2024年春季学期美国研究中心硕士论文摘要

第一组：美国国内政治

[1] 张大为

导师姓名：李期铿

中文题目：1993-2022年日裔美国国会议员涉华立法行为研究

英文题目：A Study on Japanese-American Congresspersons’ Legislative Actions on China-related Issues from 1993 to 2022

摘要

近年来，随着中国崛起，美国国内政界反华成为民主共和两党少有的共识。在美国行政领域，美国第45任总统唐纳德·特朗普开启的对华加收关税的“贸易战”在第46任总统拜登政府并没有停止。美国最高立法机构美国国会也频繁提出并通过一系列反华法案，包括但不限于《2019年维吾尔人权政策法案》、《2019香港人权与民主法案》等法案。

作为世界上最重要的双边关系之一，构建合作共赢的中美关系对于中美两国和世界都至关重要。美国国会通过参众两院议员提出涉华法案并进行投票表决的形式影响着中美双边关系，因此对美国国会议员的涉华法案立法行为（包括法案的发起人、共同发起人以及投票记录）进行研究并探究影响其对特定涉华议题态度的因素有助于探究如何从国会议员层面打开与美国国会进行沟通交流的机会之窗。然而鉴于每届美国国会议员人数过多（众议员435人，参议院100人，总计535人），对每位议员的涉华法案立法行为进行研究对于硕士论文来说并不现实，因此本文选择1993-2022年11位日裔美国国会议员（其中2名参议员, 9名众议员，均为民主党，广野庆子在不同时期分别担任众议员与参议员）作为研究对象，基于相关立法行为研究他们对于不同涉华议题的态度。

文本运用定量分析研究方法对11位日裔国会议员的立法数据进行统计，包括其发起和共同发起的涉华法案以及对涉华法案的投票记录，从而分析他们在经贸、人权、港台、藏疆以及军事五个重要涉华议题方面的立场。此外，本文更进一步，将日裔议员涉华法案的投票记录与民主党议员以及同期华裔议员的投票记录进行对比，分析日裔议员在不同涉华议题上与民主党以及华裔议员的态度异同。根据上述分析，本文得出以下几点结论：（1）第107届国会（2001年）之前，日裔美国国会议员对中美贸易关系的态度相对积极，比华裔美国国会议员更为积极；（2）2001年之后，日裔美国国会议员对中美贸易关系的态度转为消极，与整个美国国会对中美贸易关系的消极立场一致；（3）1993至2022年，日裔美国国会议员在其他与中国有关的问题上，如人权问题、台湾和香港、新疆和西藏等问题上，与整个民主党保持一致的消极态度。

最后，本文以理性选择制度主义为理论框架讨论了可能影响11位日裔议员涉华议题态度的因素，主要包括以下三方面：（1）个人因素，主要包括日裔议员的意识形态以及党派忠诚；（2）选区利益，聚焦于日裔议员的选区与中国的经贸往来情况；（3）制度因素，包括日裔议员是否加入了针对中国的国会委员会或核心小组，以及美国国会整体的对华态度。

关键词：日裔美国国会议员，对华态度，涉华立法行为，理性选择制度主义

Abstract

In recent years, with the rise of China, the anti-China trend in the U.S. political arena has become a rare consensus between the Democratic and Republican parties. The "trade war" against China started by Donald Trump did not end in Biden's administration. The U.S. Congress, the highest legislative body in the U.S., has also frequently proposed and passed a series of anti-China bills, including but not limited to the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act of 2019 and the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019.

As one of the most important bilateral relationships in the world, building a cooperative and win-win China-U.S. relationship is crucial. The U.S. Congress influences China-U.S. bilateral relations through the introduction and voting of China-related bills by members of the House of Representatives and the Senate. Therefore, studying U.S. Congress members’ legislative behavior on China-related bills (including bill sponsorship, co-sponsorship, and voting records) and exploring the factors affecting their attitudes toward specific China-related issues can contribute to communication with the U.S. Congress. However, given the large number of members in each U.S. Congress (435 in the House of Representatives and 100 in the Senate, for a total of 535 members), it is impractical for a master's thesis to study the legislative behaviors of each member of the U.S. Congress on China-related bills. Therefore, this paper selects 11 Japanese-American Congresspersons from 1993 to 2022 (2 senators, 9 representatives, all of them Democrats, and Mazie Hirono served as a representative and senator respectively in times) to analyze their attitudes towards different China-related issues based on the relevant legislative behaviors.

The paper uses quantitative analysis to analyze the legislative data of the 11 Japanese-American Congresspersons, including China-related bills they sponsored and co-sponsored and their voting records on China-related bills, analyzing their attitudes on five important China-related issues: economic and trade, human rights, Hong Kong and Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang, and military issue. In addition, this paper further compares the voting records of Japanese legislators on China-related bills with those of Democratic legislators and Chinese-American legislators, so as to compare the similarities and differences in the attitudes of Japanese legislators on different China-related issues with those of the Democratic Party and Chinese-American legislators. This paper draws the following conclusions: (1) before the 107th Congress (2001), Japanese-American Congresspersons held a relatively positive attitude toward U.S.-China trade relations, more positive than that of Chinese-American Congresspersons; (2) after 2001, Japanese-American Congresspersons' attitudes toward U.S.-China trade relations turned negative, which was in line with the negative stance of the entire U.S. Congress toward U.S.-China trade relations; (3) from 1993 to 2022, Japanese-American Congresspersons maintained a negative attitude consistent with the entire Democratic Party on other China-related issues, such as human rights, Taiwan and Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Tibet issues.

Lastly, this paper uses Rational Choice Institutionalism theory as a theoretical framework to discuss the factors that may have influenced the attitudes of the 11 Japanese-American legislators on China-related issues, including the following three aspects: (1) personal factors, including Japanese-American Congresspersons’ ideology as well as their party loyalty to the Democratic Party; (2) constituency interests, focusing on the economic and trade relations between the Japanese-American legislators' constituencies and China; (3) institutional factors, which include whether or not Japanese-American legislators have joined the China-targeted congressional committees or caucuses, and the overall attitude of the U.S. Congress toward China.

Keywords: Japanese American Congresspersons, attitudes toward China, China-related legislative behavior, rational choice institutionalism

[2] 黄小洋

导师姓名：陈崛斌

中文题目：泛族裔的迷思：美国加利福尼亚州议会亚裔议员议会提案分析

英文题目：The Myth of Pan-Ethnicity: An Analysis of Asian American Legislators’ Bill Sponsorship in the California State Legislature

摘要

作为美国增长最快的少数群体，亚裔美国人内部具有族裔及文化多样性的特点。初到美国时，来自不同国家的亚裔都面临着相似的经济边缘化、种族化和压迫。正是在这些共同的经历中，这些最初各自独立的族裔群体决定一起动员起来，建立泛族裔团结。后来，亚裔美国人的泛族裔意识开始从政治抗议延伸到选举参与，试图获得更大的社会政治和经济影响力。泛族裔理论的运用也逐渐从非裔和拉美裔延伸到亚裔这个群体上。泛族裔理论指出，少数族裔会自发地团结起来，共同推进与群体有关的政治或经济利益。尽管有关亚裔美国人泛族裔意识的形成和单一族裔群体政治行为的研究比比皆是，但针对亚裔议员，尤其是州立法机构中的亚裔美国人的泛族裔政治行为却是一个很少被探究的主题。因此，本文从泛族裔理论的角度切入，研究加利福尼亚州议会中的亚裔立法者是否努力推进泛族裔利益，尝试加深对亚裔美国人泛族裔性及其在州立法机构中作用的理解。

由于研究亚裔美国人立法者的泛族裔政治活动意义重大，本论文拟对加州立法机构中亚裔美国人立法者的法案赞助情况进行研究，以了解立法者在多大程度上推进了泛族裔利益。为此，本研究首先从历史角度回顾了有关亚裔美国人的共同经历、亚裔美国人泛族裔性的形成和美国政体中的泛族裔行为的现有文献，提出了研究空白和研究问题。相关研究表明，在美国前任总统特朗普在任期间，尤其是新型冠状肺炎爆发期间，亚裔美国人展现出了更强烈的泛族裔意识，因此，本研究分析了三个立法会议（从2017年到2022年）期间成功的法案提案情况。在此基础上，本文综合了五个亚裔民意调查的结果，得出亚裔美国人最关注的领域为经济和医疗保健，并进一步比较了亚裔议员提案与亚裔美国人在这两个方面的政策重点。在此过程中，本研究发现，尽管亚裔美国人议员的法案赞助支持了他们的一些泛族裔利益，但最重要的利益往往被遗漏。这一发现意味着，亚裔美国人议员的立法重点并不总是泛族裔的，他们更关注自己的立法责任，有时也关注促进阶级利益的问题。

本研究在两个方面对现有学术研究做出了贡献。首先，本研究利用定量方法和文本分析深入研究美国州立法机构层面的议会提案情况，实证检验了亚裔美国人州议员与泛族裔利益之间的关系，提供了更详细的见解。其次，本研究通过检验亚裔美国人泛族裔在立法过程中的有效性，丰富了当前对亚裔美国人泛族裔性的理解。

关键词：亚裔美国人；泛族裔；州议会研究；议会提案

Abstract

As the fastest growing minority group in the United States, Asian Americans are also characterized by its internal diversity. When Asians first set foot on America, though coming from different countries, they were confronted with similar economic marginalization, racialization and oppression. It was in these shared experiences that these previously separated ethnic groups decided to mobilize together, building panethnic solidarity. Such alliances and successful mobilization help build up a panethnic political consciousness of Asian Americans. Later, Asian Americans’ panethnic consciousness start to extend from political protest to electoral participation, attempting to gain larger sociopolitical and economic leverage. Though studies on Asian American panethnic consciousness and single-ethnic groups’ political behavior abound, panethnic political behavior, particularly in state legislatures, of Asian American elected officials is a theme rarely probed into. Therefore, studies on whether Asian American legislators strive to advance panethnic interests can enrich understandings of Asian American panethnicity and its role in state legislatures.

Due to the significance of researching panethnic political activity of Asian American legislators, this thesis intends to examine the bill sponsorship of Asian American legislators in California state legislature to understand to what extent do legislators advance panethnic interests. To this end, this study first reviews existing literature on Asian Americans’ shared experience from a historical perspective, the formation of Asian American panethnicity and panethnic behavior in American politics, which raises research gaps and research questions. Relevant research suggests that Asian Americans demonstrate a stronger sense of panethnicity during the presidency of Donald Trump, especially during the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Therefore, this study analyzes successful bill sponsorship during three legislative sessions (from 2017 to 2022). Then, this study synthesizes the results of five opinion polls to conclude that issues of greatest significance for Asian Americans are economy and healthcare and further compares legislators’ bill objectives and Asian Americans’ policy priorities in these two aspects. In doing so, this study finds that, though Asian American legislators support some of their panethnic interests through bill sponsorship, the most important ones are often left out. This finding implies that the legislative priorities of Asian American legislators are not always a panethnic one, and they focus more on their legislative responsibilities or sometimes issues advancing class interests.

This study contributes to existing scholarship in two ways. Firstly, by delving into state-level politics using both quantitative method and textual analysis, this study empirically examines the relationship between Asian American state legislators and panethnic interests, providing a more detailed insight. Secondly, this study enriches current understanding of Asian American panethnicity by testing its effectiveness in the legislative process.

Key words: Asian American, panethnicity, state legislature, bill sponsorship

[3] 石雨佳

导师姓名：张春波

中文题目：美国地方选举中的妥协话语分析：以2022年堪萨斯州州长劳拉·凯利的选举为例

英文题目：Approaching the Discourse on Compromise in U.S. Local Elections: A Case Study of Kansas Governor Laura Kelly’s 2022 Gubernatorial Election

摘要

在2022年的州长选举中，堪萨斯州州长劳拉·凯利将跨党派妥协作为其核心选举策略。本论文深入探讨了凯利州长的竞选活动，重点研究了她在美国政治分化环境中的政治沟通策略以及妥协话语的构建。在美国国家政治日益两极分化的背景下，意识形态的差异加剧了党派性，本研究探讨了凯利如何在地方层面上通过政治话语构建“妥协”的概念，从而在多元选民中聚集支持。论文结合批判话语分析（CDA）和多重政策流框架（MSF），分析了凯利在经济、教育、公共卫生和敏感争议性话题等关键议题上的叙述。

通过分析其竞选期间涉及的主要议题，包括经济、公共健康、教育和敏感话题，本研究发现，凯利的话语策略融合了针对性的议题框架、去政治化，并以选民的经济、福利为重点。她对诸如堕胎和移民等敏感话题的处理，展现了在满足选民关切和维持广泛吸引力之间的微妙平衡。研究揭示了凯利的话语策略如何超越即时政策问题，涵盖更广泛的社会经济和文化维度，从而促进政治团结。

本论文对于理解州级选举中的政治传播策略和政治妥协的构建提供了贡献。本论文不仅揭示了选举活动中利益共同体的动态集合过程，同时洞察了话语在塑造公众舆论和政策倾向中所扮演的关键角色。研究结果对政治行为者和传播者具有启示，表明细致入微且灵活适应环境的话语策略能够有效弥合不同利益群体和意识形态之间的分歧，进而促进政治共识的形成。

关键词：政治传播、妥协话语、话语策略、州长竞选、凯利、政治极化

Abstract

Kansas Governor Laura Kelly made cross-party compromise the central message during 2022 gubernatorial election. This thesis delves into Governor Kelly’s gubernatorial campaign, focusing on her political communication strategies and the construction of compromise within the polarized political environment of the United States. Amidst growing national political polarization, where ideological divisions intensify partisanship, this study delves into how Kelly managed to bridge divides at a local level..

