过去的几十年里，相关研究大放异彩。在有关政治极化的讨论中，学者们重点关注了影响极化的决定因素或是从某些特定议题着手，如环境政策和美国外交政策，探讨了这些议题与极化之间的联系。然而，对于能源议题上的分歧，学者们则给予了较少的关注。实际上，美国能源政策曾经不是一个撕裂两党的政治议题，在能源政策主张上，它们更倾向于照顾所在州的发展利益。但自20世纪80年代以来，美国参议院两党开始就如何实现能源独立产生了分歧，双方展开了激烈的辩论。在拜登政府执政期间，两党在能源议题上的博弈形势不仅没有消散的迹象，反而愈演愈烈。从117届国会参议员环保评分、能源提案以及记名投票可以看出，在这一议题上政治精英之间的对峙十分明显。
那么美国参议员在能源议题上出现分歧的主要原因是什么呢？这就是本文的研究重心。本文将主要使用历史分析法，定性分析法和案例分析法来探讨政治极化与能源政策之间的关系。经过深入分析后，作者认为：为了维护个人利益以及党派利益，两党激烈交锋，在意识形态上也更加对立。在能源政策背后，涉及到了保守主义与自由主义之争。除了党派竞争和意识形态分歧外，关于如何保障能源安全所产生的不同见解和利益集团的不同诉求也使得两党的裂痕越来越大。经过一年多的谈判，国会两院通过的《2022年通胀缩减法案》，就是两党在能源政策上分歧的现实体现。
在可预见的将来，应对气候危机和能源价格的飙升，两党将继续在能源领域上展开激烈的竞争，分歧难以调和。通过分析美国参议员在能源政策上的分歧的主要原因，本文希望能够弥补关于能源政策政治极化方面的研究空白，并对两党的立场有更清晰的认识。
Abstract
Political polarization is one of the most prominent characteristics in American politics. As early as the 1970s, American researchers set about the study of this phenomenon. The last decades has witnessed the blooming of the research on it. Regarding the study of political polarization, scholars have focused on the determinants of it from a general perspective or on certain specific issues, such as environmental policies and American foreign policies. However, only a little attention has been given to the division over energy policy. In effect, energy policy used to be a nonpartisan issue in the USA. The stances between both parties were driven by their local interest instead of their party identity. But since 1980s, the two parties in U.S. Senate have fought ferociously for the most feasible means to achieve energy independence. During the Biden administration, the polarization of energy issues between both parties has no sign of diminishing but instead intensifying. Based on the environmental ratings of U.S. senators in the 117th Congress, their sponsorship in energy-related bills, and their roll-call votes, it is evident that the standoff between these political elites gets starker.
Then what are the major causes for the division between U.S. senators over energy issues? This is the core research question this thesis seeks to answer. This study will adopt such three main methods as historical analysis, qualitative analysis and case analysis to explore the relations between political polarization and energy policy. After a thorough analysis, the author argues that in order to protect their individual and partisan interest, the two parties compete intensely with each other and they move further apart ideologically. Behind energy policy, it involves the confrontation between conservatism and liberalism. Apart from party rivalry and ideological divergence, heated debates over how to increase energy security and different priorities of interest groups have led to greater contradictions between both parties. The Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, passed in both chambers in Congress after over a year of negotiations, is a realistic reflection of the opposing stances between both parties on energy policy.
In the foreseeable future, the two parties will continue to launch fierce competition with each other over energy policy in the face of the threat of climate change and soaring energy prices. By touching upon the main causes of U.S. senators’ division over energy policy, this thesis is expected to bridge the gap of research on political polarization over energy policy and provide a clearer understanding of the bipartisan stance on energy issues.
