姓名：杜柳依 导师： 孙有中
论文题目（中文）：从知识分子的角度看西欧反美主义
论文题目（英文）：Anti-Americanism in Western Europe: from the Perspective of the Intellectuals
论文关键词（中文）：反美主义 知识分子的构建 反美主义
论文关键词（英文）：Anti-Americanism, intellectual construction, obsessive sentiments
中文摘要：
西欧的反美情绪最早可以追溯到美国建国之前。这种情绪自21世纪以来有抬头之势。在政治和文化研究中，相关领域的学者都对反美主义在不同层面的原因和特征做了大量的分析。有的深入研究了反美主要的表现形式，如对布什政府的反对和对美国大众文化的抵制。然而，从知识分子的角度研究此话题的文献并不多。那么，在西欧，有哪些主要的反美知识分子？他们反对的是什么？他们的思想是怎样反应到大众阶层的？本文结合众多关于反美主义的理论，主要运用定性分析的方法来研究此话题。本文认为，纵观历史，反美主义作为一种长期存在于西欧的思潮，不断地激起一些知识分子对美国的不满。他们对美国的反感或者厌恶有的是从自己的亲身经历中形成，有的是基于利益的需要而表现出的情绪。而近年来，反美主义在大众阶层也愈加突出（通常表现为对美国文化产品的抵制和外交政策的反对）。横向来看，反美主义主要表现在以下两个方面：社会文化上对美国现代性的异议；政治上反对美国霸权，以及对欧洲共同身份的号召。 在这背后，是反美主义经过多年发展和演变的延续，也是对时代主题变换的自然反应，比如美国主导的全球化；西欧领导权的丧失；以及对一个更加统一的西欧的政治需求。基于对历史的考察，本文认为反美主义很难被消除，它一直以不同的形式存在，并且总能在不同的时代特征下找到不同的“反美”主题。
Abstract:
Anti-Americanism has waxed and waned across Western Europe throughout history. This sentiment has reared its head since the turn of the 21st century. In both political and cultural studies, scholars have offered various research on the causes and characteristics of Anti-Americanism at different levels. A great amount of research has been concerned with examination of anti-Americanism’s manifestation such as the reprobation of Bush’s administration and the disdain over American pop culture. However, few attempts to investigate this topic from the intellectual’s perspective. Namely, who are the most vocal voices in the battle of anti-Americanism, what are they “anti” about and why? How are their thoughts connected with the public at large in Western Europe? Drawing on the previous theories on anti-Americanism, this thesis probes into this topic mainly by qualitative study such as literature review based on a variety of empirical materials and relevant documents. This thesis argues that Anti-Americanism as a kind of obsession in Western Europe can be traced back as early as the 18th century. It has long been a debatable issue among some of the intellectuals whose prejudice and animosity toward the United States can be either ingrained based on their own experience or circumstantial according to the impending interests they are concerned with. In recent years, it arouses dissents amongst intellectuals whose sentiments range from disdain of American modernity at the social and cultural level to the rejection of U.S. hegemony and the calling for European identity at the political level. Moreover, the contemporary philosophical discourse is often reflected in the cultural and political areas and expressed by the public at large, symbolized by the objection of the most overt American cultural products and foreign policies. Behind the scene is the obsessive nature of anti-Americanism throughout history and the instinctive response to the changing world such as the US-led globalization, the lost of Western Europe’s leadership and the political rhetoric of calling for a more unifying Western Europe. Moreover, this sentiment is hard to be eliminated because it can always find hotbed at different period of time.
姓名：孔亚青 导师： 李莉文
论文题目（中文）： 产业视角下中美贸易相对比较优势变化的实证研究
论文题目（英文）： An Empirical Research on Changes in Respective Comparative Advantages of the U.S. and China in Industry Sectors
论文关键词（中文）：中美贸易不平衡 比较优势 实证研究产业
论文关键词（英文）：Sino-U.S. Trade imbalance, comparative advantage, empirical research, industry sector
中文摘要：
中美贸易问题，尤其是双边贸易不平衡问题，一直是两国学者研究的重点之一。本文在对两国贸易不平衡问题的特点、原因、影响、对策及研究方法进行文献综述的基础上，借助巴拉萨“显性比较优势”指数，以“国际贸易标准分类”第三版划分的十大产业为视角，通过在“联合国商品贸易统计数据库”中逐个检索从2001年至2010年中美两国各自贸易数据和双边贸易数据，分析了近十年来两国不同产业的贸易状况，并基于此对两国贸易相对比较优势的变化进行了实证研究。
通过研究，本文得出以下结论：
一. 近十年“显性比较优势”指数表明，中美两国贸易的比较优势在一定程度上发生了变化。我国在保持“材料制品”和“小制品”等劳动密集型产业比较优势的基础上，在“机械与运输”这一资本技术密集型产业中的比较优势从无到有；相比之下，美国在“机械与运输”产业的比较优势有减弱的趋势，而在“非食用型原材料”等生产初级产品的产业中比较优势则渐强。
二．中美双边贸易近十年的产业分布显示，在我国对美出口中，“机械与运输”产业的出口比例显著上升；而“小制品”产业的出口比例明显下降。相反，在美国对华出口中，“机械与运输”产业的比例则大幅下降；而“非食用型原材料”产业的比例上升明显。
三．中美双边贸易具有“互补性”和“竞争性”并存的特点。“互补性”体现在两国在国际贸易中的比较优势多各自分布在初级产品、劳动密集型、资本技术密集型等不同产业领域，而“竞争性”则集中体现在两国在“机械与运输”产业的双边贸易上。
由此可以看出，我国在中美双边贸易中的比较优势具有从劳动密集型产业向资本技术密集型转变的趋势，我国的外贸结构调整和产业升级显现成效。
Abstract:
Sino-U.S. trade issue, especially the bilateral trade imbalance, has been a crucial research subject that focuses the attention of scholars from both countries. Based on literature review on the features, causes, influences, responses and research methods of the Sino-U.S. trade imbalance, the thesis makes an empirical research on changes in comparative advantages of the U.S. and China on the ten industries identified by the SITC Rev. 3. Through one-by-one retrieval of respective and bilateral trade data of the U.S. and China from 2001 to 2010 in the UN Comtrade, the thesis calculates Balassa’s RCA index values of different industries and analyzes the trade status of both countries in the decade.
The thesis reaches the following conclusions through the research. First, indicated by RCA index values of different industries from 2001 to 2010, certain changes have taken place in respective comparative advantages of the U.S. and China in the decade. On the basis of maintaining its comparative advantages in such labor-intensive industries as “manufactured goods classified chiefly by material” and “miscellaneous manufactured articles”, China’s comparative advantage in capital- or technology-intensive “machinery and transport equipment” has come into being. By contrast, as part of the U.S., its comparative advantage in “machinery and transport equipment” has not been as remarkable as before, while comparative advantage in “crude materials, inedible, except fuels” has become increasingly evident. Second, according to industry distributions of Sino-U.S. trade in the decade, China’s export of “machinery and transport equipment” to the U.S. has seen a significant rise in proportion while its export proportion of “miscellaneous manufactured articles” has apparently declined. On the contrary, U.S. export of “machinery and transport equipment” to China has dramatically descended whereas its export proportion of “crude materials, inedible, except fuels” has witnessed an obvious increase. Third, there is coexistence of “complementarity” and “competitiveness” in Sino-U.S. trade, and competition between the two countries is concentrated on the “machinery and transport equipment” industry. The above analyses imply that China’s comparative advantages in Sino-U.S. trade have revealed a transform from labor-intensive industries to capital- or technology-intensive ones, indicating effectiveness of China’s industry adjustment of foreign trade.
姓名：汤梦伊 导师： 李莉文
论文题目（中文）：美国对华贸易保护主义分析—以克林顿和小布什政府为例
论文题目（英文）：Analysis on U.S. Trade Protectionism against China—A Case Study of the Clinton and George W. Bush Administrations
论文关键词（中文）：中美贸易 保护主义 政治经济学 “中国威胁论”
论文关键词（英文）：U.S.-China trade, protectionism, political economy, “China Threat Theory”
中文摘要：
在中美建交的三十年当中，两国的经济贸易关系已发展成为世界上最伟大的双边关系之一。然而，伴随着不断增长的进出口贸易额和更加深入的中美两国合作关系，大量的贸易摩擦问题同时存在，主要包括各项美国对华贸易保护主义政策。该论文致力于从政治经济学的角度审视美国对华贸易保护主义问题。通过选取民主党（以克林顿政府为例）以及共和党（以小布什政府为例），作者意图对比这两届时长相等的政府在不同的国内外经济形势下所制定的对华贸易保护主义政策。结果表明：不论如何，美国对华贸易保护主义始终存在。从经济角度来说，积极的经济大环境会减少美国采取对华贸易保护主义政策的数量；而相对来说，消极的经济环境则会促使美国在更大程度上采取对华贸易保护主义。从政治角度来说，在竞选中赢得选票和获得利益集团的支持经常是两届政府共同的优先选择。该论文接着从意识形态与经济的角度考察了美国对华贸易保护主义的根本原因—“中国威胁论”，并在此基础上给出了关于中国应该如何对抗美国贸易保护主义的一些建设性提议。虽然美国一直把中国视为一个已取得强大经济成果并可能增强军事力量的潜在威胁，作者认为这两个利益攸关方在未来还是会以相互依赖和双边力量均衡为主要发展方向。在此情况之下，中国应该加强学习关于贸易的国际法律法规专业知识，并在熟练掌握之后对美国对华贸易保护主义政策做出充分的对应措施。
Abstract:
During the thirty years since the establishment of diplomatic relation between the two countries, U.S.-China economic and trade relationship has grown into one of the most significant bilateral relationships in the world. However, with the increasing import and export volume as well as more and more cooperation, there have also been a considerable number of trade frictions, mainly America’s trade protectionist policies against China. The thesis aims to examine the problem of U.S. trade protectionism against China from political economy perspective. By selecting President Bill Clinton and President George W. Bush as representatives of the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, respectively, the author intends to make a comparison and contrast of the two equally-long administrations by analyzing America’s international trade and domestic economy at different times as well as significant trade protectionist policies against China. The result is that the United States has always adopted trade protectionist policies against China, no matter what. From the economic perspective, the impact of America’s international and domestic economic situations on American government’s adoption of trade protectionist policies against China can be concluded as the following: positive economic environment plays down the number of trade protectionist policies; whilst negative economic situation encourages trade protectionism. From the political perspective, the thought of winning votes in elections and gaining support from interest groups are usually found to be the priority for both administrations. The thesis then examines the root cause of U.S. trade protectionism against China? the “China Threat Theory”? from ideological and economic perspectives and continues to give constructive suggestions about how China should react to counter-balance U.S. trade protectionism. Although the United States has perceived China as a potential threat with significant economic achievement and possible military strength in the building, the author believes interdependence and a bipolar balance of power will be the developing trend for the two stakeholders. Under such circumstances, China should equip itself with sufficient professional knowledge of international rules and regulations and to utilize it to the full scope in responding to all those unfair trade protectionist policies and practices put forward by the United States.