By analyzing various issues addressed during her campaign, including the economy, public health, education, and sensitive topics, this study investigates how Kelly utilized diverse discursive tactics to foster a discourse of compromise. The research reveals her adept ability to balance emphasizing economic welfare and social progress with depoliticizing sensitive issues. It highlights the role of strategic framing, issue re-framing, and de-politicization in building political solidarity, particularly within the unique context of Kansas.

The findings suggest Kelly’s approach was instrumental in navigating complex political landscapes and voter sentiments, contributing to her electoral success. This study provides insights into the interplay between discourse strategy and political solidarity in local American politics, offering implications for future research in political communication and governance. And it illuminates the critical role of discourse strategies in overcoming political polarization, contributing valuable insights into the dynamics of political communication and governance at the local level in the United States.

Key Words: Political Communication, Discourse of Compromise, Discursive Strategy; Gubernatorial Campaign; Laura Kelly; Political Polarization

[4] 郑琪

导师姓名：付美榕

中文题目：美国总统社会出身的变迁与延续：基于布迪厄资本理论的视角

英文题目：Changes and Continuities of the Social Origins of American Presidents: A Perspective of Bourdieu’s Theory of Capital

摘要

美国一直以来被称为“机会之地”，美国人认为通过才华和努力能够使自己实现阶级跃升的美国梦，但当美国人发现自己一直陷入出生时的环境中难以实现阶级跃升，美国梦就变成了幻灭。富人和穷人之间日益扩大的贫富差距和阶级固化也证明了美国梦的幻灭。然而有调查发现仍有部分美国人相信美国梦，他们认为阶级跃升的美国梦是可以实现的。部分美国人成功实现美国梦的案例为美国人带来了希望，并激发了他们对自身实现美国梦的期待。美国总统中也有人实现了从草根到美国总统的完美逆袭，其中林肯总统就被看作是美国梦的最佳案例。然而，在评估美国总统是否真正实现了他们所追求的美国梦时，媒体往往只倾向于关注其经济资本而忽视其他形式的资本所起到的重要作用。考虑到不同的资本在实现美国梦的过程中所起的作用，美国总统的社会背景需要被进一步探索，以便更全面地了解美国总统所拥有的各类资本在实现美国梦过程中的作用。本研究通过历史分析法和文献研究方法系统梳理和分析了 45 位美国总统的社会 背景分析了总统拥有资本的情况在不同时期的变化和延续。本研究以布迪厄的资本理论为框架，将总统的社会出身划分为经济资本、文化资本以及社会资本三个维度进行分析。其中总统的经济资本体现在父母的财力，文化资本体现在父母的教育水平、总统的教育水平以及家庭为总统的教育提供的各种支持，而社会资本指的是父母在政治场域中能够积累的社会关系和人脉。在研究美国总统的美国梦时，美国梦被定义为“从草根到总统”的跨越。研究发现，虽然每位总统获得资本支持的力度不同，但有42位总统至少拥有一种形式的资本支持。只有三位总统——安德鲁·杰克逊、亚伯拉罕·林肯和安德鲁·约翰逊在成为总统的过程中没有从家庭中获得任何形式的资本支持。因此，这三位总统可以视为在真正意义上实现了从草根到总统的美国梦。在不同历史时期，美国总统的社会出身也存在差异，而他们社会出身的变化与延续与很多因素相关。在经济资本上，早期的殖民地经济、内战后的经济繁荣、经济大萧条、社会贫富差距变大等社会背景都对总统的不同的经济资本情况起着作用；父母的经济水平、父母的榜样力量和大学录取制度等能够解释美国总统在文化资本上的变化和延续；而美国总统的社会资本的变化与延续则与美国社会和政治结构密切相关。本研究还发现不同类型的资本之间存在相互转化的关系，即一种资本在特定情况下可以转化为另一种资本。比如，父母提供的经济资本可以以教育投资的形式转换为文化资本，经济资本的充分发挥有助于促进人们积极参与政治活动，从而转化为社会资本。与此同时，本研究发现美国媒体对美国总统的美国梦的宣传往往只关注一种形式的资本，在谈及美国梦和阶级流动时，布迪厄的文化资本、经济资本和社会资本都应该被考虑到。

关键词：社会出身，美国总统，布迪厄的资本理论，美国梦

Abstract

The United States has always been known as the “land of opportunity”, where Americans believe that one can achieve upward mobility through talent and hard work, thus realizing the American dream. However, when Americans find themselves trapped in the circumstances they were born into and unable to achieve upward mobility, the American dream becomes a disillusionment. The shattered American dream of upward mobility is evidenced by the ever-widening gap between the affluent and the underprivileged. However, surveys indicate that there are still Americans who maintain faith in the attainability of the American dream. The instances of individuals achieving the American dream continue to instill hope among Americans regarding their aspirations for realizing the American dream. In the United States, there have also been presidents who achieved a remarkable journey “from rags to riches”. Among them, President Lincoln is regarded as the prime example of the American dream. However, when evaluating whether the US presidents have truly achieved their American dream, the media tends to focus only on their economic capital while overlooking the significant role played by other forms of capital. Considering the role played by different forms of capital in achieving the American dream, further exploration is needed into the social origins of US presidents to gain a more comprehensive understanding of how various types of capital contribute to the realization of the American dream. This study examines the social origins of 45 American presidents systematically through historical analysis and document analysis and analyzes the changes and continuities in their social origins. In this study, employing Bourdieu’s theory of capital as a conceptual framework, the social origins of presidents are categorized into three dimensions: economic capital, cultural capital, and social capital. The presidents’ economic capital is manifested through their parents’ financial resources, while cultural capital encompasses parental educational attainment, the presidents’ level of education, and the family’s support for their educational pursuits. Social capital refers to the social relationships and networks that parents can accumulate in the political field. In the examination of the American dream of U.S. Presidents, it is characterized as a transition from grassroots origins to attaining the presidency. This study has revealed that, despite variations in the level of capital support among presidents, 42 presidents owned at least one form of capital. Out of all the 45 presidents, only three - Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, and Andrew Johnson - did not inherit any form of capital from their families during their journey to the presidency. Therefore, these three presidents can be seen as truly achieving the American dream, ascending from grassroots to presidency. In different historical periods, the social origins of various presidents also varied. The changes and continuities in the social origins of American presidents were influenced by many factors. The economic capital of the presidents was shaped by various societal contexts such as the early colonial economy, post-Civil War economic prosperity, the Great Depression, and the widening wealth disparity. The changes and continuities of presidents’ cultural capital could be attributed to factors like parental financial circumstances, the influential power of parental role models, and prevailing university admission systems. Furthermore, changes and continuities in social capital among presidents were intricately linked to the United States’ social and political structure. This study also found that one type of capital could be converted into another under specific circumstances. For example, economic capital provided by parents could be converted into cultural capital through educational investments. The full utilization of economic capital helped promote active participation in political activities, thereby converting into social capital. Meanwhile, this study revealed that the American media’s propagation of the American dream tended to predominantly emphasize a singular form of capital. When discussing the American dream and social mobility, it was necessary to consider Bourdieu’s theoretical framework encompassing cultural capital, economic capital, and social capital.

Keywords: Social Origin, American President, Bourdieu’s Theory of Capital, American Dream

第二组：美国族群关系

[1] 林钰婷

导师姓名：张春波

中文题目：集体抗争中情感资源和群体团结的动态变化：2021年美国“停止亚裔仇恨”运动中华裔行动的分析

英文题目：Changes and Continuities of the Social Origins of American Presidents: A Perspective of Bourdieu’s Theory of Capital

摘要

新冠疫情爆发以来，美国境内针对华裔的种族主义歧视及仇恨犯罪愈演愈烈，严重威胁华裔的人身安全和心理健康。亚特兰大枪击案发生后，华裔的恐惧感和愤怒情绪达到顶点，引发了全国范围内的华裔集体抗争，规模之大前所未有。美国华裔的此次运动对研究华裔的集体抗争机制有重要意义，但既有研究更多关注整个亚裔群体的线上行动，忽视了族裔间差异，也很少探寻群体参与线下运动的动机和表现。本研究主要从柯林斯的互动仪式链理论出发，结合集体身份概念，聚焦2021年“停止亚裔仇恨”线上及线下运动，对美国华裔如何调动情感和物质资源以参与集体抗争进行了深入分析。本文采用深度访谈法，以十六位同时参与线上及线下“停止亚裔仇恨”运动的美国华裔的访谈文本为主要数据，辅之以线上和线下行动的多媒体资料，通过叙事分析法进行分析。

研究揭示了美国华裔集体抗争的动态机制。物质资源决定美国华裔能否参与运动，情感资源决定其会否参与运动以及参与深浅。在集体抗争形成的不同阶段，（近）核心参与者和边缘参与者通过投入不同程度的情感资源储备，促成了情感交流和群体团结的动态发展：1）疫情爆发前，群体情感联系薄弱，囿于“区域性链接”；2）准备运动阶段，群体情感联系激活，实现“早期互动团结”；3）运动期间，群体实现直接情感联系并达到高潮，实现“跨种族仪式团结”；4）运动后，情感联系弱化但相对拓展，“跨种族仪式团结”内化为“符号团结”。分析还发现，情感资源由情感能量转化，情感能量的水平高低影响情感资源储备。其中，高水平情感能量推动集体抗争，而低水平情感能量则起到阻碍作用。核心参与者从早期教育、文化和社会经历中获得高度积极的情感能量，并通过频繁组织集体行动将其转化为充分的情感资源储备。近核心参与者通过积极妥善地沟通上下级参与者来获得高度积极的情感能量和情感资源储备。边缘参与者在外界强刺激下产生高度消极的情感能量，通过积极配合（近）核心参与者和身体共同在场将其转化为短期内可支配的情感资源，并获得新的积极的情感能量。相比（近）核心参与者，边缘参与者情感能量及情感资源均无法得到稳定维持。

通过分析，本研究为进一步推动法律框架下美国华裔的集体抗争提供了建议。从短期发展来看，美国华裔需要建立有效的三层组织结构，强化不同类型参与者之间的情感交流；从长期发展来看，美国华裔要深刻认识教育的重要性，帮助群体内外成员了解美国华裔及弱势少数族裔的真实历史，从认知层面推动集体抗争。此外，本研究还丰富了互动市场在集体行动方面的理论研究，并为此前对线上和线下集体抗争之间关系的研究提供了实证。

关键词：停止亚裔仇恨；美国华裔；集体抗争；情感能量；线上线下

Abstract

The outbreak of COVID-19 has fueled a surge of racial discrimination and hate crimes against Chinese Americans, which seriously threatened their physical safety and mental health. Chinese Americans’ horror and anger reached a climax after the Atlanta shooting incident, which led to the launch of an unprecedented scale of collective resistance across the country. Chinese Americans’ participation in the online and offline “Stop Asian Hate” movements is significant to the analysis of the community’s collective resistance. Exploring mainly the Asian community’s online collective action, previous research largely overlooked ethnic diversity and cast little attention to participation in offline collective action. In this context, this thesis takes a further step to fill research gaps by referring to Randall Collins’ Interaction Ritual Chain theory and the concept of collective identities and taking the “Stop Asian Hate” movements as the case study, to explore the Chinese community’s mobilization of emotional and material resources in collective resistance. This study adopts in-depth interviews with sixteen Chinese Americans who participated in online and offline movements as the primary data, supplemented by on-site multimedia resources and online posts. Narrative analysis is adopted for analysis.

