姓名：于洋 导师：梅仁毅

论文题目(中文): 美国战略重心转向亚太的原因，措施以及对中美关系的影响

论文题目(英文): America’s Strategic Pivot to Asia—the Causes, Measures, and Impact on US-China Relations

论文关键词(中文): 美国重返亚太战略, 中美关系

论文关键词(英文): America strategic pivot to Asia, US-China relations

中文摘要：

2009年上台以后，奥巴马政府开始逐步从伊拉克撤军，并将美国战略重心转向了亚太地区，开启了“美国的太平洋世纪”。以朝核问题，南海问题、钓鱼岛问题等地区热点为契机，美国加强在亚太地区的军事存在以及对亚太事务的干预，巩固与亚洲传统盟友的关系，与印度，越南，印尼等新兴国家的关系也渐渐升温。以跨太平洋伙伴关系协议为切入点，美国试图重塑贸易规则，增加对亚太市场的出口，通过分享亚太经济增长红利来推动国内经济复苏和就业增长。以签署《东南亚友好合作条约》和加入东亚峰会为主要标志，美国还加强了与东盟这一地区组织的接触与合作。与此同时，中美关系在经历了第一年的和风细雨后开始变得乌云密布，美国在反倾销反补贴等贸易问题上态度强硬，在领土争端问题上对中国施加压力，并与军事伙伴在中国周边频繁举行联合演习，让中国和一些邻国不得不担心美国重返亚太战略的目的就是围堵遏制中国。本文试图分析美国重心转向亚洲的动机和原因，以及奥巴马政府为实现其重返亚太战略所采取的措施，最后将落脚点放在美国的亚洲政策对中美关系的影响上。本文认为，美国的亚太战略并不是完全针对中国，“太平洋足够宽广”，中美两国可以而且能够和平互依共存，中国不应当反应过度、自乱阵脚。

Abstract:

President Obama has commenced the phased withdrawal of US troops from Iraq ever since he took office in 2009, not only to fulfill his campaign promise, but also to rebalance America’s strategic pivot toward the Asia Pacific. Regional flashpoints like North Korea’s nuclear program, the South China Sea dispute and the Diaoyu Islands dispute provide ideal opportunities to intervene in Asian affairs, strengthen its military presence, revitalize traditional alliances, develop new partnerships, and engage with multilateral institutions. Trans-Pacific Partnership is used to establish standards, profit from the booming Asian market, and stimulate US economic recovery. By signing the Treaty on Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia and joining the East Asia Summit, America has enhanced its cooperation with ASEAN. As for US-China relations, the US has taken a hardline on Beijing with regard to a series of trade issues like anti-dumping/anti-subsidy duties and put pressure on Beijing to appreciate RMB. Given the frequency of its joint military exercises with allies and partners in China’s neighborhood, America’s pivot to Asia can be interpreted by China and some Asian states as a Cold War-style containment. This thesis will try to analyze the causes for Obama’s Asia policy, the measures taken by the US government and the impact on US-China relations. The authors believes that America’s rebalance toward Asia is a comprehensive strategy and is not completely targeted at China. The Pacific is large enough for US-China interdependence and peaceful coexistence, and China should not overreact to America’s pivot to Asia.

姓名：李凤云 导师：梅仁毅

论文题目(中文): 美非对中国在非洲的经济活动之态度对比

论文题目(英文): How America and Africa View China’s Economic Involvement in Africa, A Comparative Study

论文关键词(中文): 中国在非洲经济活动, 美国观点, 非洲一些国家观点, 中国在非洲经济活动之形象提高

论文关键词(英文): China’s African economic involvement, America’s view, African countries’ view, China’s image–improving

中文摘要：

美国及非洲一些国家对中国在非的经济活动之态度对比，首先要探究的就是美国和非洲一些国家对中国在非洲经济活动的各自态度。美国对中国在非洲经济活动的态度是通过分析美国的两大报纸和五大智库得出来的。两大报纸是纽约时报和华盛顿邮报。五大智库分别是布鲁金斯学会、外交关系协会、战略和国际研究中心、美国企业研究所和传统基金会。时间锁定在奥巴马的执政期内，换句话说不管是报纸还是智库，所分析的文章的发布时间是在2009年到2012年期间。

非洲一些国家对中国在非洲的经济活动的态度主要是通过案例分析非洲的几个国家获得的。这些国家有尼日利亚、赞比亚、乌干达、以及南非。此外，还有些国家也有提及包括卢旺达、津巴布韦、利比里亚、莱索托等。分析的文章来自这些国家自己的网站或是其它非洲网站。

整篇论文是通过分析这些文章的内容，并作一些简单的数据处理，然后得出观点，并作一比较完成的。分析的结论是美国的观点并不是被认为的一味否定，所分析的非洲一些国家对此的观点也并不是被认为的一味肯定。前者的观点大部分是中立的，而后者的大部分观点是积极肯定的。此外对非洲数个国家的分析使所表现的对中国在非的经济活动的观点比较全面丰富。通过这些观点，可以了解很多非洲人民对中国在非经济活动的看法，包括肯定的方面和否定的方面以及在对华经济往来时，他们对中国的期待。

Abstract:

This paper is to compare America’s view on China’s African economic involvement with some African countries’ view. America’s view is reflected by analyzing two big American newspapers and five major think tanks, and the time period is four years from 2009-2012. They are the New York Times, the Washington Post, Brookings, Council on Foreign Relation (CFR), Center for Strategic undefinedamp; International Studies (CSIS), American Enterprise Institute (AEI), and the Heritage Foundation.

Regarding some African countries’ view of China’s African economic involvement, there are four African countries which are specifically analyzed and other countries that are also mentioned. Nigeria, Zambia, Uganda and the South Africa are cases for analysis. Other countries include Rwanda, Malawi, Lesotho, Kenya, Liberia, and others. And articles used in analysis are all from these countries’ websites or websites that focus on the whole continent.

First articles from newspapers, think tanks, and websites will be analyzed. Some analyzing results are to be quantified. Then attitude of American newspapers and think tanks will be compared with that of some African countries. And in analyzing some African countries’ attitude, certain countries will be used as cases to be studied.

After the analysis, Africa’s view[1] presented is relatively comprehensive and with details. And its view is not all positive as expected though most African people view China’s African economic involvement positively. In contrast, America’s view is relatively narrow and its view is not all negative as expected. As a matter of fact, most of Americans view China’s economic involvement neutrally. Moreover, through the analysis, the paper not only presents both positive and negative views of Africans on China’s African economic involvement but also shows different expectations of African countries for their relationship with China.

In addition, the comparison of America’s view and Africa’s view is very helpful for China’s image-improving regarding its economic activities in Africa. At the end of the paper, the author puts forward some tentative suggestions.

姓名：孙昭 导师：谢韬

论文题目(中文): “第二任布鲁斯”?连任总统一、二任内的政策和立法成功率演变——以克林顿和小布什为例

论文题目(英文): Second Term Blues? Evolution of Presidencies from 1st to 2nd Terms – the Clinton and Bush Jr. Administrations

论文关键词(中文): 美国总统第二任, 政策议程, 立法成功率

论文关键词(英文): U.S. President second term, policy agenda, legislative success

中文摘要:

 截止至本文完成，美国现任总统奥巴马已成功赢得2012年大选实现连任，他在第二任内会有什么作为也成为人们关注的焦点。在美国总统学术研究领域，总统的“第二任”问题并没有被广泛关注。但在现有的研究中，学者们基本达成了一个共识，即连任总统在第二任内不会比第一任更成功。很多人更是用“第二任布鲁斯”这样的措辞来表达总统在第二任更容易遭遇挫败这一共识。

为了检验这样的共识是否有实践基础，本文采用定量方法研究了克林顿和小布什——最近两位连任总统在两个任期内的政策议程演变和立法成功率。研究主要发现，从政策议程演变来看，相比于第一任，连任总统第二任内的施政重心会向外交政策倾斜。而从立法成功率来看，连任总统在第二任内的表现的确逊色于第一任，但并不等于没有机会有所作为。至于应如何解释这样的现象，却很难一概而论。笔者认为，第一任内的政策遗留问题对克林顿和小布什的第二任均有相当程度的影响，而一些学者曾提出过的其他因素，如傲慢和中期选举失利等则不一定适用于每位总统。

Abstract:

To date when this study has been completed, the incumbent President Obama has already won the 2012 election, and what his second term would be like is a topic that has generated many discussions. Whereas there hasn’t been much scholarship studying presidential second terms, there has been a near consensus among scholars that two-term presidents tend to be less successful in their second terms, and terms like “second-term blues” have been frequently used to characterize the frustrating nature of presidential second terms.

To test whether such a consensus and several other related theories are empirically grounded, this study uses quantitative methods to analyze cases of the two most recent two-term presidents – Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, examining the evolution of their policy agenda as well as their legislative success from the first to the second term. The study has proved that the presidents in their second terms, among other things, did gravitate towards foreign policy more, and that they were likely to experience underachievement on the legislative front to some extent (although there were still many opportunities for them to seize). It has been rather difficult to pin down or generalize why it tends to be so from president to president. In the author’s opinion, legacies from the first term have had a considerable influence on both presidents’ second terms, whereas other factors such as hubris and mid-term losses may have affected them differently.