[3] 章饶
导师姓名：陈崛斌
中文题目：胁迫联邦主义和新联邦主义：特朗普政府时期加州和德州能源政策的比较案例研究
英文题目：Coercive Federalism and New Federalism: A Comparative Case Study of California and Texas Energy Policy During Trump Administration
摘要
作为世界第二大能源消费国和第二大能源生产国[1]，美国拥有最先进的能源工业和市场体系，其能源政策不仅在维护本国能源安全方面发挥着巨大作用，对世界能源市场和经济也影响深远。与此同时，美国能源政策制定不再仅限于传统的州内能源自给，而是愈来愈聚焦于能源与经济、环保和国家安全所构成的“能源政策”三角，该新型能源政策模式的联邦与地方施政范围不明，易引发分权矛盾，且能源政策本身涵盖的跨州运输和税收问题已涉及美国联邦权和州权的争锋焦点, 故需通过美国联邦制的视角来研究能源政策。美国联邦制主要探讨联邦权与州权的平衡，其核心问题是各州和联邦之间缺乏明确的权力划分。美国宪法中有关联邦权归属的列举未明确提及能源政策，这给美国联邦制在能源政策领域的适用模态留下争议空间。
学界普遍认为从美国建国之初至十九世纪末期，美国联邦制的发展经历了从二元联邦主义到合作联邦主义再到新联邦主义的历程。有学者认为二十世纪后美国联邦制重回合作联邦主义的运作方式，特朗普及其政府官员也表示，该政府的能源政策是通过合作联邦主义达成的。然而随着时代的发展，各州的能源利益逐渐多元化，在此背景下探讨州的能源政策考量和联邦与州的关系，有助于重新审视联邦制在能源政策领域的理论应用。
本文通过比较案例研究，探讨联邦制在特朗普政府时期能源政策领域是合作联邦主义，亦或呈现出其他样态及其影响因素。在美国50个州中，加利福尼亚州和德克萨斯州拥有庞大的能源生产和消费体量，且二者的能源政策考量与特朗普政府能源政策考量匹配度不同。从加州和德州的能源政策入手，对研究美国联邦制在能源治理中的作用具有重要意义。本文聚焦加州和德州，在结构主义联邦制理论框架下，通过梳理两州与能源有关的法案、行政规定、司法诉讼等政策内容，并将其与特朗普政府时期联邦能源政策对比来研究州与联邦的关系。研究结果发现，加州和德州针对特朗普政府时期联邦能源政策采取了不同的政策互动。因特朗普政府能源政策冲击了加州长期的亲环境偏好、需求方关切和技术驱动利益考量，加州政府对特朗普政府能源政策在加州的适用造成阻力，并遭遇来自特朗普政府的胁迫；而德州的亲资源偏好、供应方关切和市场驱动与特朗普政府的联邦能源政策相对一致，大体上与特朗普政府形成协作关系，但德州地方也采取了相应的补充性能源措施。解读两州与特朗普政府能源政策互动后，本文认为，与以往学者的观点及特朗普政府官员的自我主张不同，特朗普时期美国联邦主义在能源政策上的体现不是合作联邦主义，而在加州和德州这两个重要案例中，呈现了双重模态——胁迫联邦主义（以加州为例）和新联邦主义（以德州为例），具体取决于：1. 该州与联邦在能源构成和能源治理架构上的匹配度；2. 该州针对特朗普政府的能源政策是采取抵制还是协作的能源政策。本文提出，美国各项政策议题日趋多元和交互重叠，美国联邦制也相应地根据不同的政策考量因素而多重呈现，而非此前学者所定义的在某一时期内呈现出一致性的模态。
Abstract
As the second biggest energy-consuming and energy-producing country in the world[1], the United States has one of the most advanced energy industry. Accordingly, its energy policy is significant to maintaining U.S. energy security and the stability of global energy markets. Meanwhile, U.S. energy policy is no longer limited to the energy self-sufficiency within states, but with a sharper focus on the “energy policy goals” triangle of energy and economic development, environmental protection as well as national security. On the one hand, this new paradigm of energy policy, with its unclear scope of federal and local governance, is prone to conflicts over separation of powers between the federal government and state governments. On the other hand, the interstate transportation of energy and taxation issues covered by the energy policy itself have long been the focus of federal-state power battle in the U.S. Therefore, energy policy comes to the fore as a typical area to revisit federalism, considering its intertwined policy implications that refer to exclusive powers of the federal government and states. The U.S. federal system copes with power balance between the federal government and states. Its core issue is the lack of clear boundary delineating federal and state authority. The enumerated federal powers of the U.S. Constitution does not explicitly engage energy policy, leading to controversy over the form of U.S. federalism in the sphere of energy.