This research explores the dynamic mechanism of Chinese Americans’ collective resistance. While material essentials largely determine Chinese Americans’ ability to participate in collective action, emotional resources influence their motivations and the degree of involvement. Throughout collective resistance, different types of participants invested different levels of emotional resources, which led to the dynamic development of emotional interaction and group solidarity: 1) before COVID-19, the community formed “block connections” with restricted emotional interactions; 2) in the initial phase, Chinese Americans achieved the first pitch of emotional consonance and “early interactive solidarity’; 3) during the movement, the participants prompted direct and climaxed emotional interaction and formed “transracial ritualized solidarity”; and 4) after the movement, the emotional interaction became weaker but relatively extended and the “transracial ritualized solidarity” was internalized as “symbolic solidarity”. In addition, emotional resources are transformed from emotional energy (EE), the levels of which influence the accumulation of resources. High levels of EE promote collective resistance while low levels of EE play obstructive roles. Individuals at the center obtain high levels of positive EE from early educational, cultural, and social experiences, and transform them into emotional resources through frequent leadership. Members near the center also often obtain high levels of EE and emotional resources by coordinating the upper and lower levels of participants. Peripheral members acquire high levels of negative EE from strong exterior stimuli and transform them into short-term emotional resources via active responses to central participants’ organizing and bodily copresence. Their EE and emotional resources are unstable and easily vanish.

This study has attempted to propose empirical suggestions for the improvement of Chinese Americans’ legal collective resistance. First, the community needs a three-level organization mechanism with long-term efficacy, which requires strong emotional interaction among different types of participants. Second, the community should educate both ingroup and outgroup members about the true history of Chinese Americans and other disadvantaged minorities. Besides, this paper empirically enriches the study of the relationship between online and offline collective action and theoretically expands the theory of the interaction ritual chain.

Keywords: Stop Asian Hate, Chinese Americans, collective resistance, emotional energy, online and offline movement

[2] 王佳敏

导师姓名：罗鸣

中文题目：种族界限的挑战与强化：关于华裔+白人与华裔+黑人夫妇跨种族通婚的定性研究

英文题目：Challenges and Reinforcement of Racial Boundaries: A Qualitative Study of Chinese-White and Chinese-Black Interracial Marriages

摘要

1877年，列夫·托尔斯泰（Leo Tolstoy）在《安娜·卡列尼娜》中写道，“幸福的家庭都是相似的，不幸的家庭各有各的不幸。”同样，这句话也适用于形容跨种族家庭。同其他家庭一样，跨种族家庭在家庭关系方面也彰显出其丰富性和复杂性。但同时，跨种族家庭也面临着来自不同文化、社会，甚至法律层面的挑战，这也导致了跨种族家庭成员的生活经历与一般人不同。这项研究通过对比华裔+白人夫妇和华裔+黑人夫妇的跨种族婚姻，旨在剖析跨种族夫妇如何看待美国社会结构中根深蒂固的种族界限。与华裔+白人夫妇组合不同，华裔+黑人组合中的两位伴侣均来自于少数族裔群体。通过把握这项差异，本研究展开双重视角分析了当代美国种族等级制度，探究了美国社会对各种族的态度如何影响跨种族关系。

相关领域研究多聚焦于白人+非白人跨种族关系，本研究对6对华裔+白人和5对华裔+黑人夫妇进行了共计22个访谈，探究了双重少数族裔夫妇的跨种族生活经历，拓宽了对于跨种族关系的讨论视野。另外，本文探索了跨种族夫妇双方父母传递给子女的种族化信息，并揭示了这些信息对于子女跨种族通婚选择的深远影响。此外，本文探讨了跨种族婚姻当事人如何对混血后代进行种族身份认同，研究发现主要有三种认同模式：单一种族、双重种族和混血家庭身份，而体貌表型和社会地位感知是认同过程中的重要参考依据。

诚然，跨种族通婚有助于弥合种族鸿沟。然而，通过将跨种族婚姻作为批判和重新评估传统同化理论的工具，本文研究发现跨种族伴侣关系同样也能加深种族界限，在多数族裔+少数族裔婚姻或是双重少数族裔婚姻中均是如此。当华裔美国人否认其白人伴侣的种族社会地位，或者当华裔+黑人夫妇因共同的边缘化经历而结缘时，这一现象尤为明显。通过聚焦华裔+白人和华裔+黑人夫妇两种跨种族通婚群体，本文揭示了跨种族关系和种族等级制度之间错综复杂的相互作用。种族界限深刻影响着各种族间的亲密关系，这些关系又具备了挑战和强化社会种族界限的双重力量，这为探究美国当代社会背景下的种族、身份和爱情的演变本质提供了分析视角。

关键词：华裔美国人，跨种族通婚，同化理论，种族阶层

Abstract

Leo Tolstoy’s insightful reflection in Anna Karenina (1877), suggesting that “All happy families are alike; each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way,” serves as a compelling framework to explore the unique dynamics of interracial families. Like many others, these families navigate the complexities and richness of familial relationships. However, they also face distinct challenges that arise from their diverse cultural, social, and sometimes legal backgrounds, making their experiences particularly nuanced. This research aims to dissect how interracial couples navigate the entrenched racial boundaries embedded within the U.S. societal structure, focusing specifically on the contrasting experiences of Chinese-White and Chinese-Black marriages. The distinction is notable as Chinese-White couples often consist of a partner from the racial majority and another from a minority, whereas Chinese-Black relationships involve partners who are both minorities. This distinction allows for a dual-perspective analysis of how the racial hierarchy and societal attitudes toward race affect these relationships.

Through conducting interviews with 6 Chinese-White and 5 Chinese-Black married couples, resulting in 22 insightful interviews, this study broadens the discourse on interracial relationships by shedding light on the experiences of dual-minority couples, which have been less examined compared to white-nonwhite pairings. This exploration into how families convey racialized messages about interracial relationships reveals the profound impact these messages have on the prevalence of such unions and their role in maintaining or challenging racial divides. Further, by delving into how parents choose to racially identify their biracial children—considering factors like phenotype and perceived societal placement—this research uncovers the intricate decisions families make in navigating the U.S. racial framework, whether identifying their children as mono-racial, biracial, or embracing a mixed family identity.

Positioning interracial marriage as a lens to critique and reassess traditional theories of assimilation, this thesis posits that relationships between majority-minority and dual-minority partners not only challenge but can also reinforce racial demarcations. This is particularly evident when Chinese-American individuals negate their partner’s racial majority status or when Chinese-Black couples bond over their mutual experiences of marginalization. Although this investigation focuses on Chinese-White and Chinese-Black couples, its findings have broader implications, illustrating the complex interplay between interracial relationships and racial hierarchies. Ultimately, this study contends that while racial stratification profoundly influences interracial intimacy, these relationships simultaneously have the power to both challenge and reinforce societal racial boundaries, offering deep insights into the evolving nature of race, identity, and love in the context of American society.

Key Words: Chinese American, interracial marriage, Assimilation Theory, racial hierarchy

[3] 杲海啸

导师姓名：刘杨

中文题目：中国在美留学生应对新冠疫情的能动性和社交网络研究

英文题目：Chinese International Students’ Agency and Social Networks to Navigate the COVID-19 Pandemic in the United States

摘要

在过去几年间，新冠疫情对中国在美留学生的学习和生活产生了巨大的冲击。由于其庞大的数量，他们的经历也引起了媒体的和学界的关注。针对这一群体的报道和研究主要聚焦他们在疫情期间的困境以及政府，学校等有关机构如何采取针对性措施帮助中国留学生解决这些问题，而中国留学生本身的能动性却被忽略了。

因此，本研究决定聚焦此前被忽略的话题，尝试探索疫情期间，中国留学生如何运用自己的能动性来克服疫情带来的挑战。能动性的发挥也需要相应资源的支持，多种社会因素会对其产生影响。本研究决定从社交网络这一角度出发，讨论中国在美留学生的社交网络对其能动性的影响。本文的研究问题包括：中国在美留学生在疫情期间遇到了哪些挑战？他们如何运用自己的能动性去应对这些挑战？他们通常向哪些社交网络寻求帮助来支持自己的能动性？以及有哪些因素能够帮助他们接触或者维持对他们有利的社交网络？

本文采用了深度访谈的方法，对15个研究对象进行了一对一的访谈。作者运用“主题分析”的方法解读数据。研究发现，疫情期间，中国在美留学生的日常生活，流动能力，和心理健康都面临着困境。但是大部分中国留学生都能发挥自己的能动性，根据面临的挑战，主动寻找合适的对策以求解决问题。当他们的能动性受到阻碍时，他们也会向自己的社交网络寻求帮助。对于中国留学生来说，他们的社交网络大致可以分为跨国家庭亲属网络，在美同族网络，以及在线网络三类。中国在美留学生可以从中获取相应的物资，信息，和情感支持等资源，来支持自己的能动性。并且，中国留学生会根据面对的具体问题，权衡不同社交网络的资源对自己帮助和可能存在的问题，从而有选择性地向部分社交网络求助。当然，不同留学生的社交网络也不尽相同，学生的性格，语言熟练度，和现代社交媒体的兴起等因素都影响到留学生建立和维持社交网络以获取资源的能力。

如下研究成果体现了本文在理论和内容方面的创新之处。第一，过去针对留学生困境的移民研究数量虽多，但他们大部分都聚焦于学校，政府等官方机构如何为留学生提供帮助，而忽视了留学生本身具有克服困难的能力。本文通过对疫情期间中国在美留学生能动性的研究，展现了留学生能动性的重要作用，丰富了移民研究针对个体的角度。第二，本文以社交网络为切入点，研究制约能动性发挥的结构性因素。关于两者关系的讨论不仅深化了对于能动性作用的理解，也丰富了对社交网络这一经典移民研究概念的研究。

关键词：中国在美留学生；新冠疫情；能动性；社交网络

Abstract

The COVID-19 pandemic has tremendously impacted Chinese international students in the United States over the past few years. As the largest group among all international students in the United States, their experiences have attracted media and academic attention. Reports and studies on this group usually focus on their plight during the pandemic and what relevant institutions, such as the government and universities, should do to help Chinese international students solve these problems. However, they ignore the agency of Chinese international students, who are able to solve some challenges on their own.

This thesis focuses on the neglected topic and attempts to explore how Chinese international students exercised their agency to overcome the challenges brought on by the pandemic. The exercise of agency depends on the available resources and certain structural factors. As a result, this thesis takes a further step to discuss the impact of Chinese international students’ social networks on their agency. The research questions of this thesis include: What kinds of difficulties did Chinese international students in the United States face during the COVID-19 pandemic? How did Chinese international students exercise agency to deal with the difficulties? Which social networks did Chinese international students in the United States usually seek assistance from to gain supportive resources for their agency during the pandemic? What facilitating factors did Chinese international students in the United States need to establish or gain access to supportive social networks?

With 15 in-depth interviews and the thematic analysis method, the present study argues that Chinese international students in the United States faced difficulties regarding their daily lives, mobility, and psychological health during the pandemic. However, most Chinese students could exercise their agency, taking active measures to solve their problems. Moreover, they would turn to their social networks for assistance when difficulties were beyond their capabilities. Their social networks could be categorized into the transnational family-kinship network, co-ethnic network in study abroad destination, and online network. Chinese international students obtained supplies, information, and emotional support from these networks to support their agency. Moreover, according to the specific problems, they would weigh the resources different social networks could provide and the consequent problems and then selectively seek assistance from typical social networks. Of course, the social networks of Chinese international students varied. Factors such as students’ personality, language proficiency, and the rise of modern social media affected their ability to build or maintain favorable social networks to obtain resources.

The innovation of this thesis is twofold. Firstly, there have been numerous immigration studies on the plight of international students in the past. Still, most of them focus on how institutions can provide assistance to international students, ignoring the fact that international students themselves are capable of overcoming difficulties. This paper demonstrates the vital role of international students’ agency and enriches the individual perspective of migration studies. Second, this thesis takes the social network as an example to study the structural factors that constrain the exercise of agency. The discussion of the relationship between the agency and social network provides a more detailed understanding of agency and enriches the study of social networks, a classic concept in migration studies.

