姓名：熊舟 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）： 变化与延续：布什任期内的美国与朝鲜关系
论文题目（英文）： U.S.-North Korea Relations in the Bush Administration: Changes and Continuities
论文关键词（中文）：美国与朝鲜关系 布什政府 变化 延续
论文关键词（英文）：U.S.-North Korea Relations, The Bush Administration, Changes, Continuities
中文摘要：
美国与朝鲜关系在布什任期内经历了重大发展；本文通过探讨该时期内两国关系中的变化与延续，分析变化的成因和延续得以保持的动因，总结布什任期内美国对朝政策的得失。 文章首先分析了二战后、冷战期间及克林顿政府时期的美国与朝鲜关系，从历史角度解读两国关系所面临的困境，即长期的对立和两国国力、国际地位的悬殊差距导致了双方的互不信任和误解，为布什政府妥善解决两国关系，尤其是朝鲜核问题布下障碍。布什政府的意识形态偏见和政府内部斗争加大了其与朝鲜政府接触的难度；在九一一事件后，美国的全球反恐战略激化了美朝矛盾，使得朝核问题升级。尽管布什在第二任期内走向务实，通过六方会谈的多边形式加强与朝鲜的接触与对话，但在多轮会谈后因为缺乏根本性进展和朝鲜的核试验，朝核问题的顺利解决在短期内仍然无望。相较于朝鲜基于自身安全问题和国际形势制定的一整套行之有效的对美战略，美国一直以来缺乏一套对朝的明晰一致的战略，这也导致美国在处理对朝关系时处于被动。布什任期内美国对朝政策变化因此也基本以战术变化为主，将对朝关系看成美国针对全球和亚洲战略的一部分的基本思路没有改变。总之，布什政府针对半岛无核化为目标的政策在两个任期之内失败了，将朝核难题遗留到了下届政府。
Abstract:
This thesis examines the U.S.-North Korea relations through identifying and explicating changes and continuities in the George W. Bush administration. From a historical analysis and comparative studies approach, the paper first puts the United States-North Korea interactions into historical perspective by exploring significant events during and after the Cold War era, and analyzing important incidents in the Clinton administration to see how history has shaped the bilateral relations. Historically, chronicle antagonism and salient asymmetry in national status between the two countries give birth to deep mistrust and misunderstanding, rendering the North Korean nuclear issue an extremely difficult conundrum for the Bush Administration. With profound ideological leanings, Bush hardened its posture towards North Korea in line with America’s global scheme of anti-terrorism after the 9/11 attacks. When tensions escalated over the nuclear issue, the Bush administration took a pragmatic path in the second term and involved stakeholders in Northeast Asia to address the North Korean issue under a multilateral framework of the Six Party Talks. These tactical changes in Bush’s North Korean policy reveal that the United States has always been in a responsive position when dealing with North Korea. In contrast to Pyongyang’s consistent strategy of ensuring its state survival and security by leveraging with the nuclear issue, Washington lacks a coherent and clear strategy in the relationship, a continuity that has characterized the American policy for decades. In general, the Bush administration has failed to meet the policy goal of denuclearizing North Korea, leaving the most important and stubborn issue in the relations to its successor.