姓名：关慧君 导师： 付美榕
论文题目（中文）：二战后美国精英数学家的成才之鉴：人力资本形成的视角
论文题目（英文）：The Human Capital Formation of American Elite Mathematicians after WWII
论文关键词（中文）：美国精英数学家 人力资本 人力资本的形成
论文关键词（英文）：Human capital, human capital formation, American elite, mathematicians
中文摘要：
数学，作为一门古老的基础科学，在中国正陷入一个怪圈：全国各地五花八门的奥数班持续升温，国际数学奥林匹克竞赛上中国学生连年披金戴银，而中国高校的数学专业冷清孤寂，“国产”的数学大师寥寥无几，从而引出一个令人深思的悖论。与此形成鲜明对比的是，美国的数学发展历程短暂，其中小学生在国际数学测试中成绩平平，而美国精英数学家却在国际数学界的领先人物中占了相当大的比例，尤其是在二战之后。这一现实不禁令人反思：美国的精英数学家是如何成才的？
以定性研究为主，人力资本理论为依据，本文通过对二战后美国精英数学家的人力资本的形成进行研究，主要目的在于找出他们人力资本形成的个人及制度性因素，以期为中国数学的发展与数学人才的培养提供启示与借鉴。
本文总结出了二战后美国精英数学家在个人层面上获得人力资本的五个关键途径。首先，样本中选取的数学家们都对所从事的数学研究表示了极大的乐趣。数学是一门艰深的学问。很多数学家都表示，如果不是兴趣所在，很难有巨大的毅力一路坚持下来，更不要说取得成就。其次，在精英数学家成长的过程中，家庭影响起到了很大的作用。然而这种作用更多地表现在他们的人文素质和文化底蕴上。第三，在这些精英数学家中，有相当一部分人是外来移民，移居美国提升了他们的人力资本，是他们成为顶尖数学家的重要一步。第四，他们所接受的高等教育大多集中于美国一流大学，尤其是博士阶段的学习。与大师的接触提高了他们的科研水平与科学精神, 并为日后的事业发展积累下宝贵的资本。第五，他们的事业发展轨迹也彰显出精英数学家们对事业的执着以及社会交往的重要性。
从制度性因素来看：第一，美国的社会文化和人力资本价值观为优秀数学家的培养与发展提供了适宜的大环境；第二，美国优秀的高等教育制度是数学人才产出的有力保障；第三，美国健全的科研体系，是其吸引并留住数学人才的关键；第四，美国的移民政策吸引了世界各国的数学人才为之服务。
Abstract:
For centuries the Chinese have highly recognized the importance of mathematics. In China today, the study of mathematics presents a paradoxical trend: the large number of training courses for mathematics and the enviable achievements of the Chinese teams in the International Mathematical Olympiad contrast starkly to the absence of masters in mathematics in China. However, mathematics in the United States tells a completely different story. Short as its history of mathematical development is, the U.S. has nurtured the growth of many elite mathematicians, especially after World War II. Therefore, it is significant to explore the talent development of the American elite mathematicians, including those of Chinese origin.
Human capital, the aggregate of knowledge, skills, competencies and attributes embodied in individuals, is one of the most important sources of economic strength in modern economics. Research on this theory identifies basic ways for human capital formation and the institutional factors associated with the process of human capital formation, which provide a theoretical foundation for this thesis. To be more specific, this study surveys five aspects of the top mathematicians: natural talent, family influence, migration to the U.S., formal education, and career trajectory.
Taking basically a qualitative approach and drawing on data mainly from the MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, this study sets to explore the making of the American mathematicians, focusing on the contributing factors for their human capital formation on personal and institutional levels. Thereby it could provide some implications for the making of top-notch mathematicians in China.
The study presents the following findings concerning the human capital acquisition of the elite mathematicians. On personal level, there are five key factors: an intense interest for mathematics, family influence, immigration to the United States, higher education, devotion for research and social networking.
On institutional level, the shaping of American elite mathematicians is largely attributed to the cultural value system, the higher education system, the research and development system, and the immigration policies of the United States.
姓名：田岚书 导师： 李今朝
论文题目（中文）：全球本土化：美国职业篮球联赛中“美国特性”与“中国特性”的构建，表现与相互妥协
论文题目（英文）：Globalization: the Cultural Construction，Representation and Concession Between “Americanness” and “Chineseness” in NBA China
论文关键词（中文）：美国职业篮球联赛 全球本土化 美国特性 中国特性
论文关键词（英文）：NBA, globalization, Americanness, Chineseness
中文摘要：
美国职业篮球联赛（NBA），其最早的前身是1946年成立的美洲篮球协会（BAA）。一路发展至今，NBA已成为世界顶级的职业篮球赛事。作为一个颇具影响力的跨国企业，NBA的巨大成功引起了学术界，尤其是消费性需求研究领域学者的极大关注。现有关于NBA的研究中，绝大多数是探究NBA自身的市场营销策略，议题多集中在如何发掘更多NBA的潜在消费者。这类研究多采用定量分析手段，通过量化的销售额和品牌知名度数据来评估NBA全球和本土营销策略的成功与否。
不同于上述研究趋势，本文从文化研究的视角，采用NBA在中国的推广经验作为案例分析，以论证“全球本土化”理论应用于跨国企业研究领域的合理性和适用性。不同于“全球化”和“本土化”两种趋势的非此即彼，“全球本土化”概念更强调全球化和本土化这两种趋势的同时性，以及彼此互动过程和结果的相互妥协。本文首先通过符号分析和话语分析，解读NBA在其官方宣传片中“美国特性”（美国价值观，意识形态和社会多样性）的构建和表现。这些“美国特性”即是细化到本文NBA跨国推广研究中的那股全球化力量。其次，文章又用同样的研究方法对NBA中国赛宣传片中所特有的“中国特性”（NBA跨国文化遭遇中的本土化力量）也做了解读。最后，本文通过分析中国球员亲身参与NBA的经历，分析中国NBA球迷对NBA官方宣传片和对NBA球员的认知程度来展现NBA跨国推广过程中“美国特性”和“中国特性”间的互动和妥协，即论证“全球本土化”趋势的合理性。
研究结果显示，在与中国传统文化没有绝对冲突的情况下，NBA全球战略中的“美国特性”多具有很强的吸引力，易被中国球迷所认同；在中美两种文化观念有部分差异的情况下，“美国特性”与“中国特性”则趋向于相互妥协；此外，若将“中国元素”作为添加剂，使NBA的“美国特性”更具中国味，那么中国的NBA球迷则有可能对NBA产生更强烈的认同感，同时NBA也能在中国发掘更多潜在消费者。这是由于“美国特性”和“中国特性”的兼容并蓄不仅保留了NBA的“地道美国味”，更激发了中国消费者强烈的参与感，让他们是身份不仅是单纯的消费者和看客，更是参与者。
Abstract:
Since the foundation of its earliest predecessor — the Basketball Association of America (BAA) in 1946, the National Basketball Association (NBA) has developed into the world’s top basketball league. The enormous success of the NBA as a transnational business has aroused the interests of many scholars, especially those in the field of consumer studies. Served mostly to mobilize more potential customers, existing studies of the NBA are predominantly quantitative evaluations of NBA global and local business strategies in terms of sales and brand recognition statistics.
Adopting the theoretical framework of “glocalization”, a concept which emphasizes the synchronicity and the interaction of the heterogeneous and homogeneous propelling forces during products export, this thesis uses the NBA promotional effort in China as a case study to demonstrate the rationality and adaptability of this “glocalization” concept. First, a semiotic reading of the NBA promo-videos in both America and China exhibits the NBA Americanness (American values, ideologies and social diversity). This Americanness is specified as the global force in the NBA transnational experience in China. Second, the Chineseness (Chinese social values and traditional cultural elements) embodied in these videos is measured as the local force in this NBA cultural encounter. Third, the dynamics during the interaction of Americanness and Chineseness is elucidated through the analysis of both Chinese NBA players’ experience in playing in the league and Chinese fans’ response to the NBA cultural construction and representation.
The whole research indicates that the global attractiveness of NBA Americanness is largely retained and identified by Chinese consumers as long as it does not sharply contradict Chinese culture; Chineseness and Americanness compromise each other in aspects where the two cultures partially conflicts; Chineseness is appreciated as an addictive to moderate the Americanness of the NBA. In doing so, the NBA may win more potential Chinese NBA consumers by making Chinese consumers feel not being mere spectators, but also participants in the whole business.