Keywords: Chinese international students in the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic, agency, social network

[4] 韩李琳

导师姓名：王镇平

中文题目：杰克.特拉维斯在纽约市哈莱姆社区卡拉哈里公寓公共空间设计中体现的黑人文化共性

英文题目：Blackness in Jack Travis Public Spaces of Kalahari Condominiums in Harlem, New York

摘要

种族与建筑之间的关系一直受到忽视。自二战后兴起的建筑后现代主义运动以来，更多以前不受重视的黑人建筑师能够依靠其文化体系设计建筑。本文以非裔美国建筑师杰克·特拉维斯(Jack Travis)在黑人社区哈莱姆区建造的卡拉哈里公寓（Kalahari Condominiums）的公共空间设计为研究对象，探讨非裔美国文化（黑人文化共性）在建筑中的呈现和含义。从黑人社会学家和建筑师提出的理论视角出发，本文分析教育空间、日常生活空间和休闲空间蕴含的内在理念、社会想象、生活习俗和遗产。论文表明，卡拉哈里公寓的公共空间融合了非洲文化遗产和现代非裔美国人的偏好。而这些设计进一步展现了当今社会问题的解决方案，即城市多元文化建设。

关键词：非裔美国人；建筑；族裔；哈莱姆社区

Abstract

The relation between race and architecture has been overlooked and underestimated. The post-WWⅡ postmodernism movement in architecture invites previous-unvalued black architects to design buildings that inherit their cultural systems. This paper centers on the public spaces design of Kalahari Condominiums, an apartment built by African American architect Jack Travis and based in black community Harlem, to discuss the presentation and implication of African American culture, or Blackness, in architecture. From the theoretical perspectives formed by black sociologist and architects, spaces for education, daily life, and recreation are analyzed with their inner ideas, social imaginations, living conventions, and heritages. The paper demonstrates that Kalahari Condos public spaces are embedded with African cultural heritages and modern African American preferences. And the postmodern designs further show a solution of social problems, that is multiculturalism in urban life.

Key Words: African American; Architecture; Race; Harlem Community

[5] 杨月妮

导师姓名：王镇平

中文题目：从外到内：奥斯卡获奖种族电影《为奴十二年》、《绿皮书》和《撞车》中的他者

英文题目：Physical to Mental: The Others in Oscar-Winning Race Movies in 12 Years a Slave, Green Book, and Crash

摘要

好莱坞影片中的黑人形象一直是学者们分析东方主义和他者化的重要材料。进入千禧年后，好莱坞的种族电影呈现出主题多元化、形象多样化和叙事去白人中心主义的特点，最具代表性的当属《为奴十二年》（2013）、《绿皮书》（2018）和《撞车》（2004）。尽管这三部电影在流派上，拍摄水准上，以及政治深度上均有不同，它们都从黑人的视角叙事，力图还原历史背景，力图反思和批判美国的种族主义和白人至上主义。然而，学界目前对三部电影缺乏系统的、深入的研究，也缺少对他者化的多重视角，大多停留在种族和性别的角度。

为填补学术界的空白，并深入了解电影中的地域、种族、性别和阶级他者化程度，本文以地域东方主义、性别化种族和黑人精英为理论基础，分析三部电影中的三重他者：地域性他者、性别化种族的他者和阶级他者。地域东方主义揭示了南方白人为维护白人至上主义和种族主义，在反抗北方的凝视的同时，加深对黑人的种族歧视。性别化种族既呈现了白人男性阉割黑人男性，也呈现了夸大化的黑人女性的男性气质，从而保持白人族群的主导地位。黑人精英由于阶级文化和下层黑人保持距离，又因为种族难以融入白人群体，成为阶级和种族的双重他者。本文试图论证三重他者随着历史叙事时间的演进，内在的和外在的他者化程度是在不断变化和演进的。本文发现，三部影片中对他者化的塑造是有内在联系和发展的。具体来说，首先，《为奴十二年》的北方黑人所罗门被剥夺人身自由和私人财产，但自我定位是白人的经济合作伙伴，而非奴隶。《绿皮书》的北方黑人谢利遭到南方白人的种族歧视，并为了改变南方的白人至上主义屈从于白人的规则。《撞车》的黑人安东尼因为白人的行为持枪抢劫，进一步内化了种族劣等思想。尽管劳动剥削在减少，黑人却在逐步内化种族劣等思想。其次，《为奴十二年》的黑人男性所罗门被迫和黑人女性帕茨竞争，受到白人奴隶主的压迫。《绿皮书》的黑人男性谢利遭到南方白人歧视，向白人下属托尼寻求帮助。《撞车》的黑人男性卡梅隆在白人莱恩面前忍气吞声，任由妻子受到侮辱。尽管黑人的体力劳动在减少，他们男性却从被迫降低男性气质变成了主动降低男性气质。最后，《为奴十二年》的自由人若非拐卖，这辈子难以和黑奴有交集。《绿皮书》的谢利和上层社会的白人有交集，却因肤色难以融入白人群体，又因为文化和阶级与黑人保持距离。《撞车》的卡梅隆夫妇囿于阶级和名誉被迫屈服于白人莱恩。尽管阶级差异减少，黑人精英的遭遇却愈加性别化、耻感化、难以言说。

从地域、性别化种族和阶级三维分析有两方面意义。其一，现有的关于这三部影片的主要研究焦点在于种族和性别的他者化。然而，千禧年后的种族电影主要是历史电影，难以脱离大迁徙和民权运动的历史背景。若非大迁徙，北方黑人精英这一群体难以出现，而他们和其他黑人遭遇的歧视难以用种族主义简单概括，而是具有地域性和阶级性的复杂特征。其次，目前学界鲜少讨论种族和性别间的关系，而是简单地以男性和女性分别讨论种族歧视。本文认为，他者化的关键也在于白人对黑人群体传递、灌输和强加的男性气质和女性气质的错位文化，以此全面塑造低等的黑人这一文化形象。研究好莱坞电影的三重维度不仅能够提供一个让大家看到黑人群体随着历史演进内化种族低劣思想的过程，同时也能推进美国主流社会反思黑人他者化现象的塑造，促使建立一个更加包容、多元和友好的社会文化。

关键词：他者；好莱坞电影；黑人

Abstract

The image of blacks in Hollywood films has been an important material for scholars to analyze Orientalism and othering. After entering the millennium, Hollywood’s race films have been characterized by thematic pluralism, image diversity, and narrative de-whitecentrism, the most representative of which are 12 Years a Slave (2013), Green Book (2018), and Crash (2004). Although these three films differ in genre, filming standards, and political depth, they all narrate from a black perspective, seek to restore historical context, and seek to reflect on and critique racism and white supremacy in the United States. However, the academic community currently lacks a systematic and in-depth study of the three films, as well as multiple perspectives on othering, mostly remaining in the perspectives of race and gender.

To fill a gap in the scholarship and to gain insight into the extent of geographical, racial, gendered, and class othering in cinema, this paper uses geographical Orientalism, gendered race, and black elites as a theoretical foundation to analyze the triple othering in three films: geographical othering, gendered racial othering, and class othering. Geographical Orientalism reveals the white southerners’ efforts to defend white supremacy and racism by deepening racial discrimination against blacks while resisting the northern gaze. Gendered race presents both the emasculation of black males by white males and the exaggerated masculinity of black females, thus maintaining the dominance of the white community. Black elites, who distance themselves from lower-class blacks because of their class culture and have difficulty integrating into the white community because of their race, become doubly othered by class and race. This paper seeks to argue that the degree of internal and external othering of the triple other is changing and evolving as historical narrative time evolves. The paper finds that the portrayal of othering in the three films is intrinsically linked and evolving. Specifically, first, Solomon, the Northern black man of 12 Years a Slave, is deprived of his personal freedom and private property, but self-positions himself as an economic partner of the white man rather than a slave. Shirley, the Northern black of Green Book, is racially profiled by Southern whites and submits to white supremacy in order to change the rules of the South. Anthony, the black man of Crash, further internalizes the idea of racial inferiority when he commits armed robbery because of the actions of whites. Despite the fact that labor exploitation is decreasing, blacks are gradually internalizing the idea of racial inferiority. Second, Solomon, the black male of 12 Years a Slave, is forced to compete with Patsey, the black female, and is oppressed by white slave owners. Shirley, the black male of Green Book, is discriminated against by white southerners and seeks help from his white subordinate, Tony. Cameron, the black male of Crash, holds his tongue before the white Lane and allows his wife to be humiliated. Despite the fact that physical labor for blacks is decreasing, they males go from being forced to reduce their masculinity to actively reducing their masculinity. Finally, the freedmen of 12 Years a Slave would hardly have crossed paths with black slaves in their lives if not for abduction. Shirley of Green Book crosses paths with upper class whites but has trouble fitting in with the white community because of his skin color and distances himself from blacks because of his culture and class. The Camerons of Crash are caught up in class and honor and are forced to submit to the white Lane. Despite the reduction of class differences, the encounters of black elites become increasingly sexualized, stigmatized, and unspeakable.

A three-dimensional analysis of geography, gendered race, and class has two implications. Firstly, the primary focus of existing research on these three films has been on the othering of race and gender. However, postmillennial race films are primarily historical films that are difficult to disentangle from the historical context of the Great Migration and the Civil Rights Movement. Had it not been for the Great Migration, it would have been difficult for a group of Northern black elites to emerge, and the discrimination they and other blacks encountered can hardly be summarized simply in terms of racism, but rather is characterized by a complexity of geography and class. Second, the relationship between race and gender is rarely discussed in current scholarship, but rather racial discrimination is simply discussed in terms of men and women separately. This paper argues that the key to othering also lies in the culture of miscegenation of masculinity and femininity transmitted, instilled and imposed by whites on the black community as a means of comprehensively shaping the cultural image of the inferior black man. Examining the triple dimensions of Hollywood films will not only provide an opportunity to see the process by which the black community has internalized the idea of racial inferiority as history has evolved, but will also advance mainstream American society to reflect on the shaping of the phenomenon of black othering, leading to the creation of a more tolerant, pluralistic, and friendly socio-cultural.

Keywords: otherness, Hollywood movies, blacks

第三组：美国外交政策

[1] 黄潇涵

导师姓名：李期铿

中文题目：摇晃的钟摆：特朗普与拜登政府对台“战略模糊”政策研究

英文题目：The Shifting Pendulum of Strategic Ambiguity: U.S. Taiwan Policy under Trump and Biden Administrations

摘要

自1979年中美关系正常化以来，美国就长期将其对台政策置于战略模糊地带。 中美和解的先决条件，即“一个中国政策”，构成了双边关系的根本政治基础。而美国的“一个中国政策”却恰恰受到一个重要政策取向的约束， 那就是战略模糊政策。现有的研究通常将战略模糊归为一种遏制台海“两种冲动”，从而维持现状的政策，这是一种利用“模糊的手段”去维持现状和地区稳定的政策。

过去，战略模糊被美国视为解决其台湾海峡困境的方法。该战略的逻辑是，过多的明确针对中国的威慑会让台湾更加嚣张。纵观历届美国政府，无论他们的党派归属，在避免于这个敏感问题上激怒中国都表现出了不同程度的默契。然而，自特朗普上任以来，美国不断加大了在自身和台湾安全政策上的投入。在特朗普和拜登所代表的新的政策发展背景下，虽然“模糊的手段”这一描述是理解过去台海危机背景下的战略模糊政策的合适框架，但现在却已不再适用，因为从今天的角度来看，手段已然非常明确，即采取军事行动。

在政治现实不断变化的背景下，本文试图探讨几十年来战略模糊政策发生这种转变的背景和含义。台湾问题不仅是中美关系中的重要问题，也是事关中国国家安全核心利益的重要问题。而随着台湾海峡的安全变得更加复杂和不稳定，剖析美国对台政策的支点和导致其存在至今的点点滴滴非常重要。如果美国正在改变对台政策，那么特朗普和拜登政府做的的具体调整是什么？又是什么推动了这种变化？ 回答这些问题需要超越对战略模糊性的单一化解读，并探索这个政策的钟摆如何以及为何处于两个极端之间。

因此，本文在威慑二元性的理论框架下，将战略模糊性分为威慑与安抚，并试图理解双重威慑背景下的战略模糊性政策。首先，本文以《1955-1957年美国对外关系》中国（第二卷、第三卷）等重要涉台文件和外交档案、中美联合公报（1972年、1979年、1982年）、《与台湾关系法》（1979年）、对台“六项保证”（1982年）、白宫和国会档案、军售记录等进行历史分析，提出战略模糊政策的四个实质性核心要点。然后，在斯蒂芬·沃尔特的威胁来源的范式下，本文探讨了特朗普和拜登总统任期内具体政策行动的贡献者，包括总统、国会和其他政策精英。

从结果来看，可以说，两届政府的对台政策都带有挑衅性，并且以对中国政府的战略制衡为主。特朗普时代的特点是军售猛增、立法过度活跃、总统外交反复无常，而拜登总统则沿着特朗普时代的强硬军售路线，表现出了将台湾问题多边化、增强军事互操作性以及在台湾问题上针对中国政府的“反制措施”的意愿。其政策结果是将一个中国政策空洞化，对台外交政策频频出尔反尔，两岸双方对于台海局势的不安全感与不信任。而美国之所以加强威慑的原因有三个：第一，中美关系正在发生根本性重塑以及北京、华盛顿、与台北之间的紧张关系；第二，美国对于乌克兰问题的焦虑在台湾问题上存在溢出效应；第三，台湾游说团体竭尽全力在华盛顿为其台湾支持者确保政治和军事利益。

考虑到这三个主要因素，我们就可以初步窥探为什么美国感到有必要在台湾问题上加强对中国的威慑，但在对中国的政策安抚与保证上却又格外吝啬。最后，本文认为，现任拜登政府将继续加强对中国政府在台湾问题上的威慑，将“六项保证”和“与台湾关系法案”凌驾于与中国政府签署的多个共识公报之上，进而削弱美国长期以来的“一个中国政策”，而这将导致台海局势更加紧张，以及可能的战略误判。

关键词：美国对台政策；特朗普；拜登；战略模糊

Abstract

Since the normalization of Sino-U.S. relations in 1979, the United States has located its Taiwan policy on a strategic ambiguity spectrum. The preconditional element of the Sino-U.S. rapprochement, referred to by both sides as “One China”, constitutes the fundamental political underpinning of these bilateral ties. The U.S. “One China” policy is governed by a series of operational guidelines that come to be known as strategic ambiguity. Existing studies usually refer to strategic ambiguity as a status quo policy aimed at deterring “two conflicting impulses” in the Taiwan Strait and ambiguity is defined as the ambiguous means toward the unambiguous end of maintaining the status quo or regional stability.