姓名：张国玺 导师：谢韬

论文题目(中文): 有“权”无“势”，非常统治：跛脚鸭总统和总统权力，从杜鲁门到小布什

论文题目(英文): Governing When It’s Over: Lame-duck Presidents and Presidential Power, Truman to George W. Bush

论文关键词(中文): 跛脚鸭总统, 总统权力, 总统单边权力, 单边行动

论文关键词(英文): lame-duck president, presidential power, presidential unilateral power, unilateral action

中文摘要：

“跛脚鸭总统”人如其名，既缺乏政治影响，更不被学术界关注，这仿佛是理所当然之事。因此，跛脚鸭总统在美国政治中的地位和意义大多被忽略不计。此外，即便跛脚鸭总统偶被提及，对他们做出的各种描述往往有失偏颇，对他们进行的各种讨论也通常不够完整。跛脚鸭总统学术上被冷落，形象上被误解，究其原因，是研究美国总统的学者们过于关注总统的“说服权力”，而往往忽略了宪法赋予总统的“发号施令”的权力。

本文旨在填补跛脚鸭总统研究领域的空白，并试图挑战与修正关于战后跛脚鸭总统的种种“理所当然”的看法和“盛行一时”的误解。本文的基本观点是，总统权力的性质在跛脚鸭统治时期必然发生变化，其权力的本质亦有别于总统任期内其余时期。换言之，在跛脚鸭总统统治的非常时期，由于他政治上的影响力已然耗尽，他的“说服权力”也所剩无几，因此跛脚鸭总统通常被迫转为依靠他的单边总统权力，而这种单边权力，究其本质而言，无疑为跛脚鸭总统在非常时期进行有效统治提供了最为理想的政策工具。

基于近年来学术界对总统单边权力的日益关注，本文的研究重心是总统的单边行动，以及跛脚鸭总统运用其单边权力所制定的各项政策。因此，本文选取了行政命令、总统公告以及总统签字声明等三项具有重要政策意义的总统单边行动的工具，作为研究的主要对象。通过研究历届跛脚鸭总统对它们的使用情况，本文得出结论，在其任期即将结束的三个月里，跛脚鸭总统往往会采取更多的单边行动，制定更多的单边政策，其频率亦通常高于其任内其他时期。因此，可以认为，当一个总统的“说服权力”大大受限时，比如跛脚鸭总统的非常时期，他“发号施令”的权力往往会成为其进行有效统治的关键。同时，通过从三个层面对跛脚鸭总统进行分析，本文亦为总统研究领域增加了新的诠释和理解。

Abstract:

It is conventional wisdom that lame-duck presidents, as the name suggests, have little political influence and therefore attract less scholarly interest. As a result, their place and significance in American politics have mostly passed without notice. Furthermore, when lame-duck presidents have been discussed, they have often been portrayed inaccurately or the discussion has been incomplete. The scholarly disinterest in as well as misrepresentations of lame-duck presidents actually stem from the presidency scholars’ overemphasis on a president’s “power to persuade”, while neglecting their formal powers to command.

This paper is an effort to fill the existing gap in the literature on lame-duck presidents as well as an attempt to challenge and revise the standard interpretations and prevailing misconceptions about lame-duck presidents in the modern era. The premise of this paper is that the nature of presidential power during a president’s final days in office is necessarily different from the rest of his presidency. In other words, when a lame-duck president’s political influence has been exhausted and his capacity to persuade depleted, he is often compelled to turn to and rely upon his unilateral presidential powers, which, by their very nature, serve as ideal policy tools for lame-duck presidents to pursue his personal interests as well as his policy preferences.

Taking advantage of the emerging theoretical emphasis on the president’s unilateral powers, my research focus is on presidential unilateral actions and policies of lame-duck presidents’ own making. By using three presidential unilateral actions as my indicators, i.e. executive orders, presidential proclamations, and presidential signing statements, I have discovered that, consistent with my expectations, there are generally more presidential unilateral actions from the lame-duck president’s last three months in office than from any other time during his entire presidency. In other words, if a president’s ability to persuade is severely limited, as the case in an administration’s waning days in office, his ability to command then becomes the key for effective governance. By looking at lame-duck presidents from three levels of analysis, this paper also adds new interpretations and understandings to the general scholarship on the presidency.

姓名：杨欢 导师：闫循华

论文题目(中文): 奥巴马的气候政策为何“高开低走”：双层博弈论视角

论文题目(英文): Why Couldn’t Obama Deliver More on Climate Change: A Two-level Game Approach

论文关键词(中文): 奥巴马气候政策, 双层博弈论, 国际国内政治互动

论文关键词(英文): Obama International Climate Policy, Two-Level Game Theory, Interaction of International and Domestic Politics

中文摘要：

自2009年1月上任起，美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马即在各种公开场合表明其积极应对气候变化、重夺美国在国际气候谈判中的领导权的决心，并且通过推行一系列国内外气候政策将此目标付诸实践。2009年6月，《美国清洁能源与安全法案》在众议院通过，国内对各项减排政策给与一定支持。2009年12月，奥巴马总统亲赴哥本哈根气候大会现场以促成可以取代《京都议定书》的气候协议的签订。奥巴马同中国、印度、南非、巴西四国领导人举行闭门会议，并共同签署《哥本哈根协定》。尽管该协定并不具有法律约束力，但其中规定了各国减排目标，并且得到大多数国家的支持，基本实现了奥巴马的最初目标。

然而，自从2010年参议院宣布不会针对《美国清洁能源与安全法案》进行投票以来，国内对规定减排目标且具有法律效力的气候协议的反对声音愈发强烈。与此同时，奥巴马参加国际气候大会的积极性受挫，转而举办主要经济体论坛等小范围对话协商来推动解决全球变暖问题。双边及多边清洁能源合作也被视为其气候政策的主要部分之一。总而言之，这一系列对外气候政策已偏离奥巴马重夺气候领导权的目标，均通过间接而非直接手段促进减排。

本文试图利用双层博弈理论解释奥巴马总统实施以上对外气候政策的原因，通过探讨美国的政治制度以及总统、国会、利益集团和公众等各方政策偏好得出结论，即国内外政治互动（特别是国内政治）是该政策形成的主因。首先，国会和传统能源工业利益集团的反对导致奥巴马总统对联合国气候谈判的态度由积极转向消极，退而求其次推动小范围磋商；其次，环保团体和清洁能源产业等利益集团以及公众舆论的支持又在一定程度上促成双边及多边清洁能源合作；最后，首席谈判者（或总统）在国际谈判中所采取的策略可以在某种程度上扩大支持总统气候政策的群体以使该政策更加合理化。

本文在借鉴罗伯特·普特南和海伦·米尔纳的双层博弈理论的基础上引入公众舆论分析、完善国际政治对国内政治的影响因素的论证，力图弥补现有研究系统化欠缺、国际因素论证乏力等不足，以更加科学分析奥巴马第一任期内美国对外气候政策的成因，并尝试对其下一任期政策作出预测，以期为国内外奥巴马气候政策研究添光增色，作出些许贡献。

Abstract:

Ever since his inauguration in January 2009, U.S. President Barack Obama has stated his determination to actively deal with climate change and regain U.S. leadership in international climate negotiations on public occasions. In June, 2009, the American Clean Energy and Security Act was passed in the House, which showed certain domestic support for greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reduction policies. In December 2009, President Obama personally attended the UN climate conference in Copenhagen, aiming to bring up a new international agreement to replace the Kyoto Protocol. After a meeting with leaders from China, India, South Africa and Brazil, Obama came up with the Copenhagen Accord with these leaders. Even though the Accord was not binding, it did include reduction targets for each country and receive acceptance from a majority of countries, basically achieving Obama’s original goal.

However, since the Senate announced it would not vote on the American Clean Energy and Security Act in 2010, the domestic opposition against a binding international climate agreement has become stronger and stronger. At the same time, President Obama’s enthusiasm for attending UN climate conferences dwindled and was replaced by his advocacy of holding meetings among smaller coalitions of countries such as Major Economies Forum to tackle climate change. In addition, bilateral and multilateral clean energy cooperation also became a major component of his international climate policy. All in all, all these policies being carried out have departed from his ambitious goal of regaining U.S. climate leadership in the world in that they adopt indirect rather than direct means to drive the reduction of GHG emissions.

Applying the two-level game theory, the thesis attempts to detect the driving forces behind President Obama’s international climate policy by examining the U.S. political institutions and the policy preferences of the President, Congress, interest groups and the public. The conclusion is that Obama’s international climate policy result from the interaction of international and domestic politics (and especially the domestic politics). Firstly, Obama’s advocacy of talks among smaller coalitions of countries with no agenda to include mandatory GHG reduction targets is mainly due to the strong opposition from Congress and interest groups with high stakes in fossil fuel energy; secondly, the U.S. has actively engaged in bilateral and multilateral clean energy cooperation, which is supported by environmental groups, clean energy industries and the public; finally, the strategies adopted by chief negotiators (or the President) are able to enlarge the groups who support the President’s international climate policy so that it is more easily ratified.

Based on Robert D. Putnam’s and Helen V. Milner’s two-level game theories, the thesis adds the analysis of public opinion and improves the arguments on international influences on domestic politics, trying to compensate for the existing research’s lack of systematism and logical argumentation on international factors. Therefore, it is sincerely hoped that the explanation of Obama’s international climate policy in his first term and the prediction of the policy in his second term will be more scientific under the thesis’ theoretical framework, so that a little contribution can be made to the research on the subject both home and abroad.