姓名：赵耿程 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）：抗日战争时期中国共产党的公共外交
论文题目（英文）：Public Diplomacy of the Communist Party of China during the Anti-Japanese War Period
论文关键词（中文）：中国共产党 公共外交 抗日战争
论文关键词（英文）：The Communist Party of China, public diplomacy, anti-Japanese War
中文摘要：
抗日战争期间，中国共产党进行了积极的公共外交活动。这一时期公共外交活动的特点是中共通过影响在华的国际友人来间接影响外国公众。由于当时国际国内条件的限制，中国共产党采取了这样一种间接的外交方式作为其最初的外交手段。本文旨在研究中国共产党在抗日战争时期的公共外交活动。
抗战期间的公共外交活动是国际反法西斯统一战线的重要组成部分。在国统区和解放区的同志们都做出了巨大的努力。由于国统区所处的环境相对开放，有很多外国记者，学者，官员和机构，公共外交活动也比较活跃。主要方式有通过报纸，新闻发布会和英文小册子宣传中国共产党的政策；与国际友人广泛接触，建立友谊；支持国际友人帮助中共宣传的各种活动等等。在皖南事变之后，中国共产党通过公共外交，揭露了事件真相，赢得了国际舆论的支持和同情，这是国统区公共外交的一个亮点。而解放区的环境相对封闭，公共外交活动主要集中在来解放区的国际友人，包括记者、学者、军事观察小组。来到解放区之后，中国共产党的工作人员带他们参观，领导人与他们谈话，接受采访，介绍中国共产党当前的情况，政策以及今后的计划。这些公共外交的努力给他们留下了非常好的印象，在他们的报道和作品中，解放区被描绘成一个简单，民主和进步的社会。而且，延安从1994年开始用英语电台来进行国际宣传。
抗战期间的公共外交活动获得了巨大成就，中国共产党从此走上了国际舞台。究其原因，主要在于中国共产党所推崇的核心价值：民主，开放，坦诚。这对于当今公共外交工作的开展有很大的借鉴意义，因为无论历史条件如何变化，核心价值永远不会改变。
Abstract:
During the Anti-Japanese War period, the Communist Party of China engaged vigorously in public diplomatic efforts. Public diplomatic efforts at that period were characterized by the CPC’s contact with foreigners in China so as to influence foreign public. Due to the limitation of national and international conditions, the CPC had no other choices but to adopt this indirect public diplomacy approach as its initial step in diplomatic work. This paper sets out to study the public diplomatic efforts during the Anti-Japanese War period.
The public diplomatic efforts were part of the strategy of forming an international United Front against fascism. The Communist Party members at both Nationalist controlled areas and Communist controlled areas made their endeavor. In Nationalist controlled areas, since there were more foreigners and foreign agencies, the Communists’ activities were more vigorous and diverse. They used newspapers, press conferences and English brochures to publicize their policies; tried to win support from foreigners by maintaining good personal relationships; and gave full support to foreigners’ activities helping publicize the CPC and etc. The public diplomatic efforts proved especially successful following the New Fourth Army Incident, when the CPC publicized the truth of the incident and won a great deal of sympathy and support from international society. The Communist controlled areas, by contrast, saw fewer foreign visitors, and thus public diplomatic efforts only focused on those people, mainly composed of journalists, intellectuals and army observers. When they came to Communist controlled areas, the Communists showed them around the region, and prominent leaders of the CPC would talk to these foreigners about present situation, policies, and intentions of the CPC. These efforts left these visitors with very favorable impression. And reports and publications by the visitors were very favorable to the CPC, mostly considering the region as simple, democratic and progressive. In addition, English radio broadcasting was also employed in Yanan for diplomatic purposes starting from 1944.
The public diplomatic efforts were a great success as it made the CPC known to the world. The reason for this success was largely due to the values the CPC held: democracy, openness, frankness and sincerity. This sheds lights on present public diplomacy, since however the situation may change, the core values remain the same.
姓名：王巍 导师： 李今朝
论文题目（中文）：在华美国跨国公司中华裔美籍员工的多重身份认同协调
论文题目（英文）：Negotiating Chinese Americans’ Multiple Identities in China-based American Multinational Corporations
论文关键词（中文）：跨国美国研究 自我认同的多重性 认同协调理论
论文关键词（英文）：Transnational Chinese Americans, multiple identities, identity negotiation
中文摘要：
本文通过深度访谈的方法，旨在探求在华美国跨国公司中美籍华裔员工的认同协调，及到中国分公司工作对于他们自我认同的影响。此研究不仅仅局限于跨国美籍华裔的种族身份，还包含对于他们在在华美国跨国公司这种特定环境下的多重身份的探讨。本质上，在华美国跨国公司依然坚持其美国公司文化，与此同时，这些美国跨国公司强调公司文化本土化，以更好地迎合当地市场需求。在此特定框架中，该论文对八位美籍华裔员工进行了深度访谈，运用访谈材料，分析他们在中国工作中自身身份认同的再认识和再塑造。
该论文借鉴了跨文化交际中的“认同协调”理论作为研究的分析方法，和理论框架。认同协调理论指出了身份属性在跨文化交际中的八个认同领域，包括四个基本领域：文化认同、民族认同、性别和个人认同；四个情景领域：角色认同、关系认同、面子认同和符号互动认同。通过分析研究，本文发现，在美国跨国公司中国分公司工作对美籍华裔员工的自我认同，并没有产生极大影响。具体来说，美国跨国公司的公司文化不仅没有改变美籍华裔固有的基本身份属性，反而加强了其原有的身份属性。在情景认同领域，绝大多数情况下，美国跨国企业中相似的运营模式使美籍华裔员工固有身份得以维系。只有少数情况下，由于公司本土化容纳的一些中国行为模式，美籍华裔员工改变其原有的行为方式。 因此，美籍华裔员工的身份属性并没有通过来华工作而发生改变，在华美国跨国公司的公司文化反而加强了其原有的身份认同模式。虽然他们由于公司的本土化对自身的行为模式稍作改变，但实际上这更强调了他们固有的自我认同。
Abstract:
This study aims to detect the multiple identities of transnational Chinese Americans as they relocate to China-based American multinational corporations by utilizing the method of in-depth interview. It does not only study race or ethnic identities of Chinese Americans per se, but foregrounds their other identities within the organizational framework of China-based American MNCs, which basically operate under similar working mechanism and corporate values as in the United States. Yet, at the same time, these China branches also adapt themselves to the local Chinese operating environment. To probe into the research question, the study uses in-depth interview to explore how transnational Chinese Americans negotiate their multiple identities after their relocation to China offices, and involves eight in-depth interviews with Chinese Americans in China-based American MNCs.
Borrowing from the identity negotiation theory in communication defined by Stella Ting-Toomey, the research analyzes transnational Chinese Americans’ identities by dividing them into primary identities and situational identities. The first category is composed of cultural, ethnic, gender and personal identities while the second one encompasses role, relational, facework and symbolic interaction identities. Based on the analysis, Chinese Americans’ relocation to China-based American MNCs does not show significant influences upon their multiple identities. First of all, the corporate culture in China-based American MNCs sustains and supports transnational Chinese Americans’ original norms associated with primary identities. Second, the analogous corporate values also largely maintain Chinese Americans existing patterns associated with situational identities. Only in some cases, the effects of corporate localization alter their old meanings of situational identities, like little borrowing from Chinese behaviors. Overall, the research finds that relocating to China-based American MNCs sustains the same degree of norms associated with Chinese Americans’ multiple identities. The American nature of the corporate culture reinforces and re-enhances Chinese Americans’ existing norms of their multiple identities. Chinese Americans carry on the same degree of the norms associated with multiple identities, which significantly remain in primary identities and situational identities. They do demonstrate minor changes in behavior, but the changes only make their original applications stronger.
姓名：曾丽文 导师： 贾宁
论文题目（中文）：东方主义——中美跨文化交流分析之利器：西方大众眼中的《虎妈战歌》之案例分析
论文题目（英文）：Orientalism-Still An Applicable Analytical Tool in the Sino-US Intercultural Discourses: A Case Study of the Public Opinions Towards Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother in the West
论文关键词（中文）：东方主义 虎妈 跨文化交际 西方现代化 成见论 二元论
论文关键词（英文）：Orientalism, tiger mother, intercultural communications, stereotyping, dualism
中文摘要：
自爱德华.萨义德于1978年编著了《东方主义》以来，在短短几年的时间内，东方主义学者对该书的评价从高度的赞许快速地转变为严厉的挑战与批评。这些批评不仅来自与由萨义德本人所引领建立的后殖民主义内部，同时也来自于其他学术领域。这些批评主要集中在以下几点：自相矛盾的方法论，有限的研究区域以及无视东西文化阵营的内部的多样性和双向流动性。20世纪末期，大量关注“文化敏感性”的先进理论的提出加剧了学者对东方主义的质疑。有的学者甚至提议彻底的放弃东方主义。 面对如此极端的质疑和批判，人们不得不重新考量东方主义的中西文化分析中的可行性和应用性。基于这个研究问题，本文大胆地提出假定，虽然“文化敏感性”的理论在中西文化分析中有着举足轻重的影响力，但是东方主义仍然适用于分析中西跨文化交流。在测试该假定的过程中，本文从两大方面来定义什么是东方主义，即单一整体性成见论和等级性二元论。本文通过符号学和定性式案例分析来揭示和解读上述两大定义性理论在西方大众对《虎妈战歌》的评价中的体现。在案例分析的过程中，本文主要探讨了黄祸和模范少数民族两大成见和五对具体的二元对立（人类与非人类，文明与野蛮，正常与不正常，独立与服从和遗传与环境）的体现。与此同时，本文也探讨了“文化敏感”理论对西方大众意见的重要影响。 本文通过证实单一整体性成见论和等级性二元论在西方大众意见中的具体体现和其巨大的影响力有力地证明了论文的假定，并反驳了那些对东方主义的实用性和可行性的观点。
Abstract:
After Edward Said published Orientalism, within several years the raves about his innovation of cultural criticism have turned drastically into bouts of criticism from within and without the post-colonialism. Orientalism has been greatly challenged for its paradoxical methodology, its limited scope of research and its fallacy of homogenizing both the East and West. Criticisms have further intensified when Orientalism is disputed by other “advanced” and “cultural sensitive” theories like multiculturalism. Assertions on the obsoleteness and unproductiveness of Orientalism have pushed this paper to question the applicability and viability of this theory. Therefore, this paper has hypothesized that despite the potency of the cultural sensitive theories, Orientalism is still an applicable and viable analytical tool in deciphering the Sino-US intercultural discourses. To test the hypothesis, this paper has defined Orientalism by two layers of meanings, the monolithic stereotyping and the hierarchical dualism. At the mean time, this paper has employed semiotics and qualitative case study of the public opinions towards Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother in the West to analyze and demonstrate the two layers. For the monolithic stereotyping, the two major Orientalist stereotypes, the yellow peril and the model minority, have been explored. For the hierarchical dualism, five pairs, namely human/subhuman, civilized/barbarian, normal/abnormal, independent/submissive and natural/nurtured, have been discussed in detail. This paper has also displayed its acknowledgement of the influence of the cultural sensitive theories on the public stances. Through the demonstration and verification of the monolithic stereotypic and the hierarchical dualism, the hypothesis of this paper has been vindicated. To the opposite of the claim that Orientalism is fading into history, it is still an applicable and discernable theory in the Sino-US intercultural communications.