In the past, strategic ambiguity was hailed as the U.S. solution to the cross-Strait predicament. The logic is that too much clarified deterrence against Beijing would embolden Taipei and past U.S. administrations, irrespective of party affiliation, have shown varying degrees of restraint in provoking Beijing on this sensitive issue. Yet beginning with the Trump presidency, Washington has stepped up its efforts in enhancing its security interests in the Taiwan strait and deterring Beijing. While the characterization of “ambiguous means” is a fitting framework to understand the policy of strategic ambiguity in the context of past Taiwan Strait crises, it is not now because, in today’s perspective, the means are quite unambiguous.

Hence, against the backdrop of the changing political dynamics, this thesis seeks to explore the context and implication of such shift in the decades-old policy of strategic ambiguity. The Taiwan question has been an important issue not only in Sino-U.S. relations, but also in China’s core national security interests. As security in the Taiwan strait gets more complicated and unstable, it is important to dissect the fulcrum, and the bits and pieces of U.S. Taiwan policy that led to its existence to this day. If the United States is altering its policy towards Taiwan, what specifically are those adjustments from Trump to Biden and what propelled such changes? Answering those questions, however, requires getting past a linear reading of strategic ambiguity and exploring how and why the policy pendulum has positioned between two extremes.

Therefore, under the theoretical framework of the duality of deterrence, this thesis dichotomizes strategic ambiguity into deterrence and reassurance and seeks to understand the policy of strategic ambiguity in the context of dual deterrence. First, the thesis conducts a historical analysis and completes a summary of the four substantive cores of strategic ambiguity based on important Taiwan-related documents and diplomatic archives that include Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, China (Volume II & III), the China-U.S. Joint Communiqués (1972, 1979, 1982), the Taiwan Relations Act (1979), ‘Six Assurances’ to Taiwan (1982), White House and Congressional archives, arms sale records and more. Then, under the paradigm of Stephen Walt’s source of threat, this thesis explores the contributors to specific policy actions under the Trump and Biden presidency including the President, the Congress, and other policy elites.

Based on the analyses, it can be argued that U.S. Taiwan policy under the two administrations took on a provocative air and was dominated by heavy balancing against Beijing. As the Trump era was marked by skyrocketing arms sales, hyperactive legislation, and mercurial presidential diplomacy, the Biden administration, walking along Trump-era hardline arms sales, has shown readiness to multilateralize the Taiwan question, enhance military interoperability, and anticipatory countermoves targeted at Beijing. The policy results are a hollowed-out nominal One China policy, frequent backtracks of public policy, and distrust and instability in the Taiwan Strait. The reasons for such enhanced deterrence are threefold: the remodeling of Sino-US relations and the Beijing - Washington -Taipei triangle, Washington’s anxiety over its juxtaposition of Ukraine with Taiwan, and the Taiwan lobby in Washington. Finally, this thesis argues that the incumbent Biden administration will continue to level up its deterrence against Beijing and hollow out Washington’s longstanding One China policy by putting the Six Assurances and the Taiwan Relations Act above “nonbinding” Communiqués with Beijing, which would lead to more tension in the Strait and possible miscalculation.

Key Words:  U.S. Taiwan Policy; Trump; Biden; Strategic Ambiguity

[2] 王博

导师姓名：陈崛斌

中文题目：建构主义视角下的“四方安全对话”重启分析

英文题目：Resumption of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue: A Constructive Interpretation

摘要

“四方安全对话”是拜登政府“印太战略”的十大核心要素之一。自2017年以来，随着美国、日本、印度、澳大利亚四国重新炒作所谓的“地区安全”议题，中断运行了近10年的“四方安全对话”机制得以重启。在重启过程中，该机制得到了四个成员国在其官方外交政策文件中所体现的共同理念和价值观的推动，这类文件包括高级官员讲话、四方会议联合声明、外交政策文件和简报等。本研究通过文本分析方法，以“四方安全对话”成员国官方文件的作为分析的第一手资料，旨在确定四国之间如何构建共同的思想和价值观，从而为“四方安全对话”机制重启原因探究做出贡献。通过对“四方安全对话”构建共同价值观的分析，本研究试图解释其成员国共享的这些观念如何促进了该机制的重启。此外，本研究也旨在为中国政府更具战略性地应对该机制重启带来的战略压力提供参考。

通过对四国官方外交政策文件的文本分析，本研究发现，“四方安全对话”机制在发展和重启过程中形成的共同价值观和理念,大多体现在其基于意识形态对抗的所谓“民主价值观”、对排他性的“自由开放的印太愿景”的共同承诺、“小多边”的对话机制以及针对遏制中国的四方共同战略目标。四国的共同价值观和理念塑造了印太地区的地区和全球政治互动，客观上推动了“四方安全对话”机制的重启。

关键词：“四方安全对话”；建构主义国际关系；亚太地区

Abstract

As one of the ten core lines of effort for the U.S. Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, the “Quadrilateral Security Dialogue”, or the Quad, has re-emerged in 2017, after the development of the Quad mechanism suspended for nearly ten years along with the United States, Japan, India, and Australia hyping on the so-called “regional security”. During the process of its resumption, the Quad mechanism has been propelled by the shared ideas and values of the four Quad member countries indicated in their official foreign policy documents since 2017, such as speeches of high-rank officials, joint statements of the Quad meetings, and foreign policy papers and briefs. By adopting the method of textual analysis of the official documents of the Quad member countries as first-hand materials, this research aims to identify how the shared ideas and values are constructed among the four countries, which then have contributed to the resumption of the Quad mechanism. Through the analysis on the Quad shared ideas, this research tries to explain how the perceptions shared by the Quad members contributed to the resumption of the Quad mechanism. Additionally, the research aims to provide references for the Chinese government to more strategically respond to the strategic pressures caused by the Quad.

Through the textual analysis of the Quad official foreign policy documents, this research finds that the shared values and ideas shaped in the development and resumption of the Quad mechanism are mainly demonstrated on the so-called “democratic values” based on ideological confrontations, the common commitment to the exclusive concept of a “free and open Indo-Pacific”, the cooperation mechanism of minilateralism, and the Quad shared strategic goal of targeting China. These shared values and ideas of the Quad member countries have shaped the regional and global political interactions in the Indo-Pacific region, and objectively promoted the resumption of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue.

Keywords: “Quadrilateral Security Dialogue”; constructivism in international relations; Asia-Pacific region

[3] 戚林

导师姓名：陈崛斌

中文题目：美英澳安全伙伴关系向三边安全同盟演进的不可能性分析---基于联盟困境理论视角

英文题目：Unveiling the Impossibility of AUKUS’s Potential Evolution to a Trilateral Security Alliance Through the Lens of Alliance Dilemma Theory

摘要

美英澳安全伙伴关系（AUKUS）诞生于2021年9月。该伙伴关系旨在帮助澳大利亚获取核动力潜艇。自其成立以来，该伙伴关系经历了一系列的发展。在美国加州圣地亚哥举行的2023年奥库斯（AUKUS）峰会上，三国共同宣布了“奥库斯最优路径”，提升了这一合作框架的机制化水平。虽然三国合作得更加紧密，但奥库斯当前仍然是安全伙伴关系，而非正式的三边安全同盟。

本文基于格伦·斯奈德的联盟困境理论，对美、英、澳三国的联盟动因进行分析，进而探讨奥库斯内部是否存在牵连与抛弃困境和利益分歧困境，以及该困境如何阻止该伙伴关系向正式安全联盟演变。

本文的主体分为两部分，第一部分围绕牵连与抛弃困境展开。该部分首先梳理了奥库斯的起源和目标，然后进一步分析了二战以来三国互动的历史记录，以考察其合作模式及其特征，以及是否为联盟困境埋下了隐患。接着，本文探讨了该困境如何限制了奥库斯向正式安全联盟转型。第二部分则以利益分歧困境为中心，首先梳理了三国各自的战略利益和关切，以确定它们是否与彼此的战略利益相匹配，以及是否与奥库斯的总体目标相契合。接着，该部分深入探讨了三国间的战略利益分歧如何阻碍了该伙伴关系向正式安全联盟演变。

基于上述分析，本文认为美英澳安全伙伴关系中存在着牵连与抛弃困境和利益分歧困境。从牵连和抛弃困境层面来看，首先，当前的多极世界结构使联盟和伙伴关系不稳定，因为它提供了更多的再结盟选择。遏制中国崛起是奥库斯的隐含目标，不符合英国和澳大利亚两国的利益，尤其是对于英国这一印太域外国家来说。同时，形成正式的安全联盟也意味着英国和澳大利亚须承担更多的联盟成本，对于联盟成本和收益的衡量增加了英国和澳大利亚被牵连的恐惧。此外，在权力变迁时期，美国的相对优势已经降低, 此前的特朗普主义已经动摇了盟友对美国同盟承诺的信心。二战以来三国互动的历史记录还表明，美国诉诸政治和经济施压，以迫使盟国放弃自身利益。此外，形成正式联盟将引发对手阵营的安全困境，使局势进一步升级，中国与俄罗斯的密切接触不符合三国的安全利益。最后，现有的合作框架，如美英共同防御协议(MDA)、澳美部长级磋商(AUSMIN)、四方安全对话(Quad)和五眼联盟(FVEY)降低了AUKUS的不可替代性，减少了三国对在奥库斯合作框架下被抛弃的恐惧。

从利益分歧层面来看，奥库斯的合作范围过于狭窄，不足以支撑其升级为正式安全同盟。三国战略利益的低重叠度也降低了该伙伴关系的稳定性，使三国都担心被对方的战略规划所牵连。此外，三国与中国密切的贸易往来使它们担心升级为正式安全联盟将招致重大经贸损失，减少它们可以从该框架中获得的收益。在应对气候变化、全球疫情防控等非传统安全挑战方面，三国与中国有着共同的利益与目标。非传统安全领域合作的必要性进一步降低了奥库斯向正式安全同盟演进的可能性。

关键词：美英澳安全伙伴关系；联盟困境；安全联盟；印太战略

Abstract

AUKUS, a trilateral security partnership among Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, was born in September 2021. The cornerstone of the agreement is the United States’ and the United Kingdom’s commitment to assist Australia in acquiring nuclear-powered submarines. Since its birth, AUKUS has experienced a series of development. At the AUKUS Summit of 2023 in San Diego, California, the three states announced the “AUKUS Optimal Pathway”, improving the institutional level of this cooperative framework. Though the three member states have synergized more closely, AUKUS remains a partnership, instead of evolving into a formal trilateral security alliance.