姓名：崔浩 导师：孙有中

论文题目(中文): 个人自治的乌托邦：梭罗政治思想之构架及其与老子政治思想比较

论文题目(英文): A Self-Governing Utopia: Thoreau’s Conceptualization of Government in Comparison with Lao-tze’s Political Thought

论文关键词(中文): 梭罗老子政治思想研究, 个人为中心的自治

论文关键词(英文): Thoreau Political Conceptualization Lao-tze, Individual-Oriented Self-Governance

中文摘要：

梭罗研究由来已久，著述亦颇丰。然单就梭罗政治思想而言，梭罗之政思为何？其本质又为何？该问题似乎历来为相关研究涉及，又屡屡点到为止，或概述过简，或只重树木，不察森林。笔者尝试通过对梭罗相关著作的文本研读，生平履历的考究，政治思想背景的研析等，最终构建一个梭罗政治思想，尤其是关于政府思想的体系雏形。梭罗政治思想与东方思想的可能联系，也不可忽略。承托马斯•杰斐逊之“最好的政府即管得最少的政府”思想衣钵，他于《公民抗命》一书中提出“最好的政府什么都不管”之箴言，广传于世。乍看初撇，此主张似与中国古代先哲老子“无为而治”之主张有所貌合。而梭罗又屡屡于其著作中引入儒家的思想，颇显与东方思想之渊源，令人不禁推想：此种管窥之下的貌合，是否源自两位思想者政治思想之本质上的神合？抑或是貌合之下，其实神离？固笔者在文本分析比较之基础上，以老子《道德经》中之政思为镜，反照梭罗政思，以期东西相形而别现新知。综上，本文合梭罗相关著作文本解读、生平履历解析、思想背景研析，及与老子政治思想的文本简要比较，从而最终构建具有较详实局部思想分析的梭罗政治思想体系雏形。构建之中，本文发现，梭罗关乎政府的政治思想，是其超验主义主张中对个人自治能力与潜力肯定的政治化，亦是对体制性、自上而下式政治变革的反驳，其本质是个人渐臻完美基础上的个人自治的乌托邦。这与其个人经历，及所接触到的思想及重要友朋息息相关；梭罗对个人为中心，而非体制化为中心的政治之道的坚持，本质上前后一致，贯彻始终；其与老子政治思想的形似，难盖其神异，也进一步反过来突出了梭罗政思的个人中心性。同时，诸如想象的“无底”、“压坐别人肩膀”、半荒半垦的“豆田”等散佚于非明显政治性著作中的寓意概念，需加寓意式解读，以更进一步理解与统筹梭罗的政治思想。

Abstract:

Thoreau Studies has been a seasoned and fruitful field of academic pursuit. Yet the fundamental questions regarding Thoreau’s political thought, like, what are the essentials of his politics, what is the nature of Thoreau’s political conceptualization, are habitually merely touched upon, either in a concise and holistic fashion, or in a segmented and detailed approach 1. This thesis ventures to construct a well-branched framework of Thoreau’s politics combining the two approaches, pillared up by textual analysis of his related works, biographical studies, and intellectual context analysis. The disputable oriental entanglement of Thoreau’s thought should not be left unconsidered here. Indeed, Thoreau’s well-known utterance that “government is the best which governs not at all”, which carries on Jeffersonian legacy preaching that “government is the best which governs the least”, appears to echo the Lao-tze’s notion of “action without deed”. Sided by the fact that Thoreau repeatedly cited Confucian teachings in his works, one is apt to ponder: Is the echoing a reflection of the inherent, in-depth convergence between the two? Or a misleading sign of their fundamental divergence? Consequently, a comparative studies based on textual analysis between Thoreau’s seemingly oriental twin in thought will be included to mirror Thoreau’s politics clearer. To sum up, this paper will try to construct a sketchy yet branched framework of Thoreau’s political thought, encompassing textual analysis of his related works, biographical studies, intellectual context analysis, and a comparative study with Lao-tze’s political conceptualization. This thesis finds Thoreau’s political framework on governance is inherently, based on Thoreau’s transcendental belief in individual capability of self-governance via self perfection efforts, an individual-oriented utopia. This individual-centered approach, not institutional-oriented approach, is closely related to his life experiences, and is consistent in a chronological sense. The seemingly Taoist notion of his turns out to be misleading façade of the inherent divergence between the two minds in politics, which in turn, telescopes the individual-centered thought of Thoreau’s. Meanwhile, though risk of imposing or politicizing, it is academically tempting to include his other works which are not so apparently political for an overall analysis. In so doing, several metaphors, the “bottomless” metaphor, “shoulder-sitting” metaphor and the “bean field” metaphor, while being illustrative in construction of Thoreau’s overall political notions centered on the governmental framework, arguably indicate that this road of metaphorical study of Thoreau’s political ideas among his not obviously political works is instrumental and productive. 1.The scope and methodology in Thoreau Studies encompass biographical studies, Literature, Philosophy, Culture Studies, and Political approach, etc. In terms of political approach, there is holistic and general study, segmented and detailed analysis, as well as a combination of commentary and analytical methods. Generally speaking, despite their merits, the holistic and general approach tends to be to concise, short, to reveal the densely branched thought tree of Thoreau’s; while the segmented and detailed approach is apt to be short of unity and structure. See the subsequent literature review part for details.

姓名：赵洁 导师：孙有中

论文题目(中文): 个人主义思想的继承与重建—拉尔夫沃尔多爱默生与约翰杜威的比较研究

论文题目(英文): Individualism Inherited and Reconstructed: A Comparative Study of Ralph Waldo Emerson and John Dewey

论文关键词(中文): 个人主义思想, 爱默生约翰

论文关键词(英文): Individualism, Ralph Waldo Emerson, John Dewey

中文摘要：没有什么能比个人主义思想更具美国特色。这一思想起源于欧洲，但却在美国得到了极大的丰富和发展。并且，作为美国人民的核心价值观，它已渗入到美国文化的方方面面。由于个人主义思想具有不确定性，随着时代的变迁，其内涵也发生了翻天覆地的变化。本文运用了历史分析和文本分析两种方法对爱默生和杜威的个人主义思想进行了比较研究，旨在发现个人主义思想的核心特征是否已发生变化，并对爱默生和杜威的个人主义思想进行简明扼要地评价。

本文以爱默生和杜威的代表著作作为研究的第一手资料，并参考了第二手资料即爱默生和杜威的传记及相关评论，对二人的个人主义思想进行了细致的对比分析。文章的分析研究主要沿两条主线进行：思想的继承和重建。思想的继承针对爱默生和杜威的个人主义思想的共同点进行了分析。该部分主要围绕双方对个人特性的重视，个人权利自由的至高无上性以及双方对实践的强调三个要点展开分析。思想重建部分则对爱默生和杜威的个人主义思想的不同点进行了分析，并探讨了杜威在面对人性迷茫时提出的重建个人主义的对策。不同点主要分为两个方面：第一，爱默生与杜威对宗教以及科学在个人发展方面的作用持不同态度；第二，二人对个人与社会的关系也持不同观点。此外，杜威对个人主义思想的重建也是该部分探讨的一个重点。杜威将个人主义的重建大致分为两步：一、将科学和技术应用到个人主义重建中；二、努力建立伟大的社会共同体。

通过对杜威和爱默生个人主义思想的对比分析，本文发现个人主义思想的核心特征并未随着时代的变迁而改变。此外，爱默生所提倡的个人主义并不同于旧个人主义，而杜威推崇的新个人主义依然要面临漫长的发展之路，因此，很难对其作用和影响做出预测。

Abstract:

Nothing is more American than individualism. Individualism which originated in Europe witnessed its glorious enrichment and development in America. And it has penetrated every aspect of American culture as the core value. Characterized with indeterminate shape, individualism has gone through tremendous changes with social development. This thesis takes historical analysis and textual analysis as two main methods and makes the comparison between Emersonian individualism and Deweyan individualism, aiming to find whether there are any changes of the core characteristics marked on individualism from Emerson to Dewey and make a brief evaluation of Emersonian individualism and Deweyan individualism.

Based on the primary source, the representative works of Ralph Waldo Emerson and John Dewey, as well as the secondary source, the biographies and commentaries, this research is carried out along two lines: intellectual inheritance, the similarities of Emersonian individualism and Deweyan individualism and intellectual reconstruction, the differences between Emersonian individualism and Deweyan individualism and Dewey’s reconstruction in face of self-loss and confusion. Intellectual inheritance is focused on three major points, the significance of individual distinctiveness, the primacy of individual freedom and right, and the emphasis on experience; while intellectual reconstruction is centered on different stances of Emerson and Dewey on the role of religion and science in self-development as well as the relationship between individual and society, and Dewey’s two steps of reconstructing individualism, application of science and technique and creation of Great Community.

By comparing Emersonian individualism with Deweyan individualism, this thesis reaches conclusion that the core features of individualism remain intact with the social development. And Emersonian individualism is different from the old individualism. The new individualism promoted by Dewey is faced with a long process of development and its influence is hard to predict.

姓名：刘知南 导师：孙有中

论文题目(中文): 超验主义与心学—-爱默生与王阳明的哲学对比研究

论文题目(英文): Transcendentalism and the Philosophy of Mind—A Comparative Study of Emerson and Wang Yangming

论文关键词(中文): 直觉, 真理, 本心统一超灵, 天理

论文关键词(英文): intuition, original, mind unity, oversoul, Principle of Nature

中文摘要：

爱默生与王阳明是美国与中国历史上极具有代表性的思想家、哲学家。作为“东方专家”、唯心主义者，爱默生熟知东方文化并从中获得许多灵感与启发；而王阳明作为明朝儒家学派的代表人物，却提出了一套比较完整的唯心主义理论，极大地有别于中国儒家传统。由于时间、地域及文化的不同，两位哲学家的思想也存在极大的不同，但本篇论文主要将从哲学角度出发，采用文本分析和对比的方法，分析两位哲学家思想的相同之处，尤其是他们的认识论和宇宙观的相似。

爱默生与王阳明的第一个相似之处在于他们的认识论，两人都相信人通过自己获取知识、认识真理。爱默生相信人不能依靠经验或感觉获取知识，每个人都拥有天生的“直觉真理”，通过自我发掘这种“直觉真理”来获取知识和真理。王阳明认为，人“求理于吾心”，“心即理也”，不消外求，只要能维护自己的“本心”、不断体认本心，就能认识到这个世界的真理。

两位思想家也有相同的宇宙观，都相信自然与人心的呼应与统一。爱默生认为自然就是人心的象征，人可以通过自然与最高精神交流并融为一体。王阳明也持有相同的观点：“夫人者，天地之心，天地万物本吾一体者也。”

最后，爱默生的概念“超灵”也与王阳明的“天理”有着极其相似的含义，这两个概念体现了他们对精神性的共同追求和神秘主义色彩。爱默生认为“超灵”超然存在于一切之上，是整个宇宙运行的法则；同时每个灵魂都是“超灵”的一部分，因此每个人都有“直觉真理”，能够体现“超灵”的完美。王阳明也认为世间万物同气相生，人与天地万物同“心”，都遵循统一的天理，而天理存在于本心，因此人可以体认本心、感知天理。

Abstract:

Ralph Waldo Emerson and Wang Yangming were prominent idealists in the West and East in their own era. As to Emerson who has been called an Orientalist, eastern philosophy and religions have been great inspirations. Wang Yangming, on the other hand, is one of the few Chinese Confucian philosophers who develops a comparatively complete idealistic theory on his own. Their philosophical differences are various and unsystematic and thus is not covered here. In this thesis, I will present to you that philosophically speaking, in their epistemology and cosmology, Wang Yangming and Emerson have something in common: the two thinkers both believe in human potential and share the faith in man’s intuition or “original mind”; both of them trust in the ultimate benevolence of nature and stress the unity of nature and mind; and they both believe in a super spirit, the oversoul. Their differences will not be covered here. I use mainly textual analysis and comparison to elaborate on my points.