姓名：刘茜 导师： 付美榕
论文题目（中文）：美国女性州长的人力资本形成
论文题目（英文）：The Making of American Women Governors: from a Human Capital Formation Perspective
论文关键词（中文）：人力资本的形成 美国女性 女性州长
论文关键词（英文）：Human capital formation, American women, women governors
中文摘要：
自1925年美国第一任女性州长上任以来，总共有35名女性担任了美国州长一职，其中，28名女性是凭借自己的能力通过正式参选获得职位。在这28名州长中，有17名女性州长是在2000年之后当选，凸显了美国女性日益高涨的参政热情。现有文献中不乏对女性政治的研究，但鲜有对女性州长的系统研究，特别是从人力资本角度进行的专门研究。根据人力资本研究学者贝克的观点，人力资本存在于人的身上，表现为知识、技能、实践经验的特质总和。人力资本投资是经济增长的主要源泉，也是个人发展的重要资本。根据人力资本理论研究女性州长的成长之路有重要的现实意义，不仅可以对美国政界的精英女性有更系统深入的认识，而且对美国女性的参政活动有借鉴意义。本文旨在运用人力资本形成的理论，探讨这28名女性州长的成长之路。家庭背景、学历情况、从政前职业及婚姻配偶情况是纳入研究范围的四大方面。通过这四方面的研究找出这28名女性州长人力资本形成的共同点。 根据调查结果，本文总结出美国女性州长成长之路的四个方面及其特点如下。首先，美国女性州长的事业成功很大程度上受到家庭条件的影响。研究发现，这些美国女性大多数来自美国中上层家庭，良好的家庭背景为这些女性的成长提供了更好的个人发展机会，这表现在教育程度、政治意识及择偶方面。其次，这些美国精英女性基本上都接受了高等教育，而且相当一部分毕业于美国一流大学。虽然她们本科所学专业相当分散，大多与政治无关，但研究生的专业大多与其以后从事的职业密切相关。本文认为，她们的专业方向的转变与当时的历史环境息息相关，即上世纪60年代的越战、学生运动和妇女解放运动给她们提供了很好的政治演练平台。另外，从政前的职业生涯也是人力资本形成的重要途径。研究发现，很大一部分这些女性州长有过教书经验，这一现象与美国的教育及政治制度有密切的联系。而近年来有律师职业和从商背景的女性州长也日益增加，这不仅反映了美国法律的发展，也表明女性在人才市场中日益得到重视。最后，这些女性州长在仕途发展的过程中都或多或少地受到了婚姻的影响。女性在社会和家庭中的传统角色要求这些已婚女性州长做出了不同程度的牺牲来维持家庭和事业的平衡关系，而单身女性州长也不得不通过各种方式来改善自己在公众中的形象。本文的创新之处在内容方面。一方面，本文从人力资本形成的四个因素方面系统地探讨了这些女性政治领袖成长之路背后的共同点，并对其从历史、制度角度进行分析。另一方面，本文将婚姻对女性的影响纳入研究范围，通过女性州长与男性州长在家庭与事业中扮演的不同角色的对比，进一步印证了女性在仕途发展过程中的不平等地位。
Abstract:
Ever since Nellie Tayloe Ross made U.S. political history by becoming the first female governor in 1925, 35 women have served or are serving as state governors. Among them, 28 were elected in their own right. 17 out of the 28 women were elected after the year 2000, indicating the increasing political enthusiasm among U.S. females. Based on the human capital theory, human capital has played an instrumental role in economic and individual development. A counterpart to physical capital, human capital refers to the competences, knowledge and attributes embodied in human beings. The significance of the thesis is that it could not only give readers a more systematic and in-depth understating of the American women political leaders, but also give experience and lessons for women politicians’ career development. The thesis is intended to find out more about the extraordinary females from the point of view of human capital formation. To achieve the goal, the thesis explores family background, education attainment, career trajectory, and marriage of the female governors. According to the thesis, most of the 28 women governors are influenced by their family in their career path. Coming from middle or upper class family, these women enjoy more opportunities than average American public in terms of education attainment, political atmosphere and spouse. Secondly, almost all of these women governors have received higher education in U.S. top universities. Although their major is rather diverse in their undergraduate studies, they tend to be much more focused in graduate studies, notably on laws, government administration and political science. The change is closely related with the turbulent 1960s, which is characterized with the anti-war movement, the student’s movement and the women’s liberation movement. Thirdly, former non-governmental occupations are also an important means for human capital formation. The phenomenon that almost one-fourth of the American female governors have teaching experience is closely related with the U.S. educational and political system. Besides, women governors with legal prefession experience is increasing in recent decades, which is in response to the U.S. law development and an indicator of women’s increasing status in the job market. Last but not least, the 28 women governors are influenced by marriage on the political upward mobility. While married women governors have to make some sacrifice to strive a good balance with career and family, single governors have to improve their public their feminine image by various means. The originality of the study lies in two aspects. On one hand, the paper gives a comprehensive presentation of the making of U.S. female governors from the perspective of human capital formation and analyzes it from the point of view of history and institutional factors, which is not common in previous studies. On the other hand, the paper makes a comparison of the different roles that female and male governors play in their career and family, which highlights the barriers for women in their political careers.
姓名：李楠 导师：梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）：新大角逐？－论布什政府期间里海地区的能源政治
论文题目（英文）：A New Great Game? —The Energy Politics in the Caspian Sea Region under the Bush Administration
论文关键词（中文）：“大角逐” 里海地区 能源政治
论文关键词（英文）：“Great Game”, Caspian Sea Region, Bush, energy politics
中文摘要：
自1991年苏联解体后，里海地区得到了相当程度的关注。该地区新发现的能源财富被西方势力利用，成为填补苏联势力撤出后遗留战略空白的战略说辞。在里海盆地地区展开的对丰富能源控制权的争夺愈演愈烈，现在经常被誉为19世纪“大角逐”的重演。
2001年随着布什政府的上台，里海盆地成为美国能源战略的重要关注点；也正是在布什政府期间，美国充分完善了其在里海地区的中亚能源政策。
本文将尝试回答以下问题：美国对里海地区能源和安全政策是如何在布什政府期间转变的？新保守主义思想是如何影响布什政府对该地区的外交政策的？以及美国在里海地区的安全目标是如何受911恐怖袭击，阿富汗战争和伊拉克战争影响的？等等。本文将运用地缘政治，新保守主义以及均势等理论来解释布什政府期间美国针对里海政策的转变并未影响其外交政策的核心目标，即引导苏联解体后国家远离莫斯科以及建立美国在里海地区的主导地位；本文的结论是如今里海地区的政治和能源争夺战并不是新一轮的“大角逐”，美国和俄罗斯在该地区的力量都不足以占据主导地位，里海各国微妙的政治选择实际上形成了新一轮微妙的均势局面。
Abstract:
Ever since the disintegration of the USSR in 1991, the Caspian Basin has received considerable attention. The rich Caspian energy treasure was used as a justification for maneuvers by Western powers to fill the strategic vacancy left after the collapse of the Soviet Union; and the intensifying struggle for control of the vast resources of the Caspian Sea basin is now often cast as a replay of the nineteenth-century “Great Game”.
With George W. Bush coming into office in the year of 2001, Caspian Basin became a very important concern for the American energy strategy, and it is under his administration that the American government fully developed its energy policy in the Central Asia area.
This thesis will try to answer the questions such as: How have the American energy and security policies towards this region been transformed under the Bush administration? How has the neoconservative thinking affected the foreign policy of the Bush administration in this region? And in what way have the American security goals in the Caspian region been influenced by the September 11 and war in Afghanistan and Iraq? etc. Theories of geopolitics, neoconservatism and balance of power will be utilized to explain that the changes of the U.S. policy towards the Caspian area under the Bush administration have not affected the central objective of the U.S. foreign policy, which is to reorientate the post-Soviet States away from Moscow’s orbit and to set up American dominance in the Caspian Basin; and to make a conclusion that today’s game of Caspian politics and energy is not a new round of the “Great Game”, neither Russia nor America is influential enough in the Caspian Basin region to possess a dominant position and the elaborate choices of the Caspian states have formed a new round of delicate balance of power.