姓名：夏亭 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）： 布什政府的台湾政策：变化与延续
论文题目（英文）： The Bush Administration’s Taiwan Policy: Changes and Continuities
论文关键词（中文）：布什政府 9.11 台湾 中美关系 变化和延续
论文关键词（英文）：The Bush Administration, 9.11, Taiwan, China-U.S. relations
中文摘要：
台湾问题一直是中美关系中最重要的因素。美国对台湾问题的干涉是台湾问题产生和迟迟未能解决的根本原因。美国干涉台湾问题主要是出于其战略利益的考虑：冷战中台湾是美国遏制共产主义链条上的重要环节，冷战后，台湾成了美国牵制中国的工具。美国对台政策取决于其全球战略和中国政策。美国长期以来一直奉行所谓的“模糊战略”政策，以达到防止两岸统一的目的。
进入21世纪以来，美国台湾政策的目标是保持台海和平、维持台海现状，以保护其在亚太地区的战略利益。在布什政府执政期间，以9.11恐怖主义袭击为转折点，美国对其全球战略和中国政策做出了重大调整，因此其对台政策相较于9.11之前也发生了重大变化。布什上台之初对美国“模糊战略”政策作出了最亲台的调整，9.11之后又逐渐回归到“模糊战略”政策，甚至出现了与中国大陆合作联手遏制台独的新局面。本文旨在找出布什政府对台政策中的变化和延续，分析其对台政策出现这些调整的深层次原因，从而洞悉美国对台政策的实质，更好地把握美中关系中的台湾问题。
本文将首先对美国干涉台湾问题的历史进行简要回顾，总结布什政府之前的美国对台政策。在第二章和第三章中，本文将深入分析布什政府在9.11之前和之后的全球战略、中国政策和其对台湾政策作出的一些列调整。通过对大量新闻报道、证词、政府文件、官方声明的分析，剖析了布什政府对台政策在9.11之前和之后的变化和延续。最后一章将对比布什政府对台政策与克林顿政府的对台政策，分析了两届政府之间的变化和延续。
通过分析，本文最后提出了以下结论：第一，布什政府继承了传统的美国对台“模糊战略”政策。其对台湾政策的调整是表面的而非实质性的，延续多于变化，这是因为美国在两岸关系中的根本利益并未发生变化，美国对台政策的本质是超越政府的。
第二，本文认为台独运动的兴起使得其成为了“美中台”三角关系中最不稳定的因素。台独势力并未随着陈水扁政府的倒台而消亡，未来台湾局势的稳定在较大程度上取决于美国能否成功遏制台独势力。
第三，台海局势虽然已经进入到了相对稳定的时期，但这并不意味着两岸关系的发展将持续稳定发展。美国绝不会放掉台湾，台独势力也随时准备东山再起。两岸关系中也还存在不少不稳定因素。台湾问题仍将是中美关系中的重要问题。
Abstract:
issue has always been a major factor in U.S.-China relations. The fundamental reason for the generation and irresolution of the Taiwan issue is the intervention of the United States. The primary reason for U.S. intervention is protection of its strategic interests: during the Cold War, Taiwan constituted a crucial link in the anti-communism chain; after the Cold War, Taiwan becomes a tool in containing China. U.S. Taiwan policy is subjected to its global strategy and China policy. For several decades, the United States has been sticking to the Taiwan policy of strategic ambiguity for the purpose of preventing the unification of mainland China and Taiwan.
Entering the 21st century, U.S. Taiwan policy is targeted to maintain the peace and status quo across the Strait with the purport of safeguarding its interests in the Asia-Pacific region. During the Bush administration, Washington had to adjust its global strategy and China policy significantly in the wake of September 11 attacks. Consequently, it was forced to reverse its pre-911 pro-Taiwan policy and revert to the traditional Strategic ambiguity. Washington even cooperated with China in curbing the Taiwan independence forces. This thesis aims to pinpoint the changes and continuities in Bush’s Taiwan policy and identify their deep-seated causes. In this way, we can better understand the substance of U.S. Taiwan policy and handle the Taiwan issue in the context of U.S.-China relations.
The thesis begins with a review of the history of U.S. intervention in the Taiwan issue and summarizes U.S. Taiwan policy before the Bush administration. The second and the third chapters will offer a detailed analysis on the Bush administration’s Taiwan policy before and after the September 11 attacks through examining a great deal of news reports, testimonies, official documents and statements. In this way, it will reveal the changes and continuities of the Bush administration’s Taiwan policy. The fourth chapter will compare the Bush administration’s Taiwan policy with the Clinton administration’s Taiwan policy to identify the changes and continuities.
Through the analysis, the thesis has made the following conclusions: first, the Bush administration has inherited the traditional U.S. Taiwan policy of strategic ambiguity, and he only made tactical instead of substantive modifications on it. There were more continuities than changes because the fundamental interests of the United States in the cross-Strait relations remained unchanged and the fundamentals of U.S. Taiwan policy transcend administrations.
Second, the thesis believes the rise of Taiwan independence movement has made it the key variable in the “U.S.-China-Taiwan” triangle. The Taiwan independence forces did not demise with the fall of the Chen Shui-bian government. The future stability across the Strait largely depends on whether the United States can successfully contain the independence forces.
Third, although the Taiwan Strait has entered into a relatively stable period, it does not mean the cross-Strait relations will remain stable all the time. It is for sure the United States will not give up Taiwan. The Taiwan independence forces are poised to get control of the island. There are still many uncertainties in the cross-Strait relations. The Taiwan issue will remain a crucial problem in U.S.-China relations.