Large amounts of studies have been done on Emerson and Wang Yangming, but none has been done on the comparison of the two. This writer is going to do the job.

The first commonality is their similar way to know the cosmic truths, or same epistemology. Emerson tries to approach truths of life and the universe through “Intuition”. He believes that the learning mechanism or ability of humans through which experience was acquired is intuitions of the mind itself, which are innate, and that everything in the intellect exists in the experience of the senses. Also, he asserts that although intuition is endowed with man’s private mind, it needs internal cultivation. We can find a similar term to Emerson’s intuition in Wang Yangming’s dictionary, that is, “original mind”. The original mind means the original and natural state of human mind. Wang asserts that “[k]nowledge is the original substance of the mind. The mind is naturally able to know.”He also believes in man’s internal cultivation.

Another important commonality between Emerson’s Transcendentalism and Wang Yaming’s Philosophy of the Mind is that they both stress the correspondence and unity of nature and mind and have the same cosmology. Emerson states that “the whole of nature is a metaphor of the human mind,” and treats nature as a “part of the whole” that activates the mind, and an access for man to communicate with God. Wang Yangming, on the other hand, also believes that “[m]an is the mind of the heaven and earth. Man forms one body with the heaven, the earth and everything.”

At last, Emerson’s doctrine of the “oversoul” which helps to unite the mind and nature is similar to what Wang Yanming terms “the Principle of Nature.” Emerson professes that the “oversoul” transcends all as the infinite law behind the universe, and individual souls partake of the “oversoul” and show the Supreme Being and perfection of it, which can explain the infinite and perfect intuition of man. The notion of the “oversoul” is nothing but a manifestation of Emerson’s belief in spirituality and mysticism. Wang’s Philosophy of the Mind also aims at the discovery of the highest principle—the “Principle of Nature”. Man “forms one body with the heaven, the earth and everything. The unity is a manifestation of an eternal being—all of them have the same “qi”, which is also another term for “Principle”, and exactly what Emerson terms “the oversoul.”

姓名：陈方琪 导师：贾宁

论文题目(中文): 迪士尼公主系列动画电影中的女性赋权

论文题目(英文): Women’s Empowerment in Disney Princess Collection Animation

论文关键词(中文): 女性赋权, 迪士尼公主系列动画电影, 行为模式和性格恋爱和婚姻, 女性的影响力

论文关键词(英文): Women’s Empowerment, Disney Princess Collection Animation, Behavior patterns and Personalities, Romance and Marriage

中文摘要：

本论文研究了《白雪公主和七个小矮人》（1937），《灰姑娘》(1950), 《睡美人》(1959)，《小美人鱼》(1989) 《美女与野兽》(1991)，《公主与青蛙》(2009)和《长发公主》(2010) 七部迪士尼公主系列动画电影对妇女赋权的体现。论文首先在对妇女赋权的相关文献进行了综述的基础上给出了妇女赋权的适用定义，然后从自我、恋爱、影响力三个范围逐渐扩大的角度对七部影片进行分析与探讨。新的自我方面主要研究了七位公主的行为模式和性格由被动向主动的转变，他们逐渐开始工作，由被救者成为施救者，敢于反驳与反抗，不再总是通过哭泣示弱，具备了更多独立、领导能力等传统上被认为只有男性才具有的特点。在恋爱关系方面上，论文从三方面进行了论述，首先对女性外表的重要性的强调逐渐减少，女性不再被物化；后期的公主开始有了除恋爱和婚姻之外对事业的追求；以及他们对恋爱发展过程的越来越多的主动权。论文的第三个角度将视野进一步扩大，研究公主与电影中的敌对方、长辈、施助者、邻居朋友等四类人的互动中体现公主对其所处的社会的影响。分析体现出公主逐渐开始能对周围的人施加影响，对自己的生活和环境有了更多掌控，证明了他们的赋权。

迪士尼动画电影被证明具有重要的教育意义，而本文在女性主义的相关理论的支持下，以更全面、系统的角度对有足够长的时间跨度的电影进行了分析，而得出迪士尼公主系列动画电影体现出女性的确获得更多权利的结论。

Abstract:

This thesis aims to examine women’s empowerment in 7 selected Disney Princess Collection Animations: Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (1937), Cinderella (1950), Sleeping Beauty (1959), the Little Mermaid (1989), Beauty and the Beast (1991), the Princess and the Frog (2009) and Tangled (2010). Measuring the princesses’ power against a working definition based on an extensive review of the literature on women’s empowerment, the study is unfolded from the perspectives of princesses’ “new self”, “new romance” and “new influence”.? New self refers to princesses’ behavior patterns and personalities’ transformation from rather passive to active, with more engagement in out-of-house employment, performance of rescue, obedience, less emotion displays of weakness and more occupation of traditional masculine traits. The new romance perspective witnesses the less stress on the princesses’ outward beauty thus less sexual objectification, the princesses’ more ambitions of self-realization beyond romance and marriage, and their more active role in the romantic relation. The New influence perspective targets the princesses’ interaction with other supporting characters, which mainly fall into 4 categories as enemies, parents, the mighty helper, and other acquaintances.? The discussion finds that the princesses gradually are able to exert influence upon people around them, thus has more control on her life and the community she lives within, which are important proof of their empowerment. The conclusion is that princesses from 1930s till now in the Disney animation are empowered, with more control on their life and the community they live within.

The significance of the animation lies in the normative restrictions of the materials, the time span of the collection that would witness the empowerment process with the aid of feminism theories, and the thesis’ more inclusive and comprehensive perspectives.

姓名：吕阳 导师：贾宁

论文题目(中文): 华语电影中的好莱坞元素探究

论文题目(英文): A Study of the Hollywood Elements in Chinese Language Cinema

论文关键词(中文): 好莱坞元素, 华语电影, 混合性理论

论文关键词(英文): Hollywood Elements, Chinese Language, Cinema Hybridity

中文摘要：

本文旨在通过研究四部成功的华语电影，即《卧虎藏龙》（2000），《英雄》（2002），《十面埋伏》（2004）和《功夫》（2004），来探究其中的好莱坞元素。本文以混合性理论为理论基础，从深浅两个层次来展开研究。具体来说，好莱坞制片模式将作为浅层次来讨论，而好莱坞英雄形象将作为深层次进行探究。

通过研究，本文有三个发现：首先，通过运用好莱坞的制片模式，即好莱坞高概念电影制作模式和好莱坞式叙事模式，以及融入好莱坞式的英雄形象，四部华语电影被不同程度“好莱坞化”，而其好莱坞元素也由此体现出来。其次，电影中好莱坞化的制片模式是按由表及里的逻辑顺序来构建的。最后，电影的好莱坞元素是其在美国市场取得成功的重要因素之一，我们由此也可以预测在美国文化全球影响力如此广泛的今天，华语电影也能凭借其好莱坞元素在世界电影市场中取得新成功。

本文的创新性和重要性在于以混合性理论为理论基础来探究华语电影中的好莱坞元素。其原因有两方面：一是探究好莱坞元素在华语电影中的研究较少，二是混合性理论在媒体研究中的运用较少。因此，本文为文化研究提供了新视角，为更好地理解别国文化提供了新思路。

Abstract: This thesis aims to dig out the Hollywood elements in Chinese language cinema by researching into four successful Chinese films, Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000), Hero (2002), House of Flying Daggers (2004), and Kung Fu Hustle (2004), from the form and content, which is inscribed in hybridity theory that cultural elements in the hybridized cultural product are presented at two levels varying from form as surface level to content as deep-seated one.

After research, the thesis detects three major findings. For a start, the Hollywood elements do exist in the films. These films are Hollywoodized via employing Hollywood filmmaking modes at the formal level, specifically high-concept film mode and Hollywood’s storytelling mode, and also by integrating Hollywood heroic traits into protagonists at the content level. Besides, the Hollywood elements are constructed in the logic sequence from outside to inside in terms of filmmaking modes, which concern the way a film is produced from the outside perspective and reflect the pattern in which a film is told from the inside perspective. Finally, the Hollywood elements therein greatly contribute to the success of these Chinese language cinemas in U.S., due to the old familiar feelings produced by Hollywoodized storytelling mode and Hollywoodized heroic images, and higher visibility and greater profitability brought by Hollywood high-concept film mode, and therefore can pave the way for the international achievement of Chinese language cinemas with the predominantly worldwide influence of American culture, manifested by Hollywood in filmic arena.

The significance of the thesis lies in examining Hollywood elements in Chinese language cinema from hybridity theory due to the scarcity of research of Hollywood elements in Chinese language cinema and the paucity of use of hybridity theory in media studies. The research therefore offers a new perspective for culture studies and renders a better understanding of other cultures.

姓名：丁倩倩 导师：王镇平

论文题目(中文): 美国的后种族时代来了吗？美国黑人白人在《盲点》《珍爱》《帮助》中的形象分析

论文题目(英文): Is Post-racial Era Coming in the United States?