It is widely accepted that since the inception of the U.S., American federalism went through dual federalism to cooperative federalism, and then to new federalism. It is also argued that cooperative federalism returned in the 21st century. The Trump administration claimed that its energy policy are built around the framework of cooperative federalism. But a question mark hangs over such statements, considering the gradually diversified energy interests of states. In this context, exploring states’ energy policy considerations and federal-state relations helps discern the application of federalism in the area of energy policy.
Drawing inspirations from the theoretical framework of structural federalism, this thesis conducts a comparative case study to ascertain whether federalism regarding energy policy during the Trump administration is cooperative federalism, and which forms of federalism are demonstrated, owing to varied energy policy considerations of states. Among the 50 states in the U.S., California and Texas lead the nation in energy production and consumption and have energy policy considerations that match differently with those of the Trump administration, providing two cases to study energy federalism in the U.S. This thesis focuses on California and Texas to examine the federal-state relations by comparing the two states’ laws, regulations and litigation related to energy policies with the Trump administration’s energy policy, and their respective considerations. Research findings uncover that, California and Texas resort to different policy measures: California primarily builds up resistance given its long-term pro-environmental preferences, demand-side concerns and technical drive, and encounters coercion from the Trump administration; while Texas’s pro-resources preferences, supply-side concerns and market drive are comparatively consistent with the Trump administration’s energy policy, and Texas largely forms a collaborative relationship with the federal government, together with local complementary policies. After interpreting the federal-state relations, this thesis argues that, unlike the scholarly expectation and the Trump administration’s self-claim, the federal-state interaction in the field of energy policy during Trump’s presidency embodies no cooperative federalism, but, in the two cases of California and Texas, presents a dual mode -- coercive federalism (in the case of California) and new federalism (in the case of Texas). It depends on: 1. whether the state’s energy profile, governance structure and policy pattern are aligned with those of the Trump administration; 2. whether the state adopts resistant or collaborative energy policy in response to federal energy policy. This paper suggests that, in face of increasingly diverse and overlapping policy issues, U.S. federalism takes on multiple forms depending on different policy considerations, rather than presenting a consistent pattern over a period of time as previously defined by scholars.
[1] See https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/energy-consumption-by-country.
[3] 王利层
导师姓名：闫循华
中文题目：拜登政府时期的海外基建计划是否可以替代一带一路？全球基础设施与投资伙伴关系案例研究
英文题目：Are the Overseas Infrastructure Plans during the Biden administration an Alternative to China's BRI？a Case Study of PGII
摘要
基建领域目前成为大国的争夺焦点，而全球仍旧存在上万亿美元的基础设施建设缺口。拜登政府正是在这一背景之下，推出一系列海外基建政策，企图抓住机遇，包括重启蓝点网络计划，重建美好世界协议和全球基础设施与投资伙伴关系。拜登政府的海外基建计划被普遍看作是对中国一带一路的回应，试图对抗一带一路的全球影响力，但是其基建计划是否真的旨在替代一带一路，以及能否取代一带一路，目前还缺乏相关的研究。
本文采用案例研究法来回答以上两个研究问题。作者选取的案例是拜登政府于2022年6月发布的"全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系”（PGII）。通过分析该倡议不同的部门与一带一路的竞争或互补关系，作者得出第一个结论：PGII并非被美国用来完全取代一带一路的。一，在传统基建方面，美国并未打算与一带一路竞争，所以一带一路的传统基建对美国的基建计划来说起到互补的作用；二，在数字基建，新能源基建和健康基建这三个方面，二者是竞争关系，尤其是数字基建；三，在性别平等这个部门，美国的海外基建计划和中国的一带一路是互补关系。通过分析PGII面临的三个方面的挑战，作者得出第二个结论：即使二者存在竞争关系，PGII也很难取代一带一路，因为它面临三个方面的挑战。一，PGII存在机制缺陷，包括融资方式，宣扬民主价值观，模糊的实施细节，以及虽然宣传高质量标准，但事实证明与一带一路的质量差别不大； 二，PGII面临国际上的挑战，包括伙伴国的融资能力和不同侧重点，中低收入国家对美国和中国基建投资的态度； 三， PGII也面临来自美国国内的挑战，主要来自国会和2024年总统选举。
Abstract
The infrastructure sector, where there is a trillion-dollar global gap, is now the focus of competition among major powers. Against this backdrop, the Biden administration has launched a series of overseas infrastructure policies including the relaunch of the Blue Dot Network Initiative(BDN), Build Back Better Initiative(B3W) and Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment Initiative(PGII). These initiatives are widely seen as a counter to the global influence of the Belt and Road(BRI), but there is a lack of research on whether its infrastructure plans are truly intended to replace BRI and whether they are capable of replacing BRI.