姓名：徐萧垠 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）： 乔治•W•布什政府的对华政策：变化与延续
论文题目（英文）： George W. Bush and China: Changes and Continuities
论文关键词（中文）：小布什 美国的对华政策9/11 变与不变
论文关键词（英文）：George W. Bush, America’s China Policy, 9/11, Changes And Continuities
中文摘要：
中美关系向来是国际政治舞台上最为重要的双边关系之一。美国是世界综合实力最强的国家，中国经过近几十年的飞速发展正在国际社会发挥越来越大的作用和影响。中美关系健康与否，关系到一系列国际问题能否妥善解决，并在很大程度上影响着两国与其它国家的关系。
自尼克松时期中美关系回暖以来的几十年中，美国与中国从互不往来到联合抗苏、从正式建交到八九年两国关系跌入冰点、从克林顿上台时强硬的对华政策到两国致力于建设“战略伙伴关系”， 两国关系经历了一系列的沉浮动荡，在敌对和友好之间摇摆不定。2001年保守派共和党人小布什入主白宫后，美国的对华政策较之前发生了重大变化。为了维持并巩固美国在全球范围的霸主地位并对日益崛起的中国带来的潜在威胁加以防范，小布什将矛头指向了中国等大国，两国关系再次陷入僵局。但9•11事件的发生使小布什政府不得不对其外交政策的矛盾优先次序进行调整。作为美国对外战略的一部分，小布什在对华政策上也进行了一系列的调整。中美关系回暖迅速，致使许多分析人士认为美国对外政策正在发生根本性的变化，声称中美关系已经处于几十年来最好的阶段。诚然，美国对中国态度的转变说明美国对中国的看法和定位正在发生变化，然而这一变化究竟代表了美国对华关系的根本性调整，还是仅仅为中美关系上下沉浮的又一个结点？这个问题值得我们进一步探究和深思。
为此，本文对小布什任期内对华关系的变化进行深入的剖析，通过探寻9•11事件前后美国对华政策的变与不变，来分析9•11对中美关系的影响。同时，本文还将小布什政府的对华政策置于尼克松以来历任美国总统的中国政策的大框架下来进行考察，以发现影响中美关系发展的根本性因素，并对小布什政府的对华政策是否发生根本性转变做出解答。本文认为，自尼克松以来，中美关系的发展带有一定的持续性。尽管美国对中国的定位以及美国国内政治的不断变化对中美关系产生了显著的影响，但这些变化均为表面上、暂时性、战术性的变化，而并非根本的、长期的、战略性的变化。同时，美国对外战略的根本目标和利益则并未发生变化，而这些方面则是决定其对外战略走向的最深刻因素。
相应的，小布什政府的对华政策并没有像某些学者所认为的那样明显的偏离其前任的对华政策。美国对全球局势的分析、对中国的根本认识、以及国内竞选政治等因素曾经影响了前几任政府的对华政策且仍然在很大程度上影响着小布什政府对华政策的走向。尽管9•11之后中美关系迅速发展、中美合作的基础不断扩大，然而这些仅仅是美国在后9•11时期从巩固其全球霸主地位、防范中国威胁的根本目的出发而做出的战术性调整，并不代表中美关系从此走进了新时代。只要当前美国的对外战略根本目标不发生变化，可以预见，美国的对华政策在未来相当长一段时间内都将保持一定的持续性，因此中国对中美关系的前景，始终应该保持“谨慎乐观”的态度。
Abstract:
Relationship between the United States and China is often considered as one of the most important major-power relationships on the international stage. Since the rapprochement between Washington and Beijing under the Nixon administration, U.S.-China relations have experienced ups and downs, and were, from time to time, oscillating between being rivals and being friends.
As the world moved into the new century, U.S.-China relations were off to a rocky start with President George W. Bush and his hard-nosed foreign policy team came into the White House. But it is commonly believed that the bilateral relationship has seen a remarkable turnaround since the September 11th terrorist attacks on the United States. The shift in Washington’s attitude toward China seems to represent a dramatic change in the Administration’s China policy. However, this shift begs the question whether Bush’s China policy involves fundamental changes from his predecessors’ or it was just another example of the ebb and flow in the U.S.-China relations during the past few decades.
To answer this question, this paper provides an analysis of the Bush administration’s approach toward China to investigate the changes and continuities in America’s China policy before and after September 11th. This paper also puts George W. Bush’s China policy into the mainstream of Washington’s policy toward China in order to examine the underlying dynamics of U.S.-China relations througthout the past few decades.