论文关键词(中文): 奥巴马当选, 种族歧视, 后种族时代电影, 白人种族框架, 黑人, 白人

论文关键词(英文): Obama’s election, post-racial era, racism films, white racial frame, the black, the white

中文摘要：

奥巴马成功当选为美国历史上首位黑人总统在美国引起了巨大反响。很多人借此声称美国已经进入“后种族时期”，即种族问题在美国社会已经变得无足轻重。当今时代，公共场合中的种族歧视行为越来越少。然而，现实生活中越来越少的种族歧视并不代表种族歧视在美国消失了。相反，种族歧视在美国社会仍然存在，只是不容易被人发现罢了。电影作为一种文化载体，不仅能及时反映社会中的种族关系的变化，而且能够反映社会中关于种族关系的意识形态。那么奥巴马当选美国总统是不是会影响电影中关于黑人的描写？鉴于美国当今社会的主要种族意识形态仍然是种族歧视，那么种族歧视会不会在电影中得到体现？

本论文试图通过对三部美国励志电影《盲点》《珍爱》《帮助》中的白人和黑人的分析来回答以上两个问题。在分析电影时，笔者将使用白人种族框架理论来分析电影中是否存在种族歧视,借此探讨美国当今社会种族状况。

经过分析笔者发现，奥巴马上任之后，电影中的黑人确实以一种积极的形象出现于荧屏之上。然而，这些积极的黑人形象仍然未能摆脱种族成见。此外，在描写黑人时，电影中仍然会出现带有种族歧视的话和感情。在描写白人时，电影侧重刻画白人的品质，道德和优越性。种族成见，种族歧视话语和感情，以及白人品质，道德和优越性是白人种族框架的重要组成部分。经过分析，笔者认为，奥巴马上任之后，尽管三部电影刻画了积极的黑人形象，然而三部电影中仍然存在种族歧视。鉴于电影能够反映社会的种族意识，因此笔者得出结论，种族歧视在美国社会仍然存在，美国的后种族时代还没有到来。

Abstract:

After Barack Obama was elected the president of the United States, the term post-racial is frequently adopted by the media to advocate that race no longer matters in the United States. While others argue that race still play an important role in people’s daily life. Nowadays, few people are willing to express overt racist views given the contemporary social and political conditions. Few racist views or behaviors do not mean that racism no longer exists in the democratic country. Racism just exists in a more subtle and covert way. Today, the dominant ideology regarding race in the United States is still racism.

Film, as cultural artifact that carries the ideological message of the society, is supposed to reflect racism when it comes to the issue of race. Film is also said to be a kind of leading indicator of cultural change and variability in the area of race. Given the film’s role of indicator, it is assumed that great social event like the election of Obama should influence the depictions of African Americans.

This paper analyzes three inspirational films, The Blind Side, Precious, The Help, which feature black protagonists’ heroic or heroine path of self-salvation. With the white racial frame which has a negative orientation to the black but a positive orientation to the white, this paper aims to see whether the as United States has entered post-racial era as supposed through an analysis these films and whether Obama’s election will have an influence on the portrayals of African Americans in the films.

After an analysis of the three films, it is found though the black protagonists are portrayed as positive images, racial stereotypes, racist languages and racialized emotions can still be found in the depictions of African Americans. White superiority, virtues and moral goodness are emphasized in the portrayal of the white. Therefore, it is concluded that after Obama’s election, although the black protagonists analyzed in these three films are depicted as positive, racism still exists in these films, which indicates that racism still exists in the United States and post-racial is still yet to come in the United States.

姓名：高洁 导师：滕继萌

论文题目(中文): 西方眼中的东方：探究二十世纪八十年代以来亚裔美国时装设计师的崛起背后

论文题目(英文): The East in the Eyes of the West: Exploring Beyond the Rise of Asian American Fashion Designers since the 1980s

论文关键词(中文): 亚裔美国时装设计师, 东方主义, 自我, 东方化, 刻板印象

论文关键词(英文): Asian American, Fashion Designer, Orientalism, Self-orientalizing, Stereotype.

中文摘要：

二十一世纪初，以王大仁、吴季刚、理查•蔡为代表的一批年轻亚裔美国设计师进入美国时装业并获得了巨大的成功，被《纽约》杂志命名为“亚裔美国时尚运动”。亚裔时装设计师的崛起可以追溯到二十世纪八十年代的王薇薇和安娜•苏。美国主流媒体和美国大众都对亚裔设计师的崛起给予了大量关注。亚裔设计师非凡的成功，使公众很容易忽视时装界根深蒂固的种族问题。本文坚持认为，种族问题仍然存在于美国时装界，并采用了萨义德的东方主义理论来分析、探寻美国时装业和华裔设计师的行为。

本文主要通过分析近期案例和相关报道来探究当前美国时装业的种族状况，共有两点发现。一方面，美国时装业整体而言具有“东方化”行为特征。西方时尚品牌和西方设计师热衷于在时装设计中注入亚洲文化元素来攫取商业利益。许多“亚洲风”时装展览通过展示某些含有落后意味的亚洲文化符号，加强了长久以来的亚裔美国人的刻板印象。另一方面，作为时尚界的成员之一，亚裔美国设计师自身也无意识的参与了对亚洲形象和亚洲文化的负面构建，进行了“自我东方化”。他们的惊人的成功为“模范族裔”刻板印象提供了直接证据；一些亚裔美国设计师对亚洲传统家庭文化的指责给亚洲文化打上了“严苛死板、非民主、等级森严”的标签；与西方设计师相类似的，亚裔设计师也参与了对东方文化的任意物化，而忽视了对东方文化的片面的、不完整的解读所带来的负面影响。

Abstract:

The beginning of thetwenty-first century has witnessed a wave of young Asian American fashion designers (such as Alexander Wang, Jason Wu, and Richard Chai) breaking into American fashion industry with enormous success. Named by the New York Magazine as “Asian American fashion movement”, the emergence of successful Asian American fashion designers can be traced back to Vera Wang and Anna Sui in the 1980s. The rise of Asian American fashion designers has attracted great attention from both American mass media and the public. Their remarkable success makes it easy for the public to neglect the industry’s continued problems with race. Firmly believing that racial problems in the fashion world are far from extinction, this thesis takes Edward Said’s critical theory of “orientalism” as its analytical tool to look into the behaviors of the fashion industry and Asian American fashion designers themselves.

After exploring into the current racial situation in American fashion industry through analyzing recent cases and following news reports and online articles,two findings havebeen reached. Firstly, American fashion industry as a whole is enrolled in “orientalizing” behaviors. Western fashion brands/designers are enthusiastic to infuse Asian cultural elements into their collections to trade for commercial benefits. Many of these “Asian-inspired” collections reinforce prolonged Asian American stereotypes by displaying certain cultural symbols, which imply an “inferior” Asia in contrast to the West. Secondly, Asian American fashion designers themselves, as members of the fashion industry, have unconsciously taken part in “negative construction” of Asian image and Asian cultures, which is a process of “self-orientalizing”. Their astonishing success in the fashion world directly serves as evidence of Asian “model minority” stereotype; some Asian American fashiondesigners have contributed in portraying Asian cultures as “rigid, non-democratic and highly-hierarchical” through blaming traditional Asian family values; Asian American fashiondesigners are also enrolled in random materialization of Asian cultures, without realizing the negative consequences caused by the incomplete and one-sided representation of Asian cultures

姓名：代莹 导师：付美榕

论文题目(中文): 美国报业犹太家族企业的社会资本形成

论文题目(英文): Social Capital Formation of Jewish Family Business in American Newspapering

论文关键词(中文): 美国报业, 犹太家族企业, 社会资本

论文关键词(英文): American Newspapering, Jewish Family, Business Social Capital

中文摘要：

作为世界上一个特殊的民族，犹太人在经历了长期的流亡，残忍的屠杀和故土的丧失后，仍然成为世界上最悠久、最富裕和最聪慧的民族。他们在政坛，金融以及学术界取得的成就早已为人称道，但在大众传播领域的巨大影响力却鲜为人知。

为了探寻犹太人在媒体领域的实力，报纸凭借其悠久的历史和公认的权威性，成为媒体的代表。通过比较三份不同时期的发行量报告，报纸领域被进一步细化到十六份全美日均发行量最大的报纸。而这十六份报纸被包括七名犹太人在内的报业巨头掌控。更值得注意的是，七名犹太人中有四个是犹太家族企业。

家族企业，是把双刃剑。一方面，它能和家族和谐相处并相互促进，但另一方面，企业和家族间错综复杂的利益关系又可能导致家族的解散，诸如：基督教的钱德勒家族（洛杉矶时报）和班克罗夫特家族（华尔街日报）。相比之下，这些犹太报业家族企业是如何成功地把企业一代代传承下去？同时，他们身上独特的犹太文化传统是否在家族企业的持续发展中起到了一定的作用？如果是，它是如何帮助他们延续家族企业寿命？

本文基于社会资本理论考察犹太报业家族长盛不衰的秘诀。尽管社会资本尚缺乏一个统一的定义，但普遍认为其包括一些推动互利合作的文化规范和社会网络资源。根据此定义，文化因素在社会资本生产中的作用被凸显了出来，即：社会资本的形成受到文化的极大影响。

本文研究的资料主要来源于第一手的犹太报业家族传记。通过研究犹太人的家庭生活，可以总结出一些他们特有的，共同的文化规范，而这些规范促进了家庭社会资本的形成。同时，犹太家族内、外的社会交往也被用来衡量他们的社会网络。

本文研究发现：首先，犹太家族是一个相互支持的家庭。支持的方式多种多样，如：情感支持、决策支持和家庭成员提供的低价劳动力。家庭成员间的相互支持可以带来家庭内部的团结。而这种家族凝聚力又可以通过顺畅的交流，固定开展的家庭集体活动和强大的的家族领导力得到进一步巩固。

其次，家族成员间需要达成家族企业利益至上的共识。家庭成员只有充分意识到家族企业的利益永远排在家族发展第一位，才会愿意共同努力来维系家族企业，否则企业间掺杂的个人利益纠纷会严重阻碍企业发展。

第三，家族企业需要一名有能力的、合格的、专业的企业接班人。家族成员应该凭借自身的真才实学来获得提拔，同时接受与工作相关的专业技能培训能使未来企业的领导者更快地适应家族企业，减少权力交接对企业发展带来的冲击。

第四，犹太家庭还积极地参与各种社会活动。他们与政治圈保持着紧密且频繁的联系，这有助于他们获得有价值的资源，尤其是有重大新闻价值的消息，从而提升其报纸销量。

但是，仅依靠犹太家族的自身努力而缺乏一个有利的外部环境，犹太家族企业仍然很难获得成功。美国社会，给犹太人提供了宽松的宗教政策和包容的社会环境，这些外部因素都对犹太人的成功起到了积极作用。

一言以蔽之，犹太人依靠自身的不懈努力和美国社会提供的有利条件，获得了长期发展的成功。

Abstract:

Jews are destined to be a special people—unremitting migration, inhumane genocide, dwindling population, bereft of a motherland, yet the oldest, the richest, and the most intellectual group. Jewish power in the fields of politics, finance, and academics are long known to all. By comparison, their dense concentration on the mass media is less telling.