The paper applies Glenn Snyder’s Alliance Dilemma Theory to examine the alliance dynamics among the U.S., the UK, and Australia, in history and on the AUKUS platform, and then delve into the abandonment and entrapment dilemma, and divergence of interest dilemma exist within AUKUS, and study how these dilemmas have inhibited AUKUS from evolving from a security partnership into a formal security alliance. Accordingly, this paper first digs into the abandonment and entrapment dilemma existed in AUKUS, by clarifying the origin and objectives of AUKUS, and then analyzing the historical records of the interaction between the three states since World War II to examine the cooperation pattern and its characteristics, as well as whether the legacy has planted a seed for alliance dilemma in the future. Then it probes into how the dilemma has blocked AUKUS’s upgrade into a formal security alliance. In a similar manner, this paper decodes the divergence of interest of AUKUS member states by debunking the strategic interests and concerns of the three states respectively to ascertain whether they match with each other’s objectives, and with the overall purpose of AUKUS. Then it studies how the divergence of strategic interests among has inhibited AUKUS’s evolution to a formal security alliance.      

Based on such analysis, the paper argues that the abandonment and entrapment dilemma and the divergence of interest dilemma do exist in the AUKUS partnership. In terms of abandonment and entrapment dilemma, the multipolar world structure has made alliances and partnerships less stable, since it offers more re-alignment options. Containing China, the hidden objective of AUKUS, does not conform to the interests of the two geographically removed states, the UK and Australia. A formal security alliance also entails that the UK and Australia shoulder more alliance cost. The calculation of cost and benefit increases the UK’s and Australia’s fear of being entrapped. Besides, during a time of power shift, the comparative advantage of the U.S. has been reduced. Trumpism has shaken the faith of its allies in the U.S.’s alliance commitment. The historical record also suggests that the U.S. might force its allies to relinquish domestic interests through political and economic pressure. Also, evolving into a formal alliance will trigger security dilemma in the opponent’s camp, making the situation even less secure. China’s closer engagement with Russia is against the security interest of the three states. Last but not the least, the existing cooperative frameworks like the U.S.-UK Mutual Defense Agreement (MDA), the Australia-U.S. Ministerial Consultations (AUSMIN), the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), and the Five Eyes Alliance (FVEY) have reduced the indispensability of AUKUS, thus ultimately diminishing the three states’ fear of being abandoned under the AUKUS framework.

In terms of diverge of interest, the AUKUS’s narrow scope of cooperation is insufficient for a formal alliance to develop. The low overlapping degree of the three states’ interests reduces the stability of the partnership. The three states’ indispensable trade ties with China make them worry that a formal security alliance should incur significant economic loss, reducing the benefits that they can harvest from the cooperative framework. Also, to facilitate cooperation on addressing non-tradition security challenges like climate change mitigation and global pandemic control, the three states will have to work with China closely.

Keywords: AUKUS; Alliance Dilemma; Security Alliance; Indo-Pacific

[4] 张薇

导师姓名：闫循华

中文题目：目标国政体对经济制裁效力的制约——基于1945至2005年671项美国经济制裁案例的定量研究

英文题目：The Anatomy of the Sanctions Bargaining Game: Does Regime Type Matter to the Efficacy of U.S. Economic Sanction?

摘要

经济制裁作用于不同政体的国家效力是否不同？依据领导问责理论和决策阻力理论，对于Polity 5定义下的民主国，国家决策者或出于对选民经济利益的考量，或在反制裁政策制定上所受国内阻力过大，面对经济制裁时更容易做出外交政策妥协。也即，经济制裁对民主国效力更高。而依据观众成本理论，民主国决策者在意国内舆论，面对经济制裁，为维护自身成功的政治家形象，退缩妥协的高昂观众成本则会促使决策者领导本国与施加国对峙。也即，经济制裁对民主国效力相对较低。当前学界对经济制裁效力的研究不胜枚举，以上提及理论均从政治因素出发，探析目标国政体对经济制裁效力的制约，而得出的预测却截然相反。基于此，本文试以大样本定量分析方法判断何种理论机制对经济制裁解释力更强。

本文首先将经济制裁定义为目标国与施加国之间的博弈，而非单方面的经济封锁。经济制裁博弈分两局，第一局涉及经济制裁的威胁，第二局涉及经济制裁的实操，在此两局博弈之中，目标国与施加国双方都具有决定制裁博弈结局的能力，因此从政治因素出发解释制裁效力具有了理论基础。

其次，本文认为目标国政体从两个方面制约经济制裁的效力。第一，国家政体决定政策议程，因而民主国与非民主国在面对经济制裁时遵循不同套行为逻辑。尽管民主国决策者需要对其选民经济利益负责，其所拥有的聚旗效益及连任野心致使他们将观众成本放入考量的重心。因而面对经济制裁，选择对峙的可能性大于做出妥协，经济制裁效力低的可能性大于效率高的。第二，本文认为国家政体对经济制裁的影响同时受第三变量的制约，尤其是经济制裁类型。对比分析不同政体的国际贸易参与度以及国内金融体制，本文认为贸易制裁对非民主国家更具针对性，而金融制裁则对民主国家更具针对性。因而，虽然整体上本文预测经济制裁针对民主国效力高于针对非民主国，引入制裁类型为此一边倒性质的结论提供了细致化精确化的空间。

为检验以上观点，本文利用Python程序语言收集、整合、可视化呈现TIES、Polity 5等数据库，并分两个环节进行数据分析：第一环节用Kruskal-Wallis H-test探究政体不同是否会导致经济制裁效力的差异，若有，再以箱线图辅助辨析经济制裁具体对于哪一类型政体更为有效。第二环节引入第三变量制裁种类，用Factorial ANOVA分析目标国政体、经济制裁种类、经济制裁效力之间的交互效应，探究贸易制裁、财政制裁是否对不同政体制裁效果不同。两个环节研究结果最终再由多变量回归分析二次检验，将盟友关系、贸易依赖程度、多边支持用作控制变量，对比统计显著性和实际显著性，以提高研究结果可靠性和有效性。

关键词：美国经济制裁；国家政体；博弈；观众成本；定量研究

Abstract

How does target regime type matter to sanction efficacy? Are democracies more vulnerable to economic sanctions as posited by the leadership accountability theory and the veto player theory, or are autocracies more so based on the audience cost theory? These conflicting predictions have sparked a renewed interest in accounting for varying degrees of sanction effectiveness found in the literature from an institutionalist perspective.

The present paper makes the case for domestic institutional factors first by conceptualizing economic sanctions not as military sieges, but as bargaining games where both the sanction sender and target have a say in deciding sanction outcome. They are above all two-level bargaining games, where the distinction of sanction threat and actual imposition is made and believed to affect sanction efficacy.

Second, it champions a two-pronged effect that regime type is believed to exert a great influence on sanction efficacy. On the one hand, it argues that regime type shapes decision-making priorities for political leaders, and that democratic and autocratic leaders behave differently in terms of whether to concede or resist to foreign economic coercion. While the concern on constituents’ economic interests would prompt democratic leaders to concede but leave autocratic leaders unaffected, the ability of the former to invoke a rallying effect and the fear that their reputation as potent politicians would go awry exert a much greater impact in driving their decisions. On the other hand, the paper also argues that regime type affects sanction efficacy through an interactive effect with sanction type. The interaction is achieved by taking into consideration differences in trade activities and financial system across different types of regimes. A predominantly dissatisfying efficacy of economic sanctions targeting at democracies as posited by the previous argument notwithstanding, trade sanctions against autocracies are more successful than those against democracies due to disparities in international trade involvement, and financial sanctions against democracies are more successful than those against autocracies due to disparities in financial transparency.

The paper utilizes Python as the primary tool for data merging, cleaning, analyzing and visualizing. The two arguments are tested respectively by Kruskal-Wallis H-test and Factorial ANOVA, with multivariate regression analysis serving as a robustness check. Venn plot, count plot, scatter plot, box plot, point plot, and heat map follow statistical analyses to make insights herein readily accessible. Supporting evidence for the two-pronged effect is found in the Threat and Imposition of Economic Sanctions (TIES) dataset, with economic sanctions issued by the United States from 1945 to 2005 chosen as the cases for investigation.

Keywords: US Economic Sanctions, Regime Type, Bargaining Games, Audience Cost, Quantitative Analysis

第四组：美国思想文化

[1] 童捷

导师姓名：李莉文

中文题目：基于分层同化理论的移民身份认同探究—— 以美国高校中学习普通话的新二代华裔移民为例

英文题目：Identity Negotiation and Segmented Assimilation: Chinese Immigrants of New Second Generation Learning Mandarin in American Universities

摘要

研究发现，华人移民及其子女寻求融入美国社会过程中，将种族资源作为一种有效的替代途径。根据分段同化理论，本族语作为传承文化遗产的载体，可以成为重要的种族文化资本。虽然许多族语研究都考察了促进美国移民子女学习和保留本族语的因素，但迄今为止很少有研究考察中国移民在大学学习本族语的情况下，适应和融入美国主流社会的情况。本研究考察了参加大学普通话课程的新二代中国移民的身份协商，通过深度的半结构化访谈，探讨本族语学习者的身份协商过程、过程中的困境和影响因素。研究结果表明，虽然普通话课程强化了他们作为华裔的种族独特性，但本族语学习者却因飘忽的多重身份认同、语言霸权和带有隐形种族偏见的课堂教学指令而感到矛盾。这归因于新的二代华裔接受了非既定的身份定位、他们与族裔文化的脱节、语言权力结构关系以及美国的种族化社会体系。这项研究的结果将有助于本族语学习研究，特别是美国大学的语言教学政策和少数民族语言项目。研究结果还强调需要对来自多重族群家庭学习者的本族语学习和身份认同进行更多研究。

关键词：族语；身份协商；分层同化

Abstract

Research has found that Chinese immigrants and their children seek to integrate into American society by way of ethnic resources as an effective alternative pathway. Heritage language, as a vehicle for transmitting cultural heritage, can be a significant ethnic cultural capital according to segmented assimilation theory. While much heritage language (HL) research has examined factors that help promote HL learning and maintenance among children of immigrants in the U.S., few studies have examined Chinese immigrants’ adaptation through HL learning in university. This study examines the identity negotiation of the new second generation of Chinese immigrants who participate in Mandarin programs or Mandarin courses in university. Through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, this study explores heritage language learners’ process of identity negotiation, the predicaments, and contributing factors during the process. The finding suggests that while their racial distinctiveness was strengthened, their identity as Chinese Americans was heightened by the Mandarin program. HL learners encountered ambivalence from floating identification, linguistic hegemony, and class instructions of micro-aggression, which resulted from the new second generation’s embrace of swerving identities, their disconnection from heritage culture, the web of linguistic power structures, and America’s system of racialization. The findings from this study contribute to the fields of heritage language learning, and specifically language policy in American universities and minority language programs. Findings also highlight the need for more research on HL development and identity among CHL learners from mixed-heritage families.

Keywords: heritage language; identity negotiation; segmented assimilation

[2] 赵雨蓬

导师姓名：罗鸣

中文题目：社会化中的亚文化资本重塑：美国甩手舞在中国的在地化

英文题目：To Queer the Socialization with Subcultural Capital: The Glocalization of Waacking from the U.S. to China

摘要

美国的文化产品随着全球化的浪潮席卷而来，在中国的市场和社会环境中实现全球在地化（glocalization），亚文化也是其中之一。甩手舞（Waacking）起源于上世纪七十年代美国洛杉矶；应对美国社会对少数族裔和同性恋群体的双重压迫，非裔和拉丁裔男同性恋在当地酒吧通过甩手舞的方式表达反抗。近十年来随着中国街舞文化发展的黄金期，甩手舞在中国的一线（北京、上海、广州、深圳）和部分二线城市（成都、福州、南宁、长沙等）受到了许多年轻人的欢迎，并呈现扩张的趋势。然而，因其酷儿的历史文化和舞种特点，始终保持小众，仍属于亚文化范畴。

过往研究大多将美国街舞亚文化视作扁平、静态的符号，而非中国青年的社会性活动，更没有注意到甩手舞是21世纪美国亚文化在中国在地化和以文化形式开展酷儿行动主义的鲜明案例。因此，本研究使用了迪克·赫伯迪格通过“拼贴-同构”对风格的考察，以及萨拉·桑顿的“亚文化资本”理论，通过与15名甩手舞舞者进行一对一的半结构化深度访谈，和对两次甩手舞地下比赛（battle）的现场观察，来探索以下问题：1）经过在地化后，中国甩手舞呈现了怎样的风格？2）在经济全球化的背景下，起源于美国的甩手舞是以何种模式实现在中国的在地化？3）甩手舞如何影响了中国年轻人的生活？