By putting George W. Bush’s China policy into a broader historical context, this paper argues that a great deal of continuity can be found in America’s China policy throughout these Administrations since the U.S.-China Rapprochement. While some aspects of the relationship such as Washington’s perception of China and domestic politics of the United States may have changed over time and have exerted considerable influence over the course of U.S.-China relations, these changes were essentially tactical in nature, rather than substantive. The fundamental goals, interests, and visions that provides the underpinning of the U.S. grand strategy have experienced little radical change throughout the administrations. It is these strong and extensive continuities that exert a more profound influence on America’s world role and influence.
In this sense, Bush’s policy toward China was not a radical departure from his predecessors’ as some critics proclaim. Fundamental forces that shape the relationship such as Washington’s global outlook and campaign politics continue to play significant roles in the forming of Washington’s China policy. Although changes occasioned by September 11th can be found, they were tactical measures rather than a substantive reorientation of America’s strategy. Moreover, the fundamental ideological differences and long-standing grievances between Washington and Beijing over Taiwan and human rights still loom large without being tackled. As long as the fundamental goals of the nation remain the same, the underlying themes and patterns that affected Bush’s policy toward China will continue to shape America’s approach in the future.
姓名：陈维 导师： 谢韬
论文题目（中文）： 亨利•海德法案获得通过原因探析
论文题目（英文）： Interpretation of the Passage of the Henry Hyde Act
论文关键词（中文）：美印民用核能领域合作 表示关注的选民 事关选举
论文关键词（英文）：The Nuke Deal, Attentive Publics, Electoral Connection
中文摘要：
2005年7月，印度总理辛格对美国进行了为期三天的国事访问，其间辛格与美国总统布什发表联合声明，表示美印两国将致力于开展民用核能领域的全面合作。众所周知，印度作为一个实际拥有核武器但不签署《不扩散核武器条约》（NPT）的国家，根据当时美国的相关法律，是无法与美国进行民用核领域的全面合作的。 实际上，自2005起至2008年，美国国会通过了一系列法案如《亨利•海德法案》为美印民用核合作扫除了障碍。本文旨在探讨美国众议院通过海德法案的原因。
本文首先对国内学者对美印两国开展民用核能领域的全面合作进行系统的历史回顾和分析，并阐述为何选择用国会议员投票行为研究的理论来探讨此话题。 在此基础上，本文以大卫•梅休的关于国会议员和选民关系的理论和道拉斯•阿诺德的关于国会议员投票行为逻辑的理论为基础，系统分析在美印民用核能领域的全面合作问题上表现活跃的选民，以及众议员如何投票以代表这些选民的利益。最后，本文通过统计分析，建立Logistic回归模型，验证众议员投票时是否考虑到在此问题表现活跃的那些选民的政策取向。
研究发现，印度裔美国人，美国工商界以及研究核不扩散的学者在美印民用核能领域的全面合作问题上表现最为活跃，相比研究核不扩散的学者，印度裔美国人和美国工商界在范围上和表示关注程度上要远胜一筹。他们通过有组织的游说活动，例如定期造访在此法案上有影响力的众议员，发动选民请愿，为相关议员筹款，雇用职业游说者进行游说等，试图向众议员施加压力以使他们在此法案上投赞成票。相应地，一些众议员在不同场合发表有利于通过此法案的言论，通过修改议案以及限制修正案等方式争取同僚投赞成票。
本文结论表明，在美印民用核能领域的全面合作问题上，印度裔美国人对众议员的影响并不显著，而美国工商界对众议员作出投票决定有重要影响。值得注意的是，由于在统计美国工商界的数据时，只统计参加美印工商界理事会的美国企业总部数量，其在全美的分公司亦可能对议员施加影响，故所建立的Logistic回归模型并非完美，因此，此问题值得进一步研究。同时也希望本文能够对理解国会议员投票行为以及以后的相关研究有所启发。
Abstract:
In July, 2005, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh paid a three-day state visit to the United States, resulting in the joint statement which stipulated that the United States and India would devote efforts to carry out civil nuclear cooperation. As is known, India has exploded nuclear devices and thus possesses nuclear weapons, but has yet to sign the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. According to the requirements of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Act of 1978 and other laws, India is not eligible to cooperate with the United States in civil nuclear programs. However, from 2005 to 2008, US Congress passed a series of laws that paved the way for the Indo-US civil nuclear cooperation. This paper is aimed at investigating into the reasons why the House passed the Henry Hyde Act.