To gauge Jewish media strength, newspapers, with its longest history, the highest authority, is selected. By comparing three circulation reports at different times, sixteen newspapers with the largest daily circulation are singled out. Behind the sixteen newspapers are twelve press barons, including seven Jews. More remarkably, four of them are Jewish families.

Family business, is like a double-edged sword. On one hand, it can co-exist and mutually reinforce the family; on the other hand, it may tear apart the family because of the entangled interests. Therefore how these Jewish families rid themselves of disintegration and prolong their business life span deserves a further inquiry. Furthermore, their Jewish identity draws attention in that family businesses of other ethnic groups all end up with failure, like the Christian Chandlers (The Los Angeles Times), and the Bancrofts (The Wall Street Journal). Does their Jewish identity also make any difference in their longtime business success If it does, how does it help in shaping their business longevity

This research adopts the theory of social capital to find why Jewish family business can live long. Regardless of divided views on defining social capital, two converging points do exist: social capital is comprised of norms and networks, which facilitate reciprocal cooperation (Woolcock 1998; Putnam 2000). Measured by this yardstick, the importance of culture from where norms are derived, in producing social capital is underlined. Or the creation of social capital is largely affected by cultural factors, therefore not all cultures possess the same social capital.

To specify the social capital behind Jewish families, first-hand prosopographies of these three Jewish families become the primary source of data. By observing their family life,

shared norms, including some peculiar to Jews, and helpful to the maintenance of their family business are highlighted. Meanwhile, their social interaction, as recorded in their (auto)biographies, are taken as a proxy to measure social embeddedness. Having clarified both the constituting norms and networks, several successful tips can be drawn.

First comes mutual family support, expressed in ways like emotional support, decision-making support, and cheap/low-cost labour. Once building family support, it can create a peaceful and integrated household, which gets reinforced through smooth communication, regular family activities, and powerful family leadership.

Then ranks the formation of a family consensus─the supremacy of their family business interests. Only by recognizing the priority of their family business, can family members be willing to cooperate to sustain it, otherwise personal interests entwined with family business may hobble its growth.

The next is the cultivation of a qualified and professional family business successor. Meritocracy can make sure family members be risen on genuine ability, while job-related training can furnish the torchbearers with necessary knowledge and practical skills of their family businesses, hence better adapted and minimizing the impact of power transfer.

Finally is the active social involvement of these Jewish families. By interacting frequently and intensively with the political circle, the Jewish families increase their accesses to valuable resources, especially newsworthy information that augments their newspaper businesses.

Apart from the internal efforts of these Jewish families, a favorable external environment serves as a contextual complement. America, with its religious tolerance of Judaism, and a democratic social climate where anti-Semitism has never become an officially sanctioned policy, facilitates Jewish success.

In a word, combining the efforts from its own side and the advantages from the external environment, Jews do achieve a long-lasting success

姓名：周薇 导师：李今朝

论文题目(中文): 9/11事件后美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的种族身份认同的形成

论文题目(英文): The Racial Formation of Arab and Muslim Americans in Post-9/11

论文关键词(中文): 种族身份认同, 美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林 9/11事件

论文关键词(英文): Racial Formation, Arab and Muslim Americans 9/11

中文摘要：

本论文分析了一个种族如何形成的过程。人的血液都是红色的，但社会却赋予了白色、黑色、棕色等皮肤的不同种族。然而，种族不是社会中生来就有的、不变的，而是在特定的社会、历史环境中被创造出来的。作为社会群体，人生来有各自的家庭社会关系，被冠以的身份标签也随着社会、历史环境而变化。

9/11 恐怖袭击事件以后，由于与恐怖袭击分子的外形特征相似，美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林在美的生活发生了巨大的变化。而这一系列连锁事件引起的变化对美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的种族身份认同造成了深远的影响。本文运用迈克尔·奥米和霍华德·怀南特（Michael Omi and Howard Winant）的种族身份认同构成理论（1994），探究9/11事件后期美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林身份认同的变化。具体而言，本文采用文本分析的方法分析美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的自述故事、口述史、采访文本、政府文件、美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的组织报告，来探究以下两大问题：9/11以后美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林在共同成为一种独立、显性种族的过程中有哪些主要的势力在推波助澜？这些势力又是如何转变了美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的种族取向和群体身份？

深入分析以后，本论文研究发现，美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林在9/11后的经历由外而内彻底影响了美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的社会身份和身份认同。就社会身份而言，外界势力如带有歧视成分的政府政策、媒体的负面报道、充满敌意的个人行为等使美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林生活在一个否定、负面的社会环境中，视美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林为恐怖、敌对份子、二等公民的种族身份。然而，美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林并没有消极面对社会的不公平待遇，而是积极应对，反对种族歧视。在这个过程中，美籍阿拉伯人和穆斯林不管是从个人，还是从组织的层面而言，都是推动、创造并转变成一种更真实、更积极的种族身份认同。对美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的种族身份认同的探索表明，不管是从宏观结构上还是微观个人的角度来说，外在和内在两种势力的抗衡在种族身份认同形成的过程中相互作用、相互结合，两者有着千丝万缕的联系，共同塑造着美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的种族身份认同。

Abstract: This thesis analyzes the process of how a racial group comes into being. Red as all blood is, diverse racial groups exist in different skin colors such as white, black, brown and etc. However, race is not a static born feature from society, but is constructed in specific social and historical environment. As members of social groups, man comes from different families and societies, and their racial identification changes within the development of specific social and historical environment.

In the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attack, the life of Arab and Muslim Americans was under dramatic change and transformation due to terrorist phenotype imposed upon them by the mainstream society, which generated tremendous impacts on their racial identification. Drawing on the theoretical framework of Racial Formation Theory, as proposed by Michael Omi and Howard Winant (1994), this thesis attempts to investigate this racial identity transformation of Arab and Muslim Americans in post-9/11 era. Specifically, this thesis employs the method of textual analysis of narratives, oral histories, interview transcripts, government records, and organizational reports and answers the following questions: What were the predominant external and internal forces at work that rendered Arab and Muslim Americans as a new racial category, especially in post-9/11? How have the external and internal forces transformed the meanings of Arab and Muslim Americans’ racial identification and group affiliation?

After a thorough analysis, the findings indicate that the Arab and Muslim Americans’ post-9/11 experience has affected their racial identity both from without and from within. To be more specific, the outside forces imposed upon them such as biased state policies, negative media representation, and unsympathetic individuals helped create a hostile environment for Arab and Muslim Americans. However, Arab and Muslim Americans did not passively accept the derogative identity, but self-initiated various kinds of responses and counter-responses to fight back racism and discrimination, which contributed to the creation and transformation of a more positive racial self-identity by themselves. The racial formation of Arab and Muslim Americans in post-9/11 context demonstrates that these two competing sets of racial forces did not work separately, but interacted and infused with one another both on macro structural level and micro individual level, jointly shaping the racial identity formation and self-formation of Arab and Muslim Americans.

姓名：朱晓燕 导师：刘葵兰

论文题目(中文): 水仙花作品中华裔身份分析

论文题目(英文): Identity of Chinese Americans in Sui Sin Far’s Writings

论文关键词(中文): 文化身份, 种族, 性别, 阶级

论文关键词(英文): identity, race, gender, class

中文摘要：

水仙花是华裔美国文学先驱。作为一名欧亚混血儿，她被认定为第一位从内部角度描写华人在美经历的作家。短篇小说集《春香太太》出版于1912年，是水仙花的代表作，也是她唯一的出版作品。其作品主题丰富，涵盖了华人的恋爱、婚姻和家庭生活等。水仙花对华人，尤其是对华人妇女的描写推翻了主流媒体刻画的华人刻板形象。水仙花在排华气氛最浓的时候公开了自己的华人身份，并用笔墨为华人抗争。水仙花通过揭露种族、性别和阶级霸权对华人的压迫，重塑了华人形象。水仙花作为华裔美国文学先驱的地位直到二十世纪七十年代才得以确立。七十年代到八十年代，水仙花研究主要集中于探讨其对美国华裔文学的贡献，并肯定其先驱地位。二十世纪九十年代以来，国内学者主要考察水仙花文化身份的转变过程，肯定其在排华时期为华人呐喊的义举；国外批评家从女权主义和民族学等角度开始重新审视水仙花的作品。本文用斯图尔特.霍尔的文化身份理论，结合社会历史背景分析和文本分析法，从种族、性别和阶级三个方面对水仙花作品中华裔身份进行剖析，查看水仙花如何揭露种族、性别和阶级霸权给华人带来的压迫。其目的是加深对水仙花的理解，挖掘其作品的深层含义，并探索其在美国华裔文学史中的真正价值所在。论文分为五个部分。第一部分简单介绍了水仙花生平及其社会历史背景；然后重点介绍了水仙花研究的国内外现状以及本文的研究重点和结构。第二部分从种族角度,分析水仙花作品中欧亚裔身份认定的困境和华裔对融合的不同态度。第三部分从性别角度出发，探讨水仙花作品中华人男性和女性“性别角色”的改变。第四部分从阶级角度，考察水仙花作品中华裔阶级身份的下降和提升。第五部分为结论。本文最后得出结论：从水仙花作品中可以看出，即使是十九世纪末美国排华情绪高涨的历史背景下，华裔的种族、性别和阶级身份也不是一层不变的，它们是随着历史、社会、和文化背景的改变而不断变化的。水仙花在揭露华人遭受的种族、性别和阶级压迫的同时,发出

Abstract:

Sui Sin Far is a pioneer in Chinese American Literature. As a Eurasian, she is regarded as the first to write about Chinese American experience from an insider’s perspective. Mrs. Spring Fragrance, a short story collection which was published in 1912, is her representative work. Her writings cover various themes, including love, marriage and family life of Chinese Americans. Her description of Chinese, especially of Chinese women, overturns the mainstream stereotype of Chinese. Sui Sin Far makes her Chinese identity public in exclusionary era, and speaks for Chinese in her writings. By exposing of the oppressions that Chinese suffer from hegemony of race, gender and class, Sui Sin Far reconstructs the image of Chinese. The pioneer role of Sui Sin Far in Chinese American Literature is not recognized until 1970s. The study of Sui Sin Far in 1970s and 1980s mainly explores her contribution to Chinese American Literature and affirms her precursor status. Since 1990s, critical study of Sui Sin Far has been done from different perspectives. Chinese scholars focus on her cultural identity, while foreign scholars re-examine her writings from aspects of feminism and ethnography. This thesis, combining historical context and textual analysis, is to examine the identity of Chinese Americans in Sui Sin Far’s writings from the perspective of race, gender and class by using Stuart Hall’s theory of cultural identity. It is to see how Sui Sin Far exposes the oppressions of race, gender and class that Chinese receive. The aim is to deepen the understanding of Sui Sin Far and her writings, exploring her true value in Chinese American Literature. This thesis consists of five parts. Chapter one briefly introduces the biographical and historical context of Sui Sin Far, reviews the studies on Sui Sin Far at home and abroad, and then presents the focus and structure of this thesis. Chapter two examines Sui Sin Far’s writings from the perspective of race, showing the identity dilemma of hybrids and Chiense Americans’ different attitudes toward assimilation. Chapter three analyzes the altered “gender role” of Chinese man and woman in America. Chapter four concentrates on exploring the downward and upward mobility of Chiense Americans’ class status in Sui Sin Far’s writings. Chapter five presents the conclusion. Based on the analyses in previous chapters, it is concluded that even in the 19th century when anti-Chinese sentiment reached climax, the identity of race, gender and class for Chinese Americans is not static. Their identity is transformed with the changes in historical, social and cultural contexts. By exposing the oppressions Chinese Americans receive, Sui Sin Far offers counter-voices against the hegemony of race, gender and class.

姓名：孟玮 导师：滕继萌

论文题目(中文): “你叫谁婊子？”说唱音乐歌词中的厌女主题：2002-2012

论文题目(英文): “Who You Calling A Bitch?” Misogynistic Themes in Rap Lyrics: 2002-2012

论文关键词(中文): 说唱音乐, 厌女症, 21世纪流行文化

论文关键词(英文): rap music, misogyny, 21st century popular culture

中文摘要：

作为美国流行文化的重要组成部分，说唱音乐（也被称作嘻哈音乐）深受广大美国年轻人的欢迎，每年的Billboard年度热门歌曲中很大一部分是说唱。作为非裔美国人文化的一部分，说唱音乐从诞生之日起便传载着多种信息。它可以作为政治武器批判政府、呼吁社会平等，也可以作为纯娱乐休闲工具供年轻人消费。说唱音乐给予了很多非裔美国人寻求成功的机会，但也给很多负面信息提供了文化平台。女性形象在文化现象中的体现一直是学术讨论的热点问题，说唱歌曲中的女性形象也得到了学术界的关注。然而，这些女性形象往往是负面的，女性经常被当成单纯的性对象，并且被叫带有侮辱性的称呼。说唱音乐也因此被普遍认为得了“厌女症”。由于说唱歌手中绝大部分是男性，而制作人几乎也都是男性，因此像大多数行业一样，说唱音乐界一直是男性主导的工业。这也对歌曲中的女性形象建立产生了很大影响。此篇论文的目的在于探究21世纪近十年说唱音乐歌词中的女性形象，进而确定“厌女症”在新世纪是否依然盛行及其原因。本文以社会建构理论对性别和种族的建构为理论框架，采用定量定性综合分析法，通过对2012-2012年Billboard Top Rap Songs歌词的分析，发现负面女性形象在歌词中的体现确实依然非常普遍，甚至在女性歌手演唱的歌曲中也是一样，进而讨论分析结果的原因。

Abstract:

As an important part of the American popular culture, Hip-Hop music, or rap music, is very popular among the American youth. A big portion of Billboard’s year-end charts goes to rap songs. From its very birth, rap has been used as a political and social force by African Americans to criticize the government and call for equality; it has also been used as purely entertainment such as dancing rap. Rap industry has offered great opportunities for young black people to be successful, but it also serves as a cultural platform for negative messages. The image of women in cultural phenomena has been a popular topic in scholarly research, and the image of black women in rap music also receives attention. However, the images are usually very negative. Black women are seen as sex objects and are called names. Therefore rap music is often viewed as a misogynistic industry. The male dominance is easily seen as male producers and rappers take up the majority of the industry, which has a big impact on how women are viewed in the songs. This thesis is to explore the images of women in rap songs in the latest 10 years of the 21st century, and to see if the misogynistic themes are still prevalent. Social construction theory about gender and race is the theoretical framework of this research. A combination of quantitative and qualitative assessment is used as the main methodology. Songs selected from “Billboard Top Rap Songs” are analyzed. The finding is that although misogynistic themes still exist in some songs, they are still very prevalent, even in female rappers’ works.

姓名：秦雪元 导师：李莉文

论文题目(中文): 美国媒体对南海争端的报道：以《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》为例

论文题目(英文): U.S. Coverage of the South China Sea Disputes in the New York Times and the Washington Post

论文关键词(中文): 南海, 中国, 东南亚, 美国

论文关键词(英文): the South China Sea, China, Southeast Asia, the U.S.

中文摘要：

自20世纪70年代以来，南海问题便一直存在于中国和东南亚国家之间，争端不断。然而，近些年来，尤其是2009年以后，新一轮南海争端不断升级，成为中国和东南亚国家的棘手问题，而美国也从之前的中立政策转变为积极介入南海争端。

之前关于南海问题的研究仅限于从历史、国际法、国际关系等角度研究，而很少有研究从媒体角度进行。由于媒体在美国外交政策中的特殊作用，有必要对现有报道进行研究，以解决以下问题：美国主流媒体使用何种框架来报道南海问题？使用了哪些方法？而美国主流媒体在美国对南海的外交政策中又扮演了何种角色？

本论文以“框架”理论为基础，采用内容分析和话语分析方法，对《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》的文章进行分析。内容分析以过去30年所有可用文章为研究对象，以分析报道的整体走势；话语分析着重研究2009年后以南海为主题的报道，并以词语、数字、修辞手法、及物性、信息来源和非言语手段等方面为切入点进行研究。研究结果显示：美国媒体所采用的报道框架把中国描述成一个具有扩张野心的国家，依仗自身强大力量欺凌东南亚弱小国家。与之相比，美国扮演着法官的角色，帮助东南亚国家，为了共同利益而伸张正义。

除此之外，本论文还参考官方文件，并发现媒体与美国政府实际上就南海问题态度一致。正值奥巴马政府“重返亚太”之际，媒体在南海问题上也帮助美国很好地施展了其软实力。

Abstract:

The South China Sea has been disputed between China and several Southeast Asian countries ever since 1970s and the disputes have gone unabated. However, in recent years, especially after 2009, a new round of disputes escalated, which became the main concern of not only China and its competing claimants in Southeast Asia but also the United States thousands of miles away.

Previous works on the South China Sea are limited to history, international laws, and international relations, etc. Few perceive from the angle of the media. Since media also have their role in American foreign policy, it is necessary to study available news articles to get general knowledge as to how the U.S. mainstream media frame the South China Sea issue, what means are utilized in the framing process and what role the media play in America’s foreign policy towards the South China Sea disputes.

Drawing on the framing theory, this study takes content analysis and discourse analysis to study news articles from both the New York Times and the Washington Post. The content analysis deals with all available news articles in the past three decades to get a general picture of the news trend. ?The discourse analysis, focusing on articles exactly about the South China Sea after 2009, approaches from the aspects of lexis, figures, rhetorical devices, transitivity, source attribution, and nonverbal means. The research results show that in the news frame by the U.S. media, China is depicted as an expansionist power that tries to bully its weak Southeast Asian neighbors. In contrast, the U.S. plays the role of the judge, who comes to their assistance and upholds justice for the common good.

Moreover, with more official information, it is found that the media and the government are actually of one mind on the South China Sea issue. The Obama administration seeks to return to the Asia-Pacific and the media make their contribution as the U.S. wields its soft power.

姓名：黄江 导师：陈崛斌

论文题目(中文): 1936-1945年宋美龄在《时代周刊》中的形象分析

论文题目(英文): An Analysis of Madame Chiang Kai-shek’s Image in Time from 1936 to 1945

论文关键词(中文): 宋美龄形象差异《时代周刊》

论文关键词(英文): Madame Chiang Kai-shek image disparity Time Magazine

中文摘要：

身处乱世的宋美龄一生横跨了三个世纪。在这纷繁复杂的一生中，她组织和参加了形形色色、难以计数的活动。这些活动有的是出于自私自利、维护蒋介石独裁专制的目的，有的则大公无私，顺应民主潮流。她多层次多方面的形象也因此重浊纷纭，难以理清。此外，在自我包装方面，宋美龄的确才能出众，即使在今天也让人叹服。她有意利用她的才能与优点向美国人民宣传自己和中华民国政府，但表现得一点都不刻意。她也从不错失任何一次向世界展示她魅力的机会。1943年的旋风访美，所到之处几乎万人空巷。在西安事变和开罗会议中的表现让她在国内外的男性政治圈中独秀一枝。另外，她撰写宣传手册和书籍介绍中国和对日抗战，在国内外拥有众多的读者。宋美龄生活的诸多方面都通过《时代周刊》的报道呈献给了美国民众。的确，在美国人民认识宋美龄的过程中，《时代周刊》扮演了一个非常特殊而举足轻重的角色。和其他美国报纸和杂志对宋美龄报道不同，《时代周刊》塑造了一个专门迎合美国人的、集万千美国人认可的品质于一身的宋美龄形象。在这些报道中，宋美龄的贤惠忠诚、美式教育、宗教信仰、身份认同、参与各种活动和身兼各种职位等等，都成功地赢得了美国民众的心。另一方面，和她打过交道或和她亲密相关的人却给出了另外的评价，她的专横跋扈，穷奢极欲，对权力的无限饥渴为她赢得了一个外号“蛇蝎美人”，显得宋美龄在《时代周刊》中的形象完全是海市蜃楼。基于对1936 至1945期间《时代周刊》有关宋美龄报道的定性分析，以及这些报道与宋美龄身边众人对其评价的对比，本文探究了这种区别背后隐藏的原因。首要也是主要原因之一是《时代周刊》基本上把她的形象和中华民国的形象画上了等号。《时代周刊》宣传宋的美好形象就是达到向美国宣传中华民国作为美国盟友的正面形象。此外，二战时的中美同盟关系，国民党政府的舆论控制，宋本人的魅力和贡献，以及亨利·鲁斯个人的新闻观和他对《时代周刊》的控制以及他对中国的特殊感情都是影响宋在《时代周刊》上光辉形象的重要成因。