本文发现，甩手舞经过在中国的在地化，形成一个身份杂糅但是紧密团结，不断向内聚拢却仍向外链接公共资源的亚文化群体，其在本地文化、全球文化、商业化三种语境下实践着既矛盾拼贴又和谐重组的风格机制，以促成美国亚文化在中国的在地化。美国亚文化经过全球化，为亚文化在中国的在地化分配、赋予“亚文化资本”，使青年在本地实践该亚文化的过程中通过一边规避与主文化发生冲突，一边与主文化合作的方式，保护、扩大“亚文化资本”的积累和再生产。而通过美国“亚文化资本”的积累和再生产，中国青年得以重塑“社会化”过程，包括重塑性别认同、在异乡打拼时的社会关系、职业化路径，以及重塑父辈社会中由传统父系和父权亲属关系定义的权威和规范。

本研究结果为中国青年的亚文化实践，去西方化、以文化形式进行的中国酷儿行动主义，以及美国亚文化通过全球化传入中国的影响提供了新的注解：中国甩手舞亚文化实践并非反抗社会阶层阶级结构，也不只停留在意识形态层面的想象，而是中国青年自主重塑社会规范、主动参与社会生活的途径；这一发现为当今学界提出的以文化形式进行的、具有中国特色的酷儿行动主义提供了新的亚文化实践范式，将酷儿亚文化的政治性由挑战性别规范扩展至重塑日常社会生活；同时，美国亚文化通过全球在地化，首先在中国青年群体中形成跨国的“亚文化纽带”，代表了中国青年通过跨国亚文化实践构建起美国历史文化与中国社会的联系，如本研究中，美国黑人文化通过亚文化资本的全球流动塑造着中国青年的社会化。

同时，理论方面，研究结果显示，中国青年亚文化实践无法站队西方伯明翰学派与后亚文化理论的经典纷争，只有打破二者的对立，结合二者的元素，才能阐释中国青年亚文化的图景。亚文化经典纷争中的“消费”和“阶级”议题尤其需要结合中国社会经济现状重新思考。研究还发现，中国青年对美国亚文化的在地化，不仅受到美国经济全球化的影响，还受到中国内部社会变化的驱动：中国青年通过亚文化抵制既有社会规范、重塑社会化的过程与当代中国青年在现代生活中的新需求密不可分，是21世纪中国社会结构变迁过程的一部分。因此，青年亚文化已经成为当代中国社会文化实践的一部分，应当结合更多社会学理论，放置更加广泛的社会背景中进行讨论。

关键词：美国亚文化；全球在地化；亚文化资本；社会化；甩手舞

Abstract

Subculture is one of the American cultural products that have been glocalized in the Chinese sociocultural contexts as the wave of globalization sweeps across China. Waacking, which originated in Los Angeles in the 1970s, is an expression of resistance to the oppression of the racial and sexual minority community in the U.S. by African-American and Latino gay men in local bars. In the past decade marked the “golden era” of China's street dance culture, Waacking has been practiced by many young people in their 20s to 30s in China's first-tier (Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Shenzhen) and some second-tier cities (Chengdu, Fuzhou, Nanning, Changsha, etc.), showing a tendency to expand. However, due to its queer history and cultural characteristics, it still belongs to the terrain of subculture.

Most of the past studies regarded street dance subculture as a flat and static symbol rather than a social activity of the Chinese young community, not to mention the example of Waacking as an glocalized American subculture and a cultural form of queer activism of China in the 21st century. Therefore, this thesis adopts Dick Hebdige’s “bricolage-homology” paradigm to scrutinize the style of Chinese Waacking, and Sarah Thornton’s “subcultural capital” theory to analyze the youth’s subcultural practices, through in-depth one-on-one semi-structured interviews with 15 waackers and participant observation of 2 Waacking underground battles, this study aims to explore the following questions: 1) What is the style of Chinese Waacking after glocalization? 2) In the context of economic globalization, how Waacking has been glocalized from America to China? 3) In what way does Waacking influence the lifestyle of Chinese youth?

This thesis finds that through its glocalization in China, Waacking units a community with heterogeneous identities, constantly clustering at the subcultural center but still linked to public resources. It presents a bricolage style, which is a mechanism of compromising conflicting signifying practices in the interplay of contexts of global culture, Chinese local culture, and the commodification trend, to promote the glocalization of American subculture. Through globalization, American subculture allocates and legitimizes "subcultural capital" to Chinese waackers, enabling them to accumulate and reproduce "subcultural capital" in the process of practicing the American subculture locally by avoiding confrontation and cooperating with mainstream culture at the same time. Through the accumulation and reproduction of subcultural capital from the glocalization process, Chinese youth are empowered to reconstruct their way of "socialization", including identification of gender and sexuality, the establishment of social networks to get emotional support as empty-nest youth, the search for a novel occupational path, and the liberation from the values and norms that patrilineal and patriarchal kinship defined.

The results of this study contribute to research about the subcultural practices exclusive to Chinese youth, Chinese queer activism through a cultural form from a non-Eurocentric perspective, and the influence of American subcultures on Chinese society through globalization. Neither resisting the class structure and social policies nor merely embodying an ideological imagination, the Chinese Waacking subculture represents a way for Chinese youth, including the LGBTQ community, to autonomously reshape socialization, actively involved in social lives. This study provides a paradigm of queer activism through subcultural practices in China to the academia, which extends the politics of queer subcultures from breaking gender and sexual normativity to changing everyday social lives. Furthermore, the globalization of American subcultures potentially constructs a transnational“subcultural bond” firstly among youth groups, demonstrating that Chinese youth subjectively link American culture and history with Chinese social changes and mediate between them. As in this study, American black culture is shaping the socialization of Chinese youth through the lens of subcultural capital.

Meanwhile, from the theoretical aspect, the results of the study indicate that Chinese subcultural practices cannot align with either side of the classical theoretical debate between the Birmingham School and the Post-subcultural theories. Breaking the binary opposition and reconsidering the ideas of both sides in the Chinese sociocultural context is the solution to understanding the subcultural practices of Chinese youth. In this way, the core concepts that divide these two schools, including “consumption” and “class”, should be reconsidered in light of the socioeconomic status of China. This study also finds that the glocalization of American subcultures is not only influenced by globalization but also driven by social changes within China: The process of Chinese youth resisting established social norms to reshape socialization through subcultural practices is also part of social structural changes in China in the 21st century, revealing the new demands of Chinese youth in modern life; therefore, youth subcultures have become integral to contemporary Chinese social and cultural practices and thereby should be discussed in a broader social context, incorporating a wide range of sociological theories.

Keywords: American subculture; Glocalization; Subcultural capital; Socialization; Waacking

[3] 谈悦

导师姓名：伊蕊

中文题目：阿莉森·贾格尔女性异化理论研究

英文题目：A Study on Alison Jaggar’s Theory of Women’s Alienation

摘要

阿莉森·贾格尔（Alison Jaggar，1943-），美国女性主义思想家、哲学家和女权倡导者，主要以女性异化理论而闻名。贾格尔是一位社会主义女性主义学者，她的女性主义理论借鉴了大量的马克思主义思想。作为运用马克思主义思想研究当代资本主义社会女性受压迫状况的杰出人物，贾格尔对美国女性主义的贡献是独特的，其思想具有研究价值。

本研究的重点是阿莉森·贾格尔的女性异化理论。本文通过对贾格尔最著名的作品《女性主义政治与人的本质》的文本分析和历史分析，探讨阿莉森·贾格尔如何将马克思主义思想融入其女性主义思想，从而建构起自己独特的女性主义理论。本文发现，贾格尔的理论主要包括三个方面：女性的本质、女性的异化和女性的自由。首先，贾格尔在马克思主义人类本质观的基础上发展出了自己的女性本质观。马克思主义认为，人的本质在于自由自觉地生产。采用性别批判视角，贾格尔对“生产”进行了更广泛的定义，认为其应包括生育活动和性活动。因此，贾格尔认为女性的本质应该既包括自由自觉地“生产”，也包括自由自觉地从事“生育”和“性”行为。其次，贾格尔在马克思主义异化观的基础上发展出了女性异化观。马克思主义者用异化的概念来描述资本主义生产中的雇佣工人，认为其背离本质，导致异化，贾格尔则认为女性在资本主义生产之外也存在异化。这种异化主要包括两个方面：性异化和生育/母性异化。此外，贾格尔认为女性在资本主义生产中也会遭受其女性身份带来的特殊形式的异化。最后，贾格尔在马克思主义人类自由观的基础上发展出了女性自由的概念。马克思主义认为，人的自由在于自由地劳动和生产，这需要废除资本主义和阶级压迫。贾格尔总体上赞同这样的自由观，但进行了补充，认为女性只有在资本主义市场内外都自由地劳动和工作才可能实现真正的自由，而这需要同时消灭资本主义和父权制，并以此为基础提供了一些帮助实现女性自由的实用建议和策略。

本文认为，贾格尔理论的这三个方面密不可分，每一个方面都是贾格尔理论不可或缺的组成部分。贾格尔认为女性的本质在于自由自觉地进行生产，生育和性行为。但是在父权资本主义制度下，女性和自身本质相背离，导致了异化，丧失了自由。因此，贾格尔提出，只有废除资本主义和父权制度才能让女性从异化状态中解放出来，重获自由。贾格尔的理论揭示了当代女性受压迫的复杂原因，阐明了资本主义和父权制是女性双重异化的根源。通过将女性受压迫的根源追溯到这俩个相互交织的制度，贾格尔的理论不仅帮助我们更加全面地理解女性受压迫的状况，而且为女性未来的解放提供了路径。

最后，本文评价了贾格尔思想的理论贡献。贾格尔的女性异化理论成功将女性主义视角融入马克思主义理论，同时丰富了马克思主义和美国女性主义思想，为二者的发展做出了重要贡献。一方面，贾格尔的理论丰富了美国的女性主义思想：发展了女性主义政治哲学，将人的本质这一概念引入女性主义话语，构建了阐释妇女受压迫问题的理论框架，并为妇女解放实践提供了启示。另一方面，贾格尔的理论继承发展了许多马克思主义的核心概念，扩展了马克思主义的研究范围，并通过引入性别视角纠正了马克思主义固有的性别偏见。

关键词：阿莉森·贾格尔，女性异化，马克思主义，美国女性主义

Abstract

Alison Jaggar (1943-), an American feminist thinker, philosopher and woman’s rights advocate, is mostly known for her theory of women’s alienation. Adopting a socialist feminist stand, Jaggar draws heavily on Marxist ideas to construct her feminist theory. As a remarkable figure who applied Marxism to the study of women’s oppression in contemporary capitalist societies, Jaggar’s contribution to American feminism is unique and her thoughts remain valuable for research.

The focus of this study is Alison Jaggar’s theory of women’s alienation. Through textual analysis and historical analysis of Jaggar’s most well-known work, Feminist Politics and Human Nature, the thesis explores how Jaggar incorporates Marxist ideas into feminist thoughts and constructs her own feminist theory. The thesis finds that Jaggar’s theory mainly consists of three interrelated aspects: women’s nature, women’s alienation and women’s freedom.

First, Jaggar develops her conception of women’s nature based on Marxist conception of human nature. According to Marxism, human nature lies in free conscious production. Adopting a gender perspective, Jaggar conceptualizes “production” more broadly as including “procreation” and “sexuality”. Therefore, Jaggar believes that women’s nature lies in both free conscious productive labor and free conscious procreative and sexual activities. Second, Jaggar develops her conception of women’s alienation based on Marxist conception of alienation. While Marxists employs the conception of alienation to characterize the wage workers within capitalist production, Jaggar claims that women are also alienated outside the capitalist production, mainly including two aspects: alienation in sexuality and alienation in procreation/ motherhood. In addition, it’s argued that women also suffer special forms of alienation within the capitalist production. Finally, Jaggar develops a conception of women’s freedom based on Marxist conception of freedom. Marxism maintains that human freedom lies in free conscious production and this requires the abolition of class domination and capitalism. In general, Jaggar agrees with such view of freedom, but she complements that women’s freedom lies in free work both in and outside the capitalist market and requires the elimination of both capitalism and patriarchy. In addition, Jaggar offers some practical proposals and strategies for achieving women’s freedom.

This thesis contends that the three aspects are inextricably linked and inseparable, with each being an indispensable component of Jaggar’s theory. Jaggar believes that women’s nature lies in free and conscious production, procreation and sexuality. However, under the patriarchal capitalist system, women are disconnected with their nature, leading to alienation and loss of freedom. Therefore, Jaggar states that in order for women to be freed from their alienated state and achieve liberation, both capitalism and patriarchy need to be abolished. Jaggar’s theory unveils the intricate layers of women’s oppression, elucidating the dual forces of both apitalism and patriarchy as the origins of their double alienation. By tracing the origins of women's oppression to these intertwined systems, Jaggar's framework not only offers a comprehensive understanding of women’s subjugation but also paves the way for women's emancipation and liberation in the future.