This thesis adopts a case study approach to answer the above two research questions. I choose PGII, the most updated version of America's overseas infrastructure plan that was launched by the Biden administration in June 2022. By analyzing the competitive or complementary relationship between PGII and BRI, the author draws the first conclusion: PGII is not intended to be a complete alternative to BRI. First, the traditional infrastructure sector is not one of the four pillars of PGII , so in this regard, BRI plays a complementary role to PGII; second, in the digital infrastructure, new energy infrastructure, and health infrastructure sectors, the two are in competition, especially the digital infrastructure; third, in the gender equality sector, PGII serves as a complement of BRI. The authors reach a second conclusion through analyzing the challenges faced by PGII - even if the two have a competitive relationship, it is difficult to substitute BRI with PGII, because it is confronted with three challenges. One, PGII has inherent flaws that are hard to solve, including its financing model-Public-Private Partnerships, the promotion of democratic values, vague implementation details, and the fact that it has proven to be of little difference in quality from BRI despite its advertised high quality standards; Two, PGII faces international challenges, such as G7's financing capacity and their different priorities, the attitudes of low-and-middle-income countries toward U.S. and Chinese infrastructure investment; Three, PGII also faces pressure from U.S. domestic pressure, mainly from Congress and the 2024 presidential election.
[4] 李娇
导师姓名：闫循华
中文题目：美印海军合作的扩张——马拉巴尔演习案例研究
英文题目：The Expansion of US-India Naval Cooperation—A Case Study of the Malabar Exercise
摘要
这篇论文探究了马拉巴尔演习的复杂演变，这是一项涉及印度海军和外国海军之间的海军演习，从一项相对简单的双边标志性通行演习发展成为一项复杂的多边行动。研究调查了推动这种转变的因素，并揭示了美中战略竞争对印太地区的政治发展产生了重大影响。鉴于对中国影响力的担忧日益加剧，其他国家利用马拉巴尔演习来增强互操作性、加强合作并应对共同的安全挑战。为了更好地理解马拉巴尔演习的复杂性，本文提出了一个基于三个关键视角的理论框架：战略竞争、威胁感知和运用效益。通过对多年来的四个案例进行比较分析，本论文证明了成功参与多边马拉巴尔演习的原因包括增加合作、提高互操作性、降低成本以及关注共同的安全威胁等多个方面。研究得出结论，马拉巴尔演习将继续在塑造印太地区的政治发展中发挥关键作用，而本论文提供了有关其演变原因的有价值的洞察。
Abstract
This thesis delves into the intricate evolution of the Malabar Exercise, an event that involves naval exercises conducted between the Indian Navy and foreign navies, from a relatively simple bilateral token passage exercise to a complex multilateral undertaking. The research investigates the factors that have driven this transformation and reveals that the strategic competition between the United States and China has significantly influenced political developments in the Indo-Pacific region. Given the mounting concerns over China's influence in the area, other countries are utilizing the Malabar Exercise to bolster interoperability, enhance cooperation, and confront common security challenges. To better understand the complexity of the Malabar Exercise, this paper proposes a theoretical framework based on three key perspectives: strategic competition, threat perceptions, and operational benefits gained through modifications. Employing a comparative analysis of four cases throughout the years, this dissertation demonstrates that successful participation in the multilateral Malabar Exercise is attributable to various factors such as increased cooperation, better interoperability, lower costs, and a shared focus on common security threats. The study concludes that the Malabar Exercise will continue to play a crucial role in shaping political developments in the Indo-Pacific region, and this dissertation provides valuable insights into the underlying reasons for its evolution.
第四组：思想文化
[1] 娄庆
导师姓名：马丽媛
中文题目：重新评价孔飞力的《中国现代国家的起源》：是否为中国中心论？
英文题目：A Reevaluation of Philip A. Kuhn’s Origins of the Modern Chinese State: is it China-centered?