This paper first reviews previous studies by Chinese scholars on the issue of the Nuke deal and expounds why my analysis chooses the perspective of congressional behavior to interpret the passage of the Henry Hyde Act. Then the paper introduces David Mayhew’s theory of electoral connection and Douglas Arnold’s theory of the logic of congressional action, so as to analyze which part of a legislator’s constituency was attentive to the Nuke deal and how a legislator represented his constituency’s interest. Finally, the paper establishes a logistic regression equation to test the hypothesis, that is, House members should size with the Indian American community and the American business on the issue of the Nuke deal.
The research shows, the Indian American community, the American business and nonproliferation scholars were attentive publics on the issue of the Nuke deal. In comparison with nonproliferation scholars, the former two groups were larger in size and more intense in attentiveness. The former two groups made organized efforts to communicate their policy preferences to House members by regularly meeting with House members, signing petitions, holding fund-raising events and hiring lobby firms. In response, on various occasions House members acknowledged the two groups’ efforts, and made concrete measures such as modifying the initial proposal and blocking killer-amendments so as to make the deal a reality.
This study concludes that on the issue of the Nuke deal the Indian American community did not exert significant influence on House members, while the American business’ influence was significant. As this study only counts the number of corporate headquarters within a state, the logistic regression model does not take into consideration subsidiary companies’ influence on this issue. Therefore, further research is still needed. Hopefully, this study could help understand congressional behavior and inspire further research.
姓名：刘翠 导师： 李期铿
论文题目（中文）： 美蒙关系及其对中俄两国的影响
论文题目（英文）： US-Mongolia Relationship And Its Implication for China and Russia
论文关键词（中文）：美蒙关系 中国 俄罗斯
论文关键词（英文）：U.S.-Mongolia Relationship, China, Russia
中文摘要：
本文就美国与蒙古国的关系以及两国关系发展将对蒙古的两大邻国造成怎样的影响进行了深入分析。在过去的几个世纪中，蒙古曾被中国的清政府所统治，也曾经作为苏联的卫星国而存在，各国对蒙古的研究也和中国、俄国紧密相连。但是近年来随着苏联解体、蒙古真正走向独立自主，蒙古开展了积极的对外交往，不仅与东北亚地区国家建立了友好关系，还与西方大国进行了日益紧密的合作。美国和蒙古的合作尤其让中国和俄罗斯关注。自2001年美国遭受恐怖袭击并因而开展全球范围内的“反恐”作战以来，美蒙两国在军事方面的合作更加广泛而深入。因此一些中国学者认为美国接近蒙古是“项庄舞剑”，意在遏制中俄两国。如果美国真的将蒙古改造成美国的军事基地，并从蒙古发动对中国的军事袭击，这样的打击对于中国是难以承受的。但是，在蒙古国内的学术界中，学者们普遍认为美蒙合作尚未达到全面而深入的程度，维持和中国、俄罗斯的友好关系仍旧是蒙古外交的首要任务。此外，美国国内对于遥远的蒙古国关注也比较少，对于经营蒙古是否能为美国谋利更是鲜有涉及。因此，本文认为美蒙两国发展关系是否意在遏制中俄，是否将对中俄构成威胁有待进一步论证。
本文将研究两个问题：美蒙关系在9/11后是否发生了质的变化？美蒙合作是否危及中俄两国安全？美国和蒙古国的合作始于1987年两国建交，本文通过对比1987至2000以及2001至今两个阶段美蒙两国关系的发展，验证两国关系是否在2001年后发生了质的飞跃。研究表明，2001年后美蒙两国合作在军事方面确实取得了长足的进步，但经济合作方面则与20世纪90年代末保持了相同的水平。综合而言，两国关系仍为初步的合作伙伴关系，军事方面也远非盟国关系。至于美蒙合作是否对中俄构成直接威胁，本文持否定观点。虽然美蒙两国有联合制衡中俄的动因，但是由于蒙古国力与中俄美均相去甚远，自身发展才是蒙古国的关注核心，蒙古国不会挑衅中俄任何一国。而美国虽然与中俄在许多方面有竞争关系，但是与中俄合作共赢也是美国主流观点。美国与中俄有竞争也有合作。在美国与中俄竞争、谋取制衡的领域，蒙古国无力也无心与美国联手触怒中俄。因此，美国与蒙古国的合作并未进入密切深入的阶段，也不至于对中俄安全构成威胁。
Abstract:
This thesis is dedicated to the study of the U.S.-Mongolia relationship and the possible impact it may exert upon China and Russia. The acceleration of development in the bilateral relationship makes Mongolia’s two neighboring countries uneasy. Especially alarming is the closer military cooperation between the U.S. and Mongolia after the 9/11 event. Some Chinese scholars believe that the U.S. plan is to use Mongolia as a bridgehead against China and Russia. The author of this paper thinks that it is a claim needing verification: the Mongolian scholars agree that neither the U.S. nor Mongolia regards the other as a priority; and the American scholars seem to pay little attention to the U.S.-Mongolia relationship. This paper addresses two questions: Has the U.S.-Mongolia relationship been transformed by the 9/11 event? Does the present U.S.-Mongolia cooperation pose a threat to China and Russia? Historical comparative analysis is adopted to answer the first question. By comparing the political, economic and military relations between the U.S. and Mongolia before and after the 9/11 event, this paper finds that the most significant progress was made in military cooperation while the economic relations between them remained at low levels. In spite of the progress in military cooperation, no treaty has declared the U.S. and Mongolia to be allies. The bilateral relationship is yet to develop in its significance. As for the second question, the author believes that the U.S. and Mongolia approach each other with an intention to cooperate and balance. The Mongolian anxiety over its security between the two big neighbors and the U.S. competition with China and Russia around the globe bring the two together. But their balancing strategy is still in the making and is constrained by many factors. On the one hand, both the U.S. and Mongolia have a stake in maintaining good relationship with China and Russia. On the other hand, in the competition between the U.S. and its two neighbors, Mongolia has very little to offer to help the U.S. This paper argues that this is a situation not likely to change in the near future. Therefore, the best policy for the countries concerned is to maintain the status quo. If China and Russia want to decelerate the development of the U.S.-Mongolia alignment, they need to address the two cardinal concerns of Mongolia: its national security and its economic development.
姓名：李文聪 导师： 李期铿
论文题目（中文）： 9/11事件后美日同盟的变与不变
论文题目（英文）： Managing the New Security Environment: Continuities and Changes in the U.S.-Japan Alliance After the September 11 Attacks
论文关键词（中文）：美日同盟 安全环境 反恐战争 中国
论文关键词（英文）：The U.S.-Japan Alliance, Security Environment, War On Terror, China
中文摘要：
日本是美国亚洲政策的基石。冷战结束以来，美日同盟进入了一个调整和转变的时期，双方都在寻求共同的目标和加强合作之道。2001年9月11日美国发生的恐怖袭击令美国外交政策发生了巨大转变，也引起了美日同盟关系的新一轮调整。本文旨在通过分析恐怖袭击前后美日同盟的发展，研究美国对日政策的变化。
本文以国际关系现实主义理论为指导，沿国家利益决定国家行为的思路，重点研究美国眼中安全环境的变化，同时也考虑国内政治和舆论变化对外交政策的影响。
文章首先回顾了美日同盟在20世纪建立、发展和调整的历史，归纳了美国对日政策中延续以久的三个重心，即重视日本的地缘政治重要性，寻求日本分担安全防卫责任以及坚持日本不能拥有进攻性能力的原则。然后本文分析了“9•11”事件前美国的外交政策以及事件后美日同盟的发展，并得到如下结论：小布什政府对日政策继承了以往的三个重心，但在反恐背景下，美国政府对同盟目标进行了重新排序，并努力引导美日同盟发展成为建立在共同利益和价值观基础上的全球性伙伴关系。
Abstract:
Japan is the cornerstone of U.S. policy toward Asia. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S.-Japan alliance has entered into a period of adjustment and transition. Both countries have been searching for common objectives and ways to strengthen cooperation. The terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001 led to a major change of U.S. foreign policy. And a new round of adjustments was made to the U.S.-Japan alliance. This paper aims to examine the U.S. policy towards Japan by analyzing the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance before and after this horrific event.
The paper takes realism as its guiding theory and follows the logic that national interests determine a state’s preference and behaviors. In analyzing the American policies, the paper gives priority to the security environment perceived by the United States, and also takes domestic politics and changes of public opinion into consideration.