At last, this thesis evaluates the theoretical contributions of Jagger's thought. Jaggar has successfully integrated the feminist perspective into Marxist theory, enriching both American feminism and Marxism and making significant contributions to the development of both. Jaggar’s theory enriches American feminism by develping feminist political philosophy, incorporating the concept of human nature into feminist discourse, establishing a theoretical framework to elucidate women’s oppression, and offering practical insights for women’s emancipation. Furthermore, Jaggar's theory builds upon and extends key Marxist concepts, broadening the scope of Marxist study and rectifying its gender bias through the inclusion of a gender perspective.

Key words: Alison Jaggar, Women’s alienation, Marxism, American Feminism

[4] 向苗苗

导师姓名：贾宁

中文题目：女性企业家的媒体呈现：基于《福布斯女性》中榜样叙事的文本分析

英文题目：Media Representation of Women Entrepreneurs: A Textual Analysis of Role Model Narratives in Forbeswomen

摘要

本文旨在对美国著名商业媒体《福布斯》（Forbes）的女性专题子网站《福布斯女性》（Forbeswomen）关于女性企业家的榜样叙事中所呈现和推广的女性企业家形象和气质进行分析和探讨，并评估这些叙事中所呈现和推广的女性企业家形象和气质对商业领域可能产生的影响。具体而言，本文运用后女权主义理论视角和刘易斯（2014）对企业女性气质的概念化作为理论框架，对《福布斯女性》中选自“21世纪最佳故事”系列和自2019年创办至今的年度“最佳故事”系列的文章进行文本分析。论文聚焦于三个问题：（1）《福布斯女性》对女性企业家的叙事中呈现了怎样的女性企业家榜样形象？（2）根据刘易斯的企业女性气质理论，哪些企业女性气质和身份在这些榜样故事中得到了推广？（3）这些推广的企业女性气质对商业领域的传统性别规范和权力关系有何影响？

首先，本文发现，《福布斯女性》主要构建了以中产阶级、受过高等教育的中青年白人女性为主的女性企业家榜样叙事。尽管如此，《福布斯女性》在对女性企业家榜样的年龄、种族、教育水平和家庭背景等方面呈现的复杂性和多样性，展现了其在推广女性企业家形象多元化方面的努力和进步性。其次，根据刘易斯关于创业女性气质的概念，本文认为《福布斯女性》在关于女性企业家的榜样叙事中呈现出了四种企业女性气质——个性化、母性和关系型企业女性气质，此外，本文还发现了一种新的企业气质—乐趣型。其中，个性化企业女性气质占主导地位，其次是母性和关系型企业女性气质，而过度女性气质则不被提倡。最后，本文发现，尽管《福布斯女性》在呈现和推广女性企业家榜样及其多元化女性气质方面展现了努力和先进性，但在挑战商业领域的传统性别规范和权力关系方面，仍有很长的路要走。

关键词：《福布斯女性》，女企业家，榜样，媒体呈现，女性气质

Abstract

This article examines the presentation and promotion of women entrepreneurial role models through narratives by the renowned American business media Forbes and its women-focused subsite Forbeswomen, as well as evaluates the possible impact of the presented and promoted images and femininities of women entrepreneurs within entrepreneurship. Specifically, this article, theoretically underpinned by a post-feminist perspective and Lewis’ (2014) theorizing on entrepreneurial femininity, conducts a textual analysis of Forbeswomen’s articles selected from “21st Century’s Greatest Stories” and annual “Best Stories” series since its inception in 2019. The thesis focuses on three questions: Who are the women entrepreneurial role models depicted in Forbeswomen’s narratives on women entrepreneurs? According to Lewis’ theorizing on entrepreneurial femininity, what kinds of the entrepreneurial femininities are presented and promoted in these role model stories? What are the implications of these promoted entrepreneurial femininities for traditional gender norms and power dynamics in the business domain?

First, the article reveals that Forbeswomen predominantly constructs narratives featuring middle-class, well-educated, middle-aged white women as role models for female entrepreneurs. Nevertheless, Forbeswomen demonstrates its efforts and progressiveness in showcasing diversity in terms of age, race, education, and family background among female entrepreneurial role models. Second, based on Lewis’ theorizing on entrepreneurial femininity, the article identifies four entrepreneurial femininities presented in Forbeswomen’s narratives—individualized, maternal, and relational entrepreneurial femininities, with a new entrepreneurial identity—“fun-preneur” being recognized. Among these, individualized femininity emerges as the dominant, followed by maternal and relational femininities, while excessive femininity is less encouraged. Finally, the article finds that while Forbeswomen has displayed efforts and progressiveness in presenting and promoting women entrepreneurial role models and their various femininities, there is still a long way to go in challenging traditional gender norms and power dynamics in entrepreneurship.

Keywords: Forbeswomen, women entrepreneur, role model, media representation, femininity

[5] 杨佳鑫

导师姓名：贾宁

中文题目：后 9/11 时代莫欣•哈米德作品中白人女性在跨种族交往中的形象研究

英文题目：White Females’ Representations in Interracial Relationships in Mohsin Hamid’s Novels in the Post 9/11 Age

摘要

9/11 事件后美国文学界涌现了一大批以恐怖袭击为背景的文学作品，这些小说的出版为学界和公众了解 9/11 提供了难能可贵的视角。尽管学界认为 9/11 文学作品是对布什政府为稳定民心、重塑美国形象，以及兜售反恐战争所宣传的美国男性气质的反叙事，很大程度上，9/11 文学仍将恐怖袭击视为一场男性的狂欢，认为只有通过白人和穆斯林男性的经验才能还原并理解这一悲剧的全貌。然而，女性的经验，尤其是白人女性在 9/11 事件中的体验在绝大多数情况下都被排除在研究之外。此外，9/11 事件后，随着仇视伊斯兰情绪的蔓延，美国与伊斯兰国家逐渐交恶，种族间的互动也日渐陷入二元对立的思维，同时处于主流话语边缘的白人女性与穆斯林男性的交往愈发成为社会禁忌。

巴基斯坦裔作家莫欣•哈米德在文学创作中融入了自己对于上述问题长达十余年的思考，在 2007 年出版的《拉合尔茶馆的陌生人》和 2022 年出版的《最后一个白人》中，通过描写有色男性与白人女性的互动反思了 9/11 事件对于种族关系的反噬。通过文本细读，本研究重点关注了莫欣•哈米德在《拉合尔茶馆的陌生人》和《最后一个白人》中对于四位白人女性在跨种族交往中的形象塑造，以期更好理解白人女性的经验以及穆斯林作家对于后 9/11 时代文明互动的看法。 通过研究四位白人女性，分别是艾瑞卡、艾瑞卡的母亲、奥娜、奥娜的母亲在与有色男性感情方面的互动、与成员在家庭层面的关系，以及与其他人物在社区范围的交际，本文发现莫欣•哈米德塑造了不同的白人女性形象，造成该形象变迁的原因在于作者对于 9/11 现实的反映以及对美国未来种族关走向的思考与展望。

具体而言，在《拉合尔茶馆的陌生人》中，艾瑞卡和她的母亲代表了 9/11 事件发生后美国主流持保守态度的白人群体。她们一反恐怖袭击发生前对于文化多元主义的拥护，对于穆斯林同胞采取忽视与隔离的态度和措施，转而回归主流社会所塑造的怀旧氛围中。同时，她们被恐伊斯兰情绪所笼罩、选择融入美国英雄叙事的话语体系，并且逃避对于社会其他成员及其穆斯林同胞的责任。十五年后，在哈米德的最新著作《最后一个白人》中，尽管在一定程度上仍徘徊于文化多元主义和排外主义的选择中，奥娜和奥娜的母亲则被塑造为更加开放进步的女性。在危机面前，她们选择对于不确定性进一步探索、反思美国保守主义，并且践行世界主义的主张。在这一探索的旅程中，尽管年老一辈在接受新秩序、消除种族偏见方面仍略显不适，但为了孩子的幸福，她们仍努力融入并憧憬未来。相较而言，年轻一代的白人女性则更加开放包容，她们揭露了种族这一概念的虚伪性，并认识到爱远比肤色更重要。

在 9/11 后十五年的跨度间，通过塑造两代不同的白人女性，莫欣•哈米德展现了其对恐怖袭击的深入思考。首先，通过刻画以艾瑞卡及其母亲为代表的保守白人形象，哈米德揭露了 9/11 前后虚伪傲慢的美国社会。其次，哈米德也展现并反思了少数族裔在美国社会中矛盾与挣扎的心理。最后，在新时代下，通过塑造以奥娜和其母亲为代表的更加积极的白人女性形象，哈米德运用写作这一利器来应对在美国乃至世界范围内仍存在并蔓延的仇视伊斯兰情绪和其他各种形态的种族主义，并以更加“激进”的希望憧憬一个种族关系更加和谐美好的美国社会。

关键词：莫欣•哈米德；《拉合尔茶馆的陌生人》；《最后一个白人》；白人女性形 象；跨种族交往

Abstract

A large body of post-9/11 literature has emerged in America after the terrorist attacks, which has provided both the academia and public unique perspectives to reflect the incident. However, although quite a few scholars have claimed that post-9/11 literature acts as a form of counter-narrative to Bush administration’s heroic narrative which has been used for the purpose of stabilizing the nation, reglorifying the image of the U.S., and touting War on Terror, to a large extent, post-9/11 literature continues to treat the terrorist attacks as a male carnival. It is generally believed that the terrorist attacks can only be articulated and understood through the experiences of American white men and even Muslim males. However, women’s experiences, especially white women’s encounters, have been overwhelmingly ignored or silenced by researchers. Further, as Islamophobia was devouring the nation, the relationship between America and Islamic was worsening guided by the binary thinking mentality. What is worse, both as the marginalized victims of the mainstream discourse, the line of interracial interactions between American white women and Muslim dark-skinned men has been further solidified.

Pakistani writer Mohsin Hamid has incorporated his decade-long thoughts on the above issues into his literary works The Reluctant Fundamentalist (2007) and The Last White Man (2022), which reflect the violent backlashes of 9/11 on interracial relationships. Therefore, this paper will focus on Hamid’s portrayal of four white women characters in these two books for the purpose of better understanding white women’s 9/11 experiences and Muslim writer’s perceptions on civilizational exchanges in the post-9/11 era. By examining the four white women, Erica, Erica’s mother, Oona, and Oona’s mother, especially their interactions with colored men in love interactions, white members in family relationships, and other characters in communal communications, this paper argues that Hamid depicts different white women figures to demonstrate his ideas on racial relationships as well as his envisions of its future.

Specifically, in The Reluctant Fundamentalist (2007), Erica and her mother represent the conservatives of the mainstream white community in the United States v shortly after 9/11. Instead of embracing Multiculturalism prior to the terrorist attacks, they ignore and isolate their Muslim counterparts while returning to the atmosphere of nostalgia molded by the mainstream society. At the same time, they are shrouded in Islamophobia, choosing to fit into the discourse of the American heroic narrative and avoiding their responsibilities to the rest of society as well as their fellow Muslims. Fifteen years later, however, in Hamid’s latest book, The Last White Man, while still hovering to some extent between the choices of Multiculturalism and xenophobia, Oona and Oona’s mother are portrayed as more open-minded and progressive women. In face of crisis, they choose to further explore uncertainty, reflect on American conservatism, and practice cosmopolitanism. Through this journey of exploration, the older generation, although still slightly reluctant to accept the new order and eliminate racial prejudice, strives to integrate and envision the future for the well-being of their children. On the other, the younger generation of white women are more open and inclusive, exposing the hypocrisy of race as a concept and recognizing that love is more important than skin color.

By portraying two different generations of White women in the span of fifteen years after 9/11, Mohsin Hamid demonstrates his in-depth reflection upon the terrorist attacks. To begin with, by depicting conservative white people represented by Erica and her mother, Hamid exposes the hypocritical and arrogant American society before and after 9/11. Besides, Hamid also showcases and reflects on the struggles of minorities in American society. Lastly, by portraying more positive images of white women represented by Oona and her mother in the new era, Hamid uses writing as a sword to address Islamophobia and other forms of racism that still prevalent in the United States and around the world and to envision a more ethnically harmonious American society with radical hopefulness.

Keywords: Mohsin Hamid; The Reluctant Fundamentalist; The Last White Man; White Females’ Representations; Interracial Relationship