Abstract:

An enigmatic figure during her three-century-spanning life, Madame Chiang Kai-shek projected a widely nuanced and multifaceted image of herself, which has made presenting her whole picture a difficult task. Her various activities, selfless or self-seeking, democratic or authoritarian, were too numerous to be pinpointed. Meanwhile, she was really talented in portraying herself in a positive light. She was the one who consciously yet effortlessly utilized her talents and strengths to publicize her and the Nationalist Government of China to the American audience. In addition, she rarely missed a chance to exhibit her charisma and grace to the outside world. The whirlwind tour of crossing-the-U.S., her conspicuous presence among the world leaders, and the various pamphlets and books she wrote to introduce China and its efforts and sacrifice, all contributed much to her image in the eyes of ordinary Americans. During that process, Time played a unique and pivotal role. Throughout Time’s coverage on Madame Chiang Kai-shek, an overwhelmingly positive image was established and presented, featured by the key elements that Americans hold dear to their hearts, such as being a faithful and helpful wife, the charisma she radiated as a female leader, her piety on religious faith, her grace and style, and her American education. According to many prominent figures who were close to or had dealt with her, however, her image itself in Time seemed a myth. Her imperiousness and extravagancy, the hard-boiled and expanding hunger for power earned her the fame as “Dragon Lady”. In addition, this paper presents a tentative effort to explore the reasons and factors for this striking gap between her image in Time and that among those close to her. Time’s equation of Madame Chiang’s image with the image of China was the first and foremost reason for her overwhelmingly positive image in Time. Her image was also closely tied to a favorable image of China which Time relentlessly pursued to materialize. The alliance between China and the United States during WWII, The Nationalist Government’s propaganda control, Madame Chiang’s own personal charisma and Henry Luce’s ideology and control of Time magazine also contributed to this exceptionally positive image of Madame Chiang.

姓名：王永强 导师：梅仁毅、闫循华

论文题目(中文): 从公共外交角度看奥巴马政府对美国在中东形象恢复的努力

论文题目(英文): An Analysis of Obama Administration’s Effort to Restore American Image in the Middle East–From Public Diplomacy Perspective

论文关键词(中文): 奥巴马美国形象, 公共外交

论文关键词(英文): Obama American Image, Public Diplomacy

中文摘要：

在国际关系领域，好的国家形象能促进国家外交政策顺利实施。美国的国家形象在小布什政府时期受到严重损害。奥巴马上任以来致力于重新树立美国在国际上的形象，对穆斯林国家展现出友好姿态，并在与多国领导会谈时表明了更多的合作意向。公共外交能有效的传播国家政策，民主意向，新闻动态，能影响到普通民众的价值观，奥巴马政府也更加重视公共外交的运用。在奥巴马任期的第一年，无论是国内支持率还是国外认可度都是很高。然而随着时间的推移，美国在中期选举后，民主党失去国会优势席位，这导致奥巴马的众多政策在国会很难通过，他竞选的承诺也不能如数实现。在这样的情况下奥巴马还能转变美国的国家形象么？奥巴马第一任期即将结束，中东地区又是如何评价奥巴马政府的呢？本文通过民意调查结果分析奥巴马政府是否实现了对美国形象在中东的改善。通过文章的逐步论证发现奥巴马上任之初，各国普遍对其抱有较高期望，因此对美国的整体印象比小布什时期有些转变，虽然奥巴马在公共外交领域做出了许多努力，这些努力也得到了一定回报，但由于这些公共外交的有限性以及价值观的长期性，中东民众难以从根本上改变对美国的态度。另外美国外政策尤其是中东政策未发生重大变化，因此多元化的外交形势也无助改善其形象。事实证明，总统制定的外交政策是基于本国利益的，虽然美国认识到了增加交流与接触，提高软实力对改善本国形象有很大帮助，但是中东民众对美国的支持率没有提高，奥巴马政府的公共外交没能恢复美国在中东地区的形象。

Abstract:

A good national image can facilitate one country’s foreign policy. During the Bush Jr. presidency, the U.S. image suffered around the world. When came into office, Obama promised to restore the US image in the world, trying to cooperate with important partners and regions. He paid more attention to public diplomacy, took more careful steps in international issues and showed his friendly side to Muslim countries. The favorability of Obama was very high both at home and abroad. After middle election, the Democratic Party lost majority seats in Congress, which made it hard for Obama to keep his promises. Will Obama administration restore the US image under such situation? The first term of Obama is coming to an end, how does the Muslim world evaluate American people and Obama administration? This thesis will use public opinion polls done by professional organizations to explain whether the U.S. image has been restored. In the research, I find the expectations of Obama administration are very high in his first days as president, the overall favorability toward America uplifted a little in Middle East. The U.S. government had done many public policy programs in the Middle East to promote its culture, values. Most of these cultural and educational exchange programs went well and were popular. However, the long-term communications and certain limits of these programs cannot change the overall attitudes of the people in this area for U.S. What’s more, the American national interest also determines its foreign policy to the Middle East. The American public diplomacy does work in some area, but the favorability of America have not seen any better changes during the Obama administration. The American overall image in this area does not match its public diplomacy efforts.

姓名：Bernd 导师：李今朝

论文题目(中文): 美国种族大屠杀在美国当代电影中的再现

论文题目(英文): The Representation of the American Genocide in Contemporary American Films

论文关键词(中文): 种族大屠杀, 美国种族大屠杀, 美国印第安人, 美国电影

论文关键词(英文): Genocide, American Genocide, American Indians, American Films

中文摘要：

看待描述美国印第安人的电影的角度很多；为了这项研究项目，我选择了关于种族灭绝的课题。这篇论文是一个关于四部美国现代电影的分析，其主题涉及到从第一批移民到今天美国印第安人的历史。这篇论文的焦点是这四部电影中关于美国种族灭绝的陈述。为了批判和消除虚假的陈述和意识形态，这篇论文的目的在于揭发大多数美国电影怎样掩盖美国种族灭绝。

关于这项研究项目的研究问题：

美国电影是否掩盖美国种族灭绝以及美国电影如何掩盖这个事实？

美国电影是否尝试揭发美国种族灭绝篇章以及他们曝光的程度是否足够充分？

美国印第安学者华德·丘吉尔的理论，特别是他的关于美国种族灭绝的否认，掩盖和辩护的四个方面进行了细致的研究并且用作于被挑选的电影的分析的框架。华德·丘吉尔关于对美国种族灭绝的否认，辩护和掩盖的四个方面是：数据操纵；疾病；直接屠杀；最后阶段。

这项研究项目发现美国电影的确掩盖关于美国种族灭绝的事实并且他们是通过避开种族灭绝的话题或通过描述特定的屠杀作为孤立的现象进行掩盖。尝试揭发美国种族灭绝特定篇章的电影，他们对美国种族灭绝的曝光作为一个整体是远远不够的。这意味着以特定的屠杀为焦点作为例子，这些电影会创造出一种这些屠杀是孤立发生的印象。如果电影制片人知道美国种族灭绝是如何被掩盖的，他们将会做更好的准备来公开这个事实。这项研究项目建议：利用掩盖的方法（从丘吉尔的四个方面看到的）来揭发美国种族灭绝。美国人的身份意识需要重新检查因为它忽略了美国印第安人是它的重要组成部分。印第安电影制作人需要创造一个回答的论述并且印第安人需要控制他们自己的形象。

Abstract:

There are many ways to look at films which portray American Indians, I have chosen the lens of genocide for this research project. This thesis is an analysis of 4 contemporary American films dealing with (in full/in part) the history of American Indians from the time of the arrival of the first settlers up to the present day, with specific focus on the representation of the American Genocide in these films. The aim of this thesis is to find out how the American Genocide is covered up in the majority of American films, in order to critique and dismantle false representations and ideologies.

The research questions for this research project are:

Do American films cover up the American Genocide, and how do they cover up the American Genocide?

Do American films that attempt to expose chapters of the American Genocide go far enough in their exposure?

The theories of American Indian scholar Ward Churchill, specifically his 4 aspects of the denial, cover up and justification of the American Genocide are looked at in detail and are utilized as the framework for the analyses of the selected films. Ward Churchill’s 4 aspects of the denial, justification and cover up of the American Genocide are as follows: data manipulation; disease; direct killing; final phase.

This research project finds that American films do cover up the American Genocide, and they do so by either not mentioning genocide or by portraying certain massacres as isolated phenomenon. Films that do attempt to expose certain chapters of the American genocide do not go far enough in their exposure of the American Genocide as a whole. This means that by focusing on specific massacres for example, films can create an impression that these were isolated occurrences. If filmmakers know how the American genocide is covered up, they will be better equipped to expose it. This research project suggests: Use the methods of the cover up (as seen in Churchill’s 4 aspects) to expose the American genocide. American identity, of which American Indians is a significant part, needs to be re-examined. Indian filmmakers need to create an answering discourse and Indians need to take control of their own image.

Meriem

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Salima

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