摘要
本文研究的重点是孔飞力如何阐释其中国近现代社会政治变迁的集大成之作《中国现代国家的起源》，以及他是否体现了中国中心论。本文通过文本分析《中国现代国家的起源》，总结出其现代中国国家观的特征为自我更新。他认为现代中国国家早在十八世纪中后期就已酝酿萌芽，内部因素是推动其形成的主要动力，外部因素虽然发挥一定作用，但相比内部力量，仅是次要因素。孔飞力尤其认为中国精英起到举足轻重的作用，其围绕现代国家“根本性议程”的讨论从帝制时期持续至今。同时，本文发现孔飞力在《中国现代国家的起源》一书的分析中，具体体现了中国中心论的其中三个特点：社会分层，多学科视角和内部取向，但没有涉及另一特点：空间划分。因此，本文得出结论，孔飞力在对《中国现代国家的起源》的研究中，体现了一定程度的中国中心论倾向。
接着本文进一步讨论，认为中国中心论不足以完全概括孔飞力对《中国现代国家的起源》的研究。孔飞力对外在因素，包括新粮食作物的引进促进人口增长、中国在鸦片战争之前就融入世界贸易体系，因银价波动而导致国内政治局势变动、精英改造西方概念应用于国内问题的探讨既不能归为中国中心论，也超越了西方中心论的藩篱。
Abstract
Philip A. Kuhn is a distinguished American historian specialized in Qing history and has been reputed as an important trailblazer like John King Fairbank in Chinese studies. Distinct from previous scholars of “impact-response”, “tradition-modernity” and imperialism mindsets, Kuhn is convinced that the motive power of Chinese society stems from internal forces, thereby tending to investigate the political evolution of China from within. Kuhn has been universally accepted as a CcA practitioner since Paul A. Cohen regarded him as a representative of this new pattern in Discovering history in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past. However, he has never admitted this claim publicly.
With Origins of the Modern Chinese State, the culmination of his decades’ probing into late imperial and twentieth-century China as the primary source, this thesis explores what characterizes his view of modern Chinese state and whether he is a CcA scholar in this book. Through a textual analysis of Origins, this thesis finds self-renewal features his inquiry into the modern Chinese state. Kuhn contends that the empire in eighteenth century had already paved the way for a modern state. Forces indigenous to the society, notably the Chinese elites were the major prime mover, while external forces only played a minor part in this process. Meanwhile, the thesis argues that out of the four CcA features, Kuhn’s research fits three of them: stratification, interdisciplinarity and and internal measure. Therefore, the thesis concludes that Kuhn is a partly CcA scholar in Origins.
Further, this thesis argues that CcA fails to cover Kuhn’s discussion of external forces which has played a part in constituting a modern Chinese state. In addition, his method has to some extent transcended both West-centered paradigms and CcA.
[2] 梁璇
导师姓名：伊蕊
中文题目：玛丽·达莉神学视域下的女性主义思想研究
英文题目：A Study on Mary Daly’s Feminist Thoughts in the Context of Christianity
摘要
玛丽·达莉是美国的神学家和女性主义思想家，同时也是第二波女性主义运动的领军人物之一，她对女性主义神学思想的发展有着举足轻重的作用。基于对其主要著作《超越父神》的文本分析，本文旨在探讨玛丽·达莉神学视域下的女性主义思想，以及她如何通过汲取和融合存在主义哲学来丰富完善自己的女性主义思想。
本文研究发现，玛丽·达莉的女性主义思想观的建构主要分为两大步骤。首先，她从女性主义出发并以存在主义为视角对基督教人物形象包括夏娃、圣母玛丽亚、耶稣和上帝及相关基督教神话故事和教义进行了解构，她揭示了男权社会和传统神学思想家对它们的曲解和利用，使其成为男权社会压迫女性的工具。以存在主义为视角，她认为这其中暗含了男权意识形态中最核心的“自我”与“他者”的二元对立问题。与此同时，她又从女性主义视角对这些人物形象和故事进行了重构。她利用存在主义观点重新定义了人与上帝的关系，认为人类可以通过“个人实现”来完成自身同上帝的连接，这个过程需要个人的积极参与，但与性别无关，由此将基督教神学变成了支持女性平等、独立和解放的有力武器。其次，她思想的独特性在于其对存在主义思想的汲取与融合，她认为女性在男权社会的被边缘化恰恰提示了人类意识中暗含的存在主义危机，同时她将女性的“自我超越”定义为朝向雌雄同体的自我完善和圆满过程，而实现“自我超越”的途径在于“自我实践”，并借此将女性主义运动拓展到全人类意识解放的范畴。
Abstract
Mary Daly, an American theologian and feminist thinker, is also one of the leading figures in the second-wave feminist movement and plays an important role in the development of feminist theology. Based on the textual analysis of her book Beyond God the Father, this thesis aims to explore Mary Daly's feminist thoughts in the context of Christianity, especially her absorption of existentialism in enriching her theory.