姓名：王慧玲 导师：李莉文
论文题目（中文）：从格林斯潘到伯南克：美联储战略变化多于延续
论文题目（英文）：From Greenspan to Bernanke: More Changes Than Continuities in Fed Strategy
论文关键词（中文）：美联储 联储主席 变化 通货膨证 目标制 透明度
论文关键词（英文）：Fed, Fed chairman, change, inflation, targeting, Fed transparency
中文摘要：
1913年美国国会通过《联邦储备法案》，美联储正式建立。在两次世界大战以及大萧条期间，美联储的功能并没有得到真正发挥。二战之后，美联储第九任主席小威廉•迈克切斯内•马丁正式确立了美联储的独立地位，开创了现代美联储。马丁及其之后的美联储主席至少都是连任两届（除了威廉•米勒），与此前的联储主席任期形成鲜明对比。在经过现代美联储阶段，美联储的独立性不断发展，这一机构甚至有了政府“第四部门”的称呼（其他三个部门分别是：行政部门、立法部门、以及司法部门）。
正是因为美联储的独立地位这一既成事实，使得联储主席个人在联储战略上起着决定性的作用，反过来，他们不同策略和领导风格在很大程度上则又决定了整个美联储的独立性程度和政策趋势。美元作为当前的全球储备货币，已经形成一种美元本位制，而美联储又是掌握着美元发行的唯一机构，因而现任美联储主席伯南克显然就是美元印刷机的掌控者，是全球货币政策的核心人物。那么伯南克与其前任的战略相比有哪些主要的变化呢？这个问题有着非常重要的现实意义，这是关乎全球最重要央行的政策走向的问题。
本文通过探索格林斯潘和伯南克在领导美联储之前的经历来说明个人经历的背景对他们领导美联储风格的影响，进而说明伯南克在战略上的变化。这种变化主要体现在通货膨胀目标制和美联储的透明度两个方面。而控制物价应对通货膨胀一直都是美联储的主要目标，美联储的透明度又是联储主席领导风格的主要体现，因此这两方面的不同证明了伯南克任内美联储主要的战略变化。文章分别从格林斯潘和伯南克个人经历的角度论证了，伯南克时期的美联储相对于其前任格林斯潘在战略上的变化大于延续。
Abstract:
With the passage of 1913 Federal Reserve Act, the Federal Reserve System was established. During the period of World WarⅠand World WarⅡand the Great Depression in between, the Fed’s role was not given into full play. After World WarⅡ, Fed chairman William McChesney Martin established the modern Fed, independent of the White House and the Congress. Martin and his successors (except William Miller) at least served two terms as the Fed chair, this is in sharp contrast with the previous Fed chairs. In modern Fed, its independent status has been enhanced and the Fed is even called the “fourth branch” of the government (the other three branches are the executive branch, the legislative branch, and the judicial branch).
The independent status of the Fed renders the chairman a determinant role in Fed strategy. In turn, Fed chair’s strategy and leadership style determine the degree of Fed independence and the direction of the Fed to a large extent. Because the US dollar is the global reserve currency, we are in an era of dollar standard. The Fed is the only institute that has the right to print dollar, so the current Fed chair Bernanke is undoubtedly the “commander” of the printing machine and the key figure in global monetary policy. Compared with Greenspan, what are the main changes of Bernanke in terms of Fed strategy? This is an important issue in reality, because it involves the policy trend of the most important central bank in the world: the Fed.
This paper analyzes the pre-Fed experience of both Greenspan and Bernanke to show the influence of such experience on their leadership style, which explains the changes of strategy in Bernanke’s Fed compared with that of Greenspan. These changes are mainly reflected in their differences in inflation targeting and Fed transparency. As controlling inflation rate is the main duty of the Fed and Fed transparency is the main indicator of Fed chair’s leading style, so the differences in these two aspects show the changes of Bernanke’s Fed. Meanwhile, through exploring their experience and analyzing the influence of such pre-Fed experience and career on the leadership of the Fed chair, this paper claims that From Greenspan’s Fed to Bernanke’s Fed, there are more changes than continuities.
姓名：尚一韬 导师：梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）：奥巴马政府的俄罗斯政策：变化与延续
论文题目（英文）：The Obama Administration’s Russia Policy: Changes and Continuities
论文关键词（中文）：奥巴马政府 美俄关系 重启 变化与延续
论文关键词（英文）：The Obama Administration, U.S.-Russia Relations, Reset, Changes and Continuities
中文摘要：
美俄关系是世界上最重要的双边关系之一。在冷战结束，苏联解体之后，美俄关系先是经历了一段短暂的蜜月时期，之后是一段艰难的历程。在美国总统小布什卸任时，美俄关系降到了历史的最低点，很多人担心，在这两个曾经的对手之间会再出现一次新冷战。
在2009年奥巴马上任之后，全世界都对这位美国历史上的第一位黑人总统充满了期待。奥巴马是以“改变”作为竞选口号而赢得了大选，在入主白宫之后，他决心提高美国在全球的形象， 并一改布什以往的风格在国际事务中追求“多伙伴”方式来解决问题。为了改善与俄罗斯的关系，奥巴马总统提出了“重启”的概念，希望美俄关系能够不计前嫌重新开始。
本文以冷战结束以后美国几位总统的对俄政策为背景，研究了奥巴马总统的俄罗斯政策。研究结果发现，奥巴马的对俄政策与之前小布什总统有所不同， 但他们的不同之处更多的是战术方面的不同，而非实质性的。将奥巴马的对俄政策放到历史长河中去看，其展现的更多的是与以往几位总统之间的一致性。 奥巴马政府“按下重启按钮”的最终目标还是要确保美国在全世界的领导地位并且防止潜在的威胁，比如来自俄罗斯的挑战。这也是为什么当奥巴马总统向俄罗斯主动示好的同时，仍不忘战略上的防御。
Abstract:
Relationship between the United States and Russia is one of the most important bilateral relationships in the world. After the Cold War ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union, US-Russia relations experienced a short-lived honeymoon first, then it went through a rough path. The Presidency of George W. Bush left the US-Russia relations at the lowest point in history, with many people worrying a new Cold War might happen between the two former rivals.
When Obama came to office in 2009, the world held great hopes for this first African American President. Waving the banner of “change”, Obama is determined to mend America’s global image and adopt a multi-partner approach in resolving international issues. Aiming for a better relationship between the United States and Russia, the Obama administration brought up the “reset” concept, hoping that the U.S.-Russia relations can be restarted on a clean slate.
This thesis examines Obama’s Russia policy by laying it out on the background of his predecessors’. It finds a trace of departure in Obama’s new policy from George W. Bush’s. But their differences are mainly tactical in nature rather than substantive as manifested in specific approaches. Put into a broader historical context, Obama’s policy exhibits more continuities than changes from the previous tracks. The fundamental goal under the “reset button” is still securing America’s leadership in the world and preventing threat from potential challengers, possibly from Russia, which is why when Obama reaches out to Russia, at the same time he is strategically on a preventive posture.
姓名：黄晓蕖 导师： 贾宁
论文题目（中文）：传统或独立?: 美国电视剧《欲望都市》剧中人夏洛特的女性形象
论文题目（英文）：Traditional or Independent?: The Depiction of Charlotte in Sex and the City
论文关键词（中文）：经济自足 性主体身份 《欲望都市》 女性的群体体验 女性独立
论文关键词（英文）：Economic self-sufficiency, sexual subjecthood, Sex and the City, women’s group experience, women’s independence
中文摘要：
本论文的主要目的是探讨美国电视剧《欲望都市》剧中人物夏洛特的女性独立形象。本文的主要研究意义体现在以下三方面：首先，该剧的背景为以白人社会为主的当代美国都市，剧中的女主人公享有女权主义运动带来的前所未有的权利，而学术界关于她们是否达到真正意义上的独立和解放仍持有广泛的怀疑和争论。这使得该剧对关于女性独立的研究具有一定的相关性和意义。其次，传统家庭主妇的角色通常被认为是影响女性独立的不利因素，而夏洛特作为女权主义第二次浪潮后时代背景下追求传统家庭生活并为此放弃职业生涯的女性，对于有关女性独立的研究也有特别的意义。再次，目前的学术研究很少专门从这个人物的角度出发探讨该剧的女性独立形象。
本文在对女性主义有关文献进行全面综述的基础上给出关于女性独立的适用定义，并以此作为分析人物的基础。该定义强调女性对个人生活的广泛支配和自主决策，具体从经济自足、性主体身份和女性的群体体验几方面着手。本文的论点是夏洛特对传统家庭生活的追求和付出从总体上并未影响她的个人独立。具体来说，该人物的家庭主妇角色虽然一定程度上限制了她的经济独立，但其作为独立女性的自主性并未受到削弱；在性主体身份方面，她坚持女性享受性乐趣的权利及其对性关系的支配；在女性群体体验方面，她通过女性友谊获得爱与支持，并在女性群体中保持自己的个人独立性。本文的局限性主要在于仅从个人因素的角度探讨女性独立。
Abstract:
This thesis aims to examine the representation of women’s independence in the HBO series Sex and the City primarily through the character Charlotte. The significance of this study is threefold: first, the show is relevant and significant for feminist studies with regard to women’s independence because of its setting in contemporary, white, urban America, in which the centered subjects are blessed with feminism’s gains to an unprecedented extent, but their independence and empowerment are still under wide suspicion and heated debate. Second, given that the role of the traditional stay-at-home wife is usually considered an unfavorable factor to women’s independence, the said TV character lends herself well to this study because of her aspiration for traditional domestic life and subsequent sacrifices in the post-second-wave context. Third, little scholarly attention has been paid to women’s independence represented in the show primarily from Charlotte’s perspective.
This study measures Charlotte against a working definition based on an extensive review of the literature on women’s independence. This definition underscores women’s broad control and autonomous decision-making in life, to be examined specifically through economic self-sufficiency, sexual subjecthood and women’s group experience. The author argues that in the whole Charlotte maintains her independence despite her aspiration for the traditional domestic life and subsequent sacrifices. More specifically, her agency as an independent person is hardly compromised by her role as a stay-at-home wife despite her limited economic independence. She sustains her sexual subjecthood by affirming her right to sexual pleasures and taking control in sexual relations. She also obtains love and support through female friendship while at the same time maintains her individuality in the group. The study is limited insofar as it focuses primarily on personal factors.
姓名：肖爽 导师： 付美榕
论文题目（中文）： 美国住房保障演变史及其对中国的政策指导意义
论文题目（英文）： The Evolution of U.S. Housing Assistance and Its Policy Implementation for China
论文关键词（中文）：美国 住房保障 城市发展 住房立法
论文关键词（英文）：The United States, housing assistance, urban development, housing legislation
中文摘要：
住房保障是现代政府的一项义务，也是衡量社会福利的重要指标。20世纪美国住房保障制度的历史，是一部城市发展与联邦立法相互交织的历史。联邦政府通过不断修正完善住房法律，逐步建立起一套以民间开发和财政补贴为主、兼顾政府财政能力和公众承受能力、注重阶层融合与社区可持续发展的住房保障制度。
本文通过回顾美国住房保障历史，同时检视中国住房保障制度的发展现状，从中发掘美国经验对中国住房保障建设的启示意义。本文分成两部分。第一部分阐述20世纪美国住房保障发展史。该部分以历史上几部具有标志性的住房立法为节点，根据政府在住房保障计划中扮演的不同角色，将其划分为“公共住房”、“供给方补贴”、“需求方补贴”三个阶段暨三种政策模式，分别介绍每种模式诞生的社会经济背景、法律文本及实施效果。本文的历史叙事以城市发展史、住房立法史为主线，通过分析这两条线索之间的相互作用，从而构建一个“情况—对策”的基本叙述框架，揭示社会需求的变迁乃是美国住房保障模式演变的根本推动因素。
第二部分介绍中国住房保障建设现状，并发掘美国经验对中国的启示意义。通过中国现行三种住房保障模式，即“经济适用房”、“廉租房”、“公共租赁房”的制度设计及实施效果，找出其与美国历史上三种模式的内在关联，并根据当今中国社会的发展状况和对住房的实际需求，指出“公共租赁房”将成为今后一段时期内中国保障性住房建设的主流。本文最终总结出美国住房保障发展史上的三条有益经验，即政府责任、社情适应、立法机制，并建议汲取上述经验，从而对中国住房保障制度的建设完善提供一定的理论指导。
Abstract:
Housing assistance is the responsibility of the modern government and a key parameter of social welfare. The U.S. housing assistance history is a history of interaction between urban development and federal legislation. By repeated amendments to the housing law, the U.S. government has established a housing assistance system which features private development and government subsidies, balanced attention on capability and affordability, and increasing concern on class integration and community sustainability.
The thesis investigates the U.S. housing assistance history and the development of housing assistance in China with the purpose of reforming China’s housing assistance system. It consists of two parts. The first part is historical account of U.S. housing assistance. Signified by several influential housing legislations, the U.S. history is divided into three stages or three patterns, namely “public housing”, “supply-side subsidy” and “demand-side subsidy”, according to the government roles in the programs. The thesis reviews the housing conditions that catalyzed, the federal legislations that designed, and the social effects that originated from, the three patterns of housing assistance. Based on a “Situation-and-Strategy” model that incorporates two clues, the history of urban development and the history of housing legislations, it reveals the changing social demand as the inherent driving force behind the evolution.
The second part examines China’s housing assistance system (1998-today) and seeks the significance of the American experience to China. The thesis analyzes the design and effects of the three basic patterns of Chinese housing assistance, namely “Economical and Suitable Housing”, “Low-Rent Housing” and “Public Rental Housing”, and explores the inherent links between these patterns and their American prototypes. Based on Chinese social reality and housing demands, this study suggests that “Public Rental Housing” is likely to be the mainstream of Chinese housing assistance in the foreseeable future. Highlighting three useful experiences in the U.S. housing assistance history, namely government responsibility, social reality decisiveness and housing legislation, this thesis should shed some lights on China’s improvement of its housing assistance system.
姓名：樊俊聪 导师： 谢韬
论文题目（中文）： 美国联邦应急管理署在自然灾害管理方面表现不佳的原因
论文题目（英文）： The Reasons for Underachievements of Federal Emergency Management Agency in Natural Hazard Management
论文关键词（中文）：美国联邦应急管理署 自然灾害管理 内部因素 外部因素
论文关键词（英文）：Federal Emergency Management Agency, natural hazard management, internal factor, external factor
中文摘要：
美国联邦应急管理署创立于1979年，领导美国灾害管理体系。在自然灾害管理方面，美国联邦应急管理署长期表现不佳，饱受指责，只在克林顿时期取得过辉煌成就。本文将从内部因素和外部因素两方面分析其在自然灾害管理方面表现不佳的原因。
首先，本文回顾了美国联邦应急管理署在1993年前、克林顿时期和小布什时期的表现。
其次，本文通过分析克林顿时期改革成功和小布什时期改革失败的原因，总结影响美国联邦应急管理署表现的内部因素。这些内部因素包括任务重心、组织结构、组织文化、政治地位和资源配置等。克林顿时期，美国联邦应急管理署重视自然灾害管理和预防工作；精简机构并优化内部职权分工以提升工作效率；政治地位提升，获得更多自由权和资源来进行自然灾害管理；以客户为中心开展服务，得到广泛认同。小布什时期，美国联邦应急管理署成为美国国土安全部的下属机构，自主权下降，工作重心从自然灾害管理转为反恐；投入到自然灾害管理的财政和人力资源减少；机构内部权责不明确，领导和协调能力下降。
最后，本文通过分析克林顿时期和小布什时期的改革背景，总结影响美国联邦应急管理署表现的外部因素。一方面，重大事件会影响民众和政府的关注点，进而影响美国联邦应急管理署的表现。克林顿时期，冷战结束，政府减少国防投入，更加关注国内问题；安德鲁飓风的惨痛经历促使政府更加重视自然灾害管理。小布什时期，“911”恐怖袭击事件将民众和政府的注意力转向反恐，民众和议员要求美国联邦应急管理署承担更多恐怖袭击救援工作。另一方面，政府官员的行为动机是赢得竞选或连任，因此他们会根据民众需求来改革美国联邦应急管理署。但是，民众对自然灾害管理和预防的忽视会误导政府的改革方向，从而影响美国联邦应急管理署充分发挥其职能。同时，民众不了解自然灾害管理政策，不利于管理工作的开展。
通过对上诉问题的研究和分析，本文得出以下结论：对自然灾害管理的关注和投入不够，忽视以预防为主的全面管理策略，机构内部分工不明和决策自主权不够是美国联邦应急管理署表现不佳的内部因素。重大事件和政府官员以竞选连任为目的而盲目改革是美国联邦应急管理署表现不佳的外部因素。
Abstract:
Ever since its creation in 1979, Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) has taken the lead in the U.S. intergovernmental emergency management system and has endured criticism on its underachievement in natual hazard management, except for FEMA under Clinton administration. This paper aims to find out internal and external factors of FEMA’s underachievements and unstable performance.
First, this paper reviews FEMA’s performance before 1993, under Clinton administration and under Bush administration.
Second, this paper examines internal factors of FEMA’s performance through analysing FEMA’s reorganizations under Clinton and Bush administrations. Internal factors include mission, organizational structure, organizational culture, political status and resource allocation. Under Clinton administration, FEMA focused on natural hazard management, adopted mitigation-oriented policies, streamlined institutions and achieved better assignment of roles and responsibilities. With increasing political status, FEMA gained more decision-making authority and resources to focus on natural hazard management. It provided customer-centered services and was well-received. Under Bush administration, FEMA was merged into DHS. Its decision-making authority reduced and its focus shifted from natural hazard management to antiterrorism. Financial and personnel resources allocated to natural hazard management were reduced. Its organizational structure was unclear and leadership decreased.
Third, this paper examines external factors of FEMA’s performance through analyzing backgrounds for reorganizations under Clinton and Bush administration. For one thing, focusing events can influence FEMA’s performance by changing public and political attentions. During Clinton administration, the end of Cold War enabled the U.S. government to reduce emergency spendings on defense and focus more on domestic issues. The bitter experience of Hurricane Andrew urged the U.S. government to increase investments in natural hazard management. During Bush administration, September 11 terrorist attacks shifted public and political attentions to antiterrorism. FEMA was under public and congressional pressure to take on greater role in terrorist attacks’ response and recovery. For another, reelection-motivated politicians are inclined to reorganize FEMA according to public demands. But public indifference to natural hazard management and neglect of disaster mitigation will mislead politicians to reorganize FEMA in the wrong way and influence FEMA’s performance on natural hazard management. Moreover, the public is ill-informed on natural hazard management policies, which will hinder FEMA’s performance.
This paper comes to the following conclusions. Underinvestments in natural hazard management, de-emphasis of mitigation-oriented comprehensive management policies, unclear assignment of roles and responsibilities and insufficient decision-making authority are internal factors of FEMA’s underachievements in natural hazard management. Focusing events and reelection-motivated politicians are external factors.