In this thesis, it is found that the construction of Mary Daly's feminist thoughts can mainly be divided into two parts. Firstly, she deconstructs and reconstructs Christian images of Eve, Mary, Jesus and God and also the related mythological stories and doctrines from the perspective of feminism with the tool of existentialism. She reveals that the misinterpretation and manipulation of them by the patriarchal society and traditional theological thinkers have turned them into tools of patriarchal oppression on women. From existentialist perspective, she proves that they reveal the dichotomy between “self” and “the other” as the core of patriarchal ideology. Meanwhile she reinterprets them from feminist perspective. Most importantly, by absorbing existentialist ideas, she redefines the relationship between human beings and God who they can approach in the gender-neutral process of personal realization in which all human beings no matter male or female actively participate, which transforms God into a powerful weapon to support women's equality, independence and liberation. Secondly, the uniqueness of her thoughts lies in her absorption of existentialism as she suggests that the marginalization of women in the male-dominated society precisely indicates the existential crisis implied in human consciousness. Meanwhile she defines women’s "self-transcendence" as the process of human integrity and transformation towards androgyny, and the way of self-transcendence is “be-ing”, thus extending the feminist movement to the category of consciousness liberation for humanity.
[3] 吴泓民
导师姓名：罗鸣
中文题目：探索天后崇拜：中国男同志如何通过酷儿阅读和坎普解读美国天后
英文题目：Exploring Diva Worship: How Chinese Gay Men Interpret American Female Divas through the Lens of Queer Reading and Camp
摘要
“天后崇拜”是一种在全球同性恋社群中盛行多年的现象。先前的研究主要聚焦于美国和西方的男同志，本论文旨在探究中国男同志对美国天后的崇拜现象。本研究旨在调查中国男同志对美国天后崇拜的动机，探索中国男同志赋予这些天后的意义，以更好地理解中国男同群体中”天后崇拜”的现象。本论文通过酷儿阅读和坎普的角度探讨中国男同志如何解读美国天后，同时应用性别表演理论以深入了解中国男同志对美国天后的解读与身份认同之间的联系。此外，本文还运用想象世界和集体符号想象这一概念，探讨天后崇拜对中国男同志作为一个群体的意义。
本研究选择了 20 名崇拜美国天后的中国男同志进行深度访谈。本研究采用主题分析法对数据进行分析，得出六个主题。本文指出中国男同天后崇拜背后的动机包括三点：父权社会中的共鸣与共同斗争；为美国天后坎普特质所吸引；与美国天后相同的价值观。另外三个主题则探究中国男同性恋赋予美国天后的意义，包括完成身份认同和自我接纳、通过天后崇拜获取社群感、美国天后作为模范对中国同志产生的影响。
与现有研究相似的是，本文关注美国天后对同性恋者身份认同的重要影响。但本研究认为其影响不仅仅局限于身份认同，还包括帮助男同获取社群感以及作为模范对男同产生重大影响。此外，研究发现，中国男同崇拜天后的动机和意义与以往研究有所不同，本研究指出鉴于中国保守的社会环境和文化因素，中国男同对美国天后的酷儿解读反映出他们的独特经历，并且他们比美国男同更依赖美国天后来与同性恋社区连结。
Abstract
Diva worship has been a prevalent phenomenon among gay communities worldwide for many years. Previous studies on diva worship have predominantly focused on American and Western gay men. This thesis seeks to explore the phenomenon of diva worship among Chinese gay men in a Chinese context. The purpose of this research is to investigate the motivations behind the American female diva worship of Chinese gay men and explore the meanings that Chinese gay men attribute to these divas, in order to better understand the phenomenon of diva worship among gay men in a Chinese context. Through the lens of queer reading and camp, this thesis examined how Chinese gay men interpret American female divas. The theory of gender performativity was employed to gain insights into the connection between Chinese gay men’s perception of American female divas and their identification. Furthermore, inspired by the concepts of imagined worlds and collective symbolic imagination, the thesis explored the meanings of diva worship for Chinese gay men as a group.