姓名：张莉敏 导师： 陈崛斌
论文题目（中文）： 美国未来对朝鲜政策分析：从对美国七家最有影响力的智库的观察来看
论文题目（英文）： Analysis of American Future Policy toward North Korea: Observations from the Seven Most Influential American Think Tanks
论文关键词（中文）：情境 智库 北朝鲜 美国
论文关键词（英文）：Scenario, think tanks, North Korea, the United States
中文摘要：
北朝鲜问题一直以来都令美国及其盟友感到头疼。为了遏制北朝鲜对核武器的野心，美国与韩国和日本一道，采用了双轨措施，即强有力的遏制与积极接触相结合的政策。这篇论文的主要任务是通过分析美国七家最有影响力的智库的报告，观察美国未来对北朝鲜的政策。智库通常被称为政府的“右脑”，或者是“影子内阁”。她们通常被媒体称为“第五种权力中心”。与利益集团的相互竞争，政治团体之间的冲突以及政府机构的相互制衡不同，美国智库一般更加具有独立性，对美国外交政策造成的影响相对更大。创新的思想和观点从智库中产生，它们定期向政府提供具有独特见解的政策专家。召开集会，参与会议发表观点，提出新的行动方案。通过分析美国政府的文件和美国七家最佳最有影响力的智库(根据由James G. McGann博士领导的美国宾夕法尼亚大学智库和公民社会研究项目)发表于2010年和2011年的研究报告，这篇论文提出了未来美国对朝鲜问题的三种情境，并且对这三种选择进行了比较。情境一是根据美国智库分析北朝鲜频繁的动武行为以及朝鲜半岛现存的敌对状态可能会升级为大规模战争。情境二是在可预见的未来朝鲜半岛的现状将存续下去。通过对顶级智库的研究发现，既然中国短时间内不会改变其对朝鲜问题的立场，如果战争升级，美国及其盟友可能会面临一场持久战。双轨政策很有可能会继续维持，这意味着有意义的接触和有力的实行遏制政策，包括各种制裁措施。情境三是由于诸如国内人民不满，北朝鲜内部的冲突以及国际操纵等消极因素可能会将金正恩政府引向覆灭，这进一步可能会导致朝鲜无核化或者朝鲜统一。经过细致的分析，情境二——维持现状将最有可能在未来持续很长时间。特别是在21世纪，全世界的经济重心越来越向亚太地区转移。中国会对北朝鲜的未来命运起着越来越重要的作用。
Abstract:
North Korea issue has always been one of the headaches of America and its allies. To check the nuclear ambition of North Korea, America, allied with South Korea and Japan, has adopted a dual-track approach, that is, forceful containment and active engagement combined. The main task of the thesis is to observe the future American policy toward North Korea. Think tanks are often referred to as a state’s “right head”, or “shadow cabinet”. They are also called the “fifth power center” after media. Unlike the jostling of interest groups, the conflict between political parties, and the checks and balances among branches of government, American think tanks are generally more independent and exert relatively more important influences on U.S. foreign policy. They generate original opinions and thoughts, supply a steady stream of ingenious policy experts to government and convene or participate in meetings to disperse ideas and announce new initiatives. By analyzing American government documents and research reports by the seven most influential American think tanks (according to the research accomplished by Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program under the University of Pennsylvania’s International Relations Program directed by Ph.D. James G. McGann) issued in 2010 and 2011, this paper comes up with three future scenarios and compares these three scenarios. Scenario 1 is arguing that according to the analysis of American think tanks, frequent provocations from North Korea and exiting hostile confrontation may escalate into massive warfare. Scenario 2 holds the view that the status quo of the situation in the Korean Peninsular will be maintained in the foreseeable future. According to the observation of the top think tanks, since China will not change its position toward North Korea, America and its allies may have to face a protracted war with North Korea in case of an escalation. The dual-track approach will be very much likely to continue, which means meaningful engagement and forceful implementation of containment, including varied measures of sanctions. Scenario 3 maintains that negative elements such as domestic dissatisfaction and conflicts in North Korea and international manipulation may also lead Kim Jong-un government to collapse, which will possibly result in denuclearization or unification. After careful analysis, scenario 2——maintaining the status quo will most likely to last for a long time in the future, especially under the circumstances that the gravity of the globe in the 21st century is shifting to the more and more prosperous Asia-Pacific area. China will play an increasingly important role in deciding the future of North Korea.
姓名：冯纯玉 导师：刘葵兰
论文题目（中文）：《月饼泼妇复仇记》中的美国华裔女性身份
论文题目（英文）：The Chinese American Identity in Revenge of the Mooncake Vixen
姓名：张朋辉 导师： 谢韬
论文题目（中文）： 分治政府对美国国会对华政策的影响—-涉华议案分析（1993-1996, 2007-2010）
论文题目（英文）： The Influence of Divided Government on Congressional China Policy—-An Analysis of China Policy on Capitol Hill from 1993-1996 and 2007-2010
论文关键词（中文）：分治政府 美国国会 对华政策
论文关键词（英文）：Divided government, Congress, China policy
中文摘要：
分治政府是否明显影响美国国会的对华政策？这是一个十分重要的问题。理解分治政府下美国国会的对华政策对研究美国国会对华政策十分必要，对我们更深刻的研究美国国会、府会关系与美国国内政治也大有裨益。如果不理解分治政府下的国会对华政策，对国会对华政策的理解也将是不完整的。遗憾的是中外专门研究分治政府与国会对华政策的文章与专著凤毛麟角。
本文用定性与定量的方法，试图研究和比较分治政府下美国国会的对华政策的异同。与传统观点分治政府下更容易造成中美关系障碍和不友好的对华政策的观点不同，本文认为，相较统一政府分治政府下美国国会的对华政策不会有明显变化，因为在外交政策领域，国会议员代表选区，为选民负责，他们立法行为的主要目的是照顾选区，赢得选举，而不是简单地以党派划线，在国会中表现党派一致。为了验证此观点，本文选取103届和104届国会、110届和111届国会两组数据，整理出所有专门针对中国的议案，经过归类、分析、比较后发现，众议员和参议员在分治政府下提交的议案数量、类型、性质和议题领域与统一政府没有明显的不同，支持了本文的观点。其次，本文对进行唱票表决的涉华议案进行了分析，发现议员的投票没有明显党派分野。此外，论文以对华最惠国待遇为例，探讨了总统政策的演变和国会压力的关系，发现国会的政策演变和分治政府关系不大，总统MFN政策的调整亦非主要出自国会的压力。因此本文得出结论：美国分治政府的国会对华政策与统一政府没有明显不同。这对我们重新评估中期选举对对华政策的影响、重新认识选区对国会议员的外交政策影响都有十分重要的意义。
Abstract:
Does divided government influence U.S. China policy on Capitol Hill? This is a significant question for U.S.-China relations students. Yet very few scholars have done research on this specific issue. The thesis argues that divided government has no significant influence on congressional China policy. Party affiliation is only one of these factors, but not necessarily the decisive one. To test my hypothesis I use data from 1993-1996 and 2007-2010, each group contains two successive terms of divided government and a unified one respectively. I collect all the China bills introduced to Congress each term, and compare these bills within each group by type, nature, issue area and sponsor. The result shows that China bills introduced to Congress did not change significantly in terms of bill number, type, nature, issue area or sponsor. Instead the thesis shows that export to China of congressmen’s home state positively relates to their sponsorship on China bills. Then I analyze the partisanship of roll call vote on China bills and find that members of Congress did not change their position on China bills from divided government to unified one or vice versa. Furthermore, I 总统 竞选 连任 经济
China policies from the White House or aggregate China policy of the United States. My hypotheses are supported. The results are helpful for us to understand China policy on Capitol Hill and U.S.-China relations.
姓名：马玲玲 导师： 谢韬
论文题目（中文）： 美国现代总统竞选连任：1980-1996
论文题目（英文）： Reelection of Modern Presidents: 1980-1996
论文关键词（中文）：
总统 竞选 连任 经济
论文关键词（英文）：Presidents, campaign, reelection, economy
中文摘要：
奥巴马总统宣布竞选连任，轰轰烈烈的美国总统大选再次拉开帷幕。在任总统竞选连任在美国已经是司空见惯的事情了，进入20世纪，特别是第二次世界大战以后，共有10位现代总统参选以求连任，其中7人（杜鲁门、艾森豪威尔、约翰逊、尼克松、里根、克林顿、小布什）获胜，三人（福特、卡特、老布什）失利。
如上所述，战后在任总统竞选连任的成功率相对较高，尽管如此，在连任选举中失败的例子也是比比皆是，这就提出了一个问题，为什么有些在任总统能够连任成功，有些则不能？作者通过对两组在任总统参选的美国总统大选（1980、1992年美国总统大选和1984、1996年美国总统大选）进行实证研究和对比分析，发现短期外界力量（包括重大经济、外交事件），特别是选举时期的经济条件，通常对在任总统竞选连任具有决定性的作用。作者发现经济环境差的时候，民众对在任总统的满意度下降，易于启动“变革”机制，对在任总统不利，对挑战者有利，由此易于导致在任总统连任失败；而经济环境好的时候，民众满意度高，愿意把好的经济状况归功于总统并愿意保持现状。
通过对相关文献的研究，作者发现目前国内还没有专门针对在任总统竞选连任的研究，本文试图添补这一研究领域的空白，力图从一个全新角度研究美国总统选举。以选举结果为起点，追溯前因，以探求特定规律，解析在任总统竞选连任这一现象，希望以全新视角为我国美国学研究，特别是美国总统选举研究贡献一份微薄之力。
Abstract:
President Barack Obama announced his plan of seeking reelection in 2011, thus unfolding the vigorous U.S. presidential elections held every four years. Incumbent presidents seeking reelection is not new in the United States. The post-war era has witnessed ten of the so-called modern presidents running for a second term, among whom seven incumbent presidents succeeded in securing reelection (including Harry Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush), and three failed to win reelection (including Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, and George H. W. Bush).
As can be seen, incumbent presidents enjoy high rates of reelection success. However, there are cases in which sitting presidents lose in their reelection bids. This phenomenon poses a question, that is, why are some incumbent presidents more successful than others in winning reelection? What factors are influencing the outcomes of presidential reelections? Through an empirical and comparative study of two sets of presidential elections featuring incumbent presidents (1980 and 1992 presidential elections; and the 1984 and 1996 presidential elections), the author finds out that short-term circumstantial forces (including salient economic and foreign events), especially economy at the time of the election, exerts a decisive role in the reelection outcomes of incumbent presidents. The author finds: 1) incumbent presidents tend to be disadvantaged as a result of unfavorable economic environment in that public dissatisfaction resulting from bad economy calls for time for a change, which favors the challengers from the opposition party. As a result, the incumbent tends to lose. 2) The incumbent presidents take credit from favorable economic condition with high approval ratings, and the public are willing to stay the course to keep the incumbent in office for a second term.