The study has conducted 20 semi-structured interviews. Thematic analysis was used to analyze the data collected, resulting in six themes. Three of these themes address the motivations behind American diva worship among Chinese gay men, including shared struggles and identification with American female divas, appreciation of American female divas’ camp aesthetics, and identical values between divas and gay men. The other three themes contribute to the meanings that Chinese gay men assign to American female divas, including fulfilling sexuality and self-acceptance, forming a sense of community through diva worship, and viewing American female divas as role models.
Expanding upon the existing body of research, this study reinforces the notion that American female divas hold significant sway over the sexual identity of gay men. However, the researcher contends that their influence extends beyond sexuality to encompass the formation of a sense of community and as role models whose actions impact important life choices. Furthermore, the findings suggest that diva worship among Chinese gay men results in different motivations and meanings that differ from previous studies. Specifically, Chinese gay men interpret American female divas in a way that reflects their unique experiences and perspectives in a conservative society, and they rely more on American female divas than their American counterparts to connect with a gay community.
[4] 彭康妮
导师姓名：王镇平
中文题目：从王颖华裔家庭三部曲探究其对华裔身份的定位与再定位
英文题目：Wayne Wang’s Quest for the Positioning and Repositioning of the Chinese American Identity through his Family Trilogy
摘要
在好莱坞早期，华裔美国人经常受限于负面或刻板印象的描绘，这不仅强化了华裔群体边缘化的社会地位，也导致他们往往陷入文化认同上的困境。然而，随着亚裔美国电影在1960年代末的兴起，华裔影人积极寻求银幕上的自我呈现，不断挑战好莱坞对华裔美国人的主导性刻画。作为最早一批华裔导演，王颖致力于探索华裔经历，尤其热衷于华裔家庭故事。在《吃一碗茶》（1989），《喜福会》（1993），《千年敬祈》（2007）中，他深入刻画了处于不同时期的华裔群体，不仅考察华裔在美国主流社会中的定位，也着眼于华裔家庭内部存在的代际差异。然而，就目前学术界对其“华裔家庭三部曲”的研究来看，尽管不少聚焦到身份问题，却鲜有系统探讨三部电影中华裔形象的变化，以及这些变化所体现出的王颖在身份构建上的思想演变。斯图尔特·霍尔认为，文化身份并非一种本质而是在历史和文化话语中形成的不固定的认同点，即，一种定位。因此，本文在以往文献回答“王颖塑造了怎样的文化身份”的基础上，借用霍尔对文化身份中“三种在场”的探讨，更进一步探究王颖在其不同作品中怎样对华裔身份进行定位与再定位——他如何描述其华裔角色与作为“想象的家园”的中国在场，作为权力主导的美国在场，以及两种文化汇合碰撞的新世界在场的关系。
通过对王颖三部华裔家庭电影的比较分析，本文发现其所刻画的三种在场都处于不断的转化和演变中，也即意味着其所组成的华裔身份是不断变化的。首先，“中国”在华裔身份中总体呈现从中心到边缘的趋势。具体而言，王颖从《吃一碗茶》中刻画华盖和宾雷父子对中国宗族传统的继承与依赖，到《喜福会》中描写母亲对过往的留恋以及女儿通过母亲的认同寻找种族自我，到《千年敬祈》表现女儿宜兰对父亲带来的中国元素的既熟悉又抗拒，这些华人角色与中国在场呈现出一种“渐离”的关系。其次，“美国”作为权力的主导既排斥又强加其价值给华人，却在他们追求融入的长期愿景下被不断靠近。王颖先是描绘了早期移民被政治边缘化的集体经历，到《喜福会》中揭示华裔家庭两代人主动或被动地成为美国主流社会的“他者”，再到第三部电影将融入美国刻画为新一代移民主动且有条件的选择，这些华裔角色与美国在场总体处于不断的“渐近”。最后，关于新世界在场，王颖首先描述了华裔如何挣扎在两种文化夹缝中无以为家，随后呈现不同文化选择下两代人如何从对抗走向和解，再到展现人物身上多元文化的交融。这些变化实际上是中美文化从不相兼容到碰撞到无限趋近于混杂的过程，也即意味着华裔角色越来越能适应新世界，越来越认同自己在新世界中的流散身份。王颖在其三部电影中对这些在场的每一次构建都反映着他对现实的观察、再现和艺术创造，也正顺应着现代族裔电影的使命：“允许我们观看和辨别我们自身的不同组成部分和历史，构建我们在回顾中称之为“文化身份”的那些认同点、那些位置”。
Abstract
In the early years of Hollywood, Chinese Americans were often portrayed in a negative or stereotypical manner, reinforcing their status as perpetual foreigners and leading to difficulties in their cultural identity. However, with the rise of Asian American cinema in the late 1960s, it began to challenge Hollywood’s hegemonic representation of Chinese Americans and seek self-representation on screen actively. As one of the earliest Chinese American filmmakers, Wayne Wang is committed to exploring Chinese American experience, with a particular passion for Chinese American family stories. In Eat a Bowl of Tea (1989), The Joy Luck Club (1993), and A Thousand Years of Good Prayers (2007), he provides an in-depth portrait of the Chinese community at different times, examining not only the positioning of Chinese Americans in mainstream American society, but also the intergenerational differences that exist within Chinese American families. However, existing literature pertinent to this “Chinese family trilogy” is limited in number and weak in succession, and although much of it focuses on identity issues, it hardly delves into the evolution of Wang’s philosophy on identity construction as reflected in the changing images of Chinese Americans in the three films. In fact, Stuart Hall argues that cultural identity is not an essence but an unstable point of identification, i.e., a positioning, made within the discourses of history and culture. Therefore, while previous literature mainly answer the question “What kind of cultural identity has Wayne Wang constructed?”, this paper draws on Hall’s concept of Three Presences in cultural identity to further explore how Wang positions and repositions Chinese American identity in his various works — how he describes his Chinese American characters in relation to the Chinese presence as an “imagined home,” the American presence as a dominant power, and the New World presence as a confluence of different cultures.
Through a comparative analysis of Wayne Wang’s three Chinese American films, this thesis finds that the three presences he portrays are in a constant state of transformation and evolution, which means his positioning of Chinese American identity is constantly changed. First, Chinese presence shows a overall tendency to move from the center to the periphery. Specifically, as Wang moves from portraying the inheritance and dependence of Wah Gay and Ben Loy on Chinese clan traditions in Eat a Bowl of Tea, to depicting the mothers’ attachment to the past and the daughters’ search for their ethnic self in The Joy Luck Club, and to showing Yilan’s both familiarity with and resistance to the Chinese elements brought by her father Mr. Shi in A Thousand Years of Good Prayers, his characters are overall getting estranged from Chinese presence. Second, “America” in the role of the dominant has both excluded and imposed on Chinese Americans, but in Wang’s positioning is being constantly approached under their long-term aspiration for integration. In Wang’s portrayal, he moves from depicting the collective experience of political marginalization of early immigrants, to reveal in The Joy Luck Club that two generations of Chinese families have actively or passively become the “other” in mainstream American society, and in the third film, integration into America is not portrayed as a difficulty but as an active and conditional choice of the new generation of immigrants. Third, regarding New World presence, Wang first describes how Wah Gay and Ben Loy face serious existential crisis as they are caught between two cultures, and then present the clash of two cultures, where Chinese mothers and their American daughters move from conflicts to mutual understanding, and finally he shows the fusion of multiple cultures in Yilan and her father Mr. Shi. These transformations are actually the process of Chinese and American cultures moving from incompatibility to collision to infinite tendency to hybridity, which means that his Chinese American characters are more and more adapting to the new world and meanwhile, increasingly identify with their diaspora identity. In each of his three films, Wang’s construction of these presences reflects his observation, representation and artistic reproduction of reality, and is in line with the mission of modern ethnic cinema: “by allowing us to see and recognise the different parts and histories of ourselves, to construct those points of identification, those positionalities we call in retrospect our ‘cultural identities’” (Hall 237).