Through a careful examination of relevant literature, the author finds out that there’s no special academic treatment of incumbent presidents seeking reelection in China. This thesis is intended to fill in this research gap in hope of studying American presidential elections from a whole-new perspective. The author hopes that this thesis will make contribution to China’s American studies, especially study on American presidential elections by incorporating a new perspective to study election results, trace causal connections, and explore the reasons behind the scene.
姓名：王若楠 导师： 闫循华
论文题目（中文）： 安全化与语境：重构理论框架及美国清洁能源安全化的案例研究
论文题目（英文）： Securitization and Context: Restructure the Theoretic Framework with a Case Study in the Securitization of Clean Energy in the United States
论文关键词（中文）：安全化 语境 哥本哈根学派 清洁能源 美国
论文关键词（英文）：Securitization, Context, The Copenhagen School, Clean Energy, The United States
中文摘要：
通过回顾哥本哈根学派及其批评者的主要观点，本文试图说明哥本哈根学派所提出的“分领域研究”其实正是他们对安全化进行语境研究的最初努力。但是本文也认可后来批评者的建议，即应当更多地关注安全化语境下各方参与者对议题的安全考量，以此来更深入地理解安全化各个侧面的力量互动。本文因此提出安全化理论应当包含的三方面内容：第一，安全化应当被看做是一个历史性的持续进行的过程；第二，单个安全化行为在目标受众中所产生的影响虽不一定能够在短时期内以简单的方式测取，但在现实中，安全化所产生的效果至少可以为语境累计素材，从而使安全化语言成为现有语境的组成部分，继而参与新语境的生成；第三，安全化的语境也并非相互孤立，相反，安全化的影响会突破单个语境的边界，而对其他语境中的安全化产生重要影响。近年来，随着能源问题在政治领域被持续关注，清洁能源作为解决能源难题的对策之一也频频出现在与安全相关的政治话语中，甚至有多种正式的机构性、政策性措施出现以支持其对安全所产生的重要作用。本文通过对清洁能源在多个领域（军事、经济，和科技竞争力）中的安全化分析，以说明在各方参与者在多个语境下对清洁能源这一议题的利益考量，以及这些要素之间的交错影响。在这一部分通过指出属于其他领域（如经济，环保等）的利益相关个人和团体对另一领域（如军事）中清洁能源利益相关个人和团体的目的与计划所进行的借用，以及科技竞争力成为渐渐兴起的安全语境等问题，本文试图论证前文中的理论建议：第一，语境并非变动不居，它由持续进行的安全化所不断建构出来；第二，已有的安全话语在适当的时机下会被话语者借用，为清洁能源在科技竞争力领域的安全化提供话语素材，从而促成了该新语境的生成；第三，属于某一语境下(例如军事领域)的安全化行动会对另一语境的生成，以及另一语境下（例如经济和环保领域）的安全化行为产生影响。
Abstract:
By reviewing the major theoretic perspectives of the Copenhagen School as well as its critics, it is suggested in the thesis that “sectoral analysis” is actually the initial attempts to study “securitization” from a contextualized perspective. However it is also suggested that more weight should also be put on the participants in each securitizing move as well as their separate agendas, in order to thoroughly understand how those agendas can interact with each other. The theoretic framework proposed in the thesis includes three major aspects: first, it is held that securitization should be considered as a historically on-going process. Second, contexts of different securitizing moves are not static. In reality, even though it is rather difficult to detect the effects of securitization in a simple way and in a timely manner, each securitizing moves at least can serve as material in constituting the current and the new context. Thirdly, the contexts for securitization are not isolated from each other; on the contrary, the impact of securitization in one sector can also have important impact on the securitization in another context. In recent years, clean energy started to frequently appear in the political discourse which is related to security issues. In fact, many governmental measures have been launched to provide institutional support to the development of clean energy, due to its security significance. In the later part of the thesis, by adopting the theoretic framework it has developed in the previous chapters, the securitizations of clean energy in different sectors (e.g. military, economy, and science undefinedamp; technology) are thoroughly analyzed. Such a sectoral analysis is to demonstrate how different participants of the clean energy’s securitizing moves have been influenced by their separate agendas which are actually specific contextual factors to the sector in analysis. One major purpose of the this part is to respond to the proposition of the Copenhagen School’s critics that in the research of securitization in specific issues, more considerations should be on the contextual factor of each securitizing moves. In the case of the clean energy, different participants of the securitizing moves as well as their interests and agendas serve as particular contextual factors in its securitization. As a result, by analyzing how the agenda of the participants of a securitizing act in a certain sector (or context) has influenced the securitization of clean energy in another sector (or context) and how clean energy has become increasingly popular in the sector of science and technology competitiveness, the last part of the thesis is an efforts to support the proposition in the earlier chapter that first, sector (or context) is not a static object, rather, it is generated by speech acts; second, speech acts are usually borrowed from old securitizing lexicon as material in constructing the new context; third, the impact of each securitizing moves extends beyond the boundary of one sector (or context; for example, military sector) and has influence on the securitization of an issue in another sector (or context; for example, economy or environment sector).
姓名：张玉青 导师：闫循华
论文题目（中文）： 希望与担忧：美国对欧盟安全与防务政策的态度
论文题目（英文）： Hopes and Fears: U.S. Perspectives on the European Security and Defense Policy
论文关键词（中文）：欧洲军事 美国外交 美欧关系 北约 ESDP
论文关键词（英文）：European Military, U.S. Foreign Policy, U.S.-European Relations, NATO, ESDP
中文摘要：
从第二次世界大战结束、冷战开始，欧洲的安全与防务主要通过美国主导的北约进行。随着冷战的结束和欧洲一体化进程的加深，欧洲开始寻求发展自主的安全与防务能力与设置。欧盟于1999年正式制定了欧盟安全与防务政策（ESDP），该政策不仅象征着欧洲政治一体化的加深，而且对大西洋联盟产生深刻的影响。本文将对美国对ESDP的态度和反应进行较为客观而全面的研究。研究包括两个部分，第一部分是美国的态度，包括重要官员的讲话、政府文件，以及美国和北约采取的相关行动。美国对此政策的态度是矛盾的，既表现出希望，又表现出担忧。美国一直希望其欧洲盟友增加军费、提高军事力量，从而在大西洋联盟中承担更多的负担，那么以提高欧洲军事实力为目的的ESDP的出现对于美国人来说是值得欢迎和高兴的事。但是，美国人同时又表现出担忧，因为ESDP有可能重复北约的设置，甚至使欧盟拥有独立自主的军事能力。美国担心欧洲脱离美国影响，担心北约在欧洲失去影响力。第二部分是影响美国态度的因素。具体包括三个方面，第一是影响大西洋关系的国际形势，包括“9.11”事件、伊拉克战争、全球金融与经济危机，以及中国等新兴国家的崛起等因素；第二是美国的外交战略，即在美国外交战略的重点、对使用武力的看法和对大西洋联盟的角色定位等；第三是ESDP的实力与潜力，即拥有ESDP的欧洲是否符合美国的需求、与美国的利益是否有冲突。通过对上述问题的研究和分析，本文得出结论认为，由于国际形势、美国和欧盟自身的因素，美国对ESDP的态度是充满矛盾的。虽然欧洲自主军事实力的发展在一定意义上对于北约和美国的影响力是一种挑战，但是根据美国的理解，一方面，欧洲实力的增强可以促使欧美联盟实力的增强，另一方面，其他因素也决定了大西洋联盟继续存在的理由和欧盟短期内不会实现强大的军事实力和统一的行动能力。所以，美国虽然担心ESDP继续发展可能带来的后果，但是目前仍会继续敦促欧洲提高军事力量，从而加强北约的力量。
Abstract:
European security and defense was basically equivalent to the transatlantic collective defense offered via NATO since the end of World War II. However, with the end of the Cold War and the progress of European integration, European states embarked on the course to develop its own security and defense capability and structure. As a result, the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) was established in 1999, which has significant impacts on the transatlantic Alliance. This thesis attempts to find out and analyze the U.S. perspectives on the ESDP. The study includes two parts. The first is to study the perspectives of the U.S. through the speeches of government officials and governmental documents, as well as actions taken by the U.S. and NATO. The United States has shown ambivalent attitudes –both hopes and fears. The U.S. hopes that its European allies would strengthen their military capabilities in order to have a more balanced burden-sharing in NATO. So to some extent, it welcomes the emergence of the ESDP which aims to build stronger European military capabilities. At the same time, the U.S. fears that the development of the ESDP might duplicate the assets of NATO and might even enable European allies to decouple from the Alliance, because the ESDP may leads to an autonomous European security and defense. The second part is aimed to analyze the reasons for such American perspectives. The analysis identifies three factors. The first is international strategic landscape, including the impacts of the 9/11, the Iraq War, global financial and economic crisis, and the rise of developing countries such as China; the second factor is the U.S. foreign policy strategy, including its foreign policy priorities, its perception on the use of force and the role for the transatlantic Alliance. The third factor is the ESDP itself, mainly the challenges it faces for achieving its final goals. Based on my research, the thesis concludes that the U.S. perspectives on the ESDP are ambivalent and would continue to be so in the near future. Although the development of ESDP is to some extent a challenge to the influence of NATO and the U.S., the U.S. understands that a stronger Europe may help build a stronger alliance, which it still deems useful and important in its foreign affairs and that the EU will not acquire strong and unified military power soon. This understanding explains why the U.S. urges its European allies to increase military spending and at the same time emphasizes the role of NATO.