This paper reviews the formation, evolvement and adjustments of the U.S.-Japan alliance in the twentieth century. It finds out three enduring focuses of the American policy toward Japan: Japan’s geopolitical importance, burden sharing, and preventing Japan from developing offensive capability. Then it examines the U.S. considerations before September 11 attacks and the development of U.S.-Japan alliance after the terrorist attacks. It concludes that the three enduring features of the American policy toward Japan were retained after the 9/11 attacks, but in the context of the war on terror, the Bush administration reprioritized the objectives of the U.S.-Japan alliance and attempted to change it into a “global partnership” based on common interests and values.
姓名：刘晨晨 导师： 李期铿
论文题目（中文）： 9.11后的美韩联盟：试析美是否成功实现对韩政策目标
论文题目（英文）： U.S.-South Korea Alliance after 911: Testing U.S. Policy Effectiveness in South Korea
论文关键词（中文）：美韩同盟 “9.11” 事件 实现目标
论文关键词（英文）：U.S.-South, Korea Alliance, 9/11, Effectiveness
中文摘要：
美韩联盟从朝鲜战争时期持续到现在已有半个世纪之久。在盟友美国的帮助下，韩国在短短几十年的时间从一个经济崩溃，国土分裂的国家一跃成为了世界上最大的经济体之一。半个世纪以来美韩两国在国防、军事、外交、经贸方面都开展了紧密的合作，韩国一直是美国最忠诚的盟友之一。
进入21世纪之后，美韩同盟的双方都对同盟关系产生了新的期待。美国在遭受“9•11”恐怖袭击之后对其全球战略作出了调整，美韩同盟作为美国全球战略中不可缺少的一部分也因此受到了影响。与此同时，韩国由于国力增强，国内关于韩国奉行更加独立自主的国防、外交策略的呼声也日益强大。本文在此背景下对“9•11”之后两国对同盟关系的不同期待进行研究，力求证明“9•11”是否对美韩关系产生了重大影响，并研究美国在“9•11”到2008年底布什任期结束这段时间内是否成功实现了其对韩关系的战略目标。
本文参考了大量一手材料，包括国会研究报告，美国白宫发布的新闻稿以及美国各大报刊的新闻稿。通过对一手资料的研究，本文对比了美韩两国在对朝政策、军事同盟和经贸关系上的不同目标和事态最终发展的结果，得出以下结论：“9•11”事件对美韩关系产生了一定影响，但并不是美韩关系的分水岭；其次，由于美国国力强盛，在同盟关系中处于优势地位，美国成功地实现了其在韩的绝大部分战略目标。
Abstract:
Over more than half a century South Korea has remained one of the most loyal allies of the United States. The United States joined South Korea in the Korean War and assisted South Korea through its development from a devastated country into one of the biggest economies in the world. The cooperation within the alliance is multifaceted, ranging from national defense, trade, assistance to joint military operation.
Entering into 21st century, the two parties within the alliance have been maintaining such alliance but with different expectations. September 11 terrorist attacks led to an adjustment of U.S. global security strategy that accordingly affected U.S.-South Korea alliance. The adjustment occurred in a time when South Korea was trying to become more independent from U.S. influence. This paper looks into such clash of expectations to see whether U.S. policy towards South Korea experienced major changes after September 11 and whether the United States successfully realized its policy goals in South Korea in post September 11 era.
This paper seeks an answer of the research question by comparing the different goals of the two countries with the final turn of event. It is a primary source-based study as an extensive amount of primary sources have been screened ranging from Congressional Research Report, White House press release and newspaper reports. It concludes that September 11 terrorist attacks, though having impacted U.S.-South Korea alliance in certain aspects, is not a dividing line in the alliance, and the United States has been every effective in reaching its policy goal in South Korea because of its predominance within the alliance.
姓名：董晓苏 导师： 李期铿
论文题目（中文）： 奥巴马对华政策与布什对华政策之比较分析——继承多于变革
论文题目（英文）： Obama’s China Policy—More Continuity than Change: A Comparative Analysis of China Policy under the Bush Administration and the Obama Administration
论文关键词（中文）：奥巴马 布什 对华政策 复杂相互依存性
论文关键词（英文）：Obama, Bush, China Policy, complex interdependence
中文摘要：
作为美国第一位非裔总统，奥巴马里程碑似的的当选曾给全世界人民带来希望，认为他将会彻底改变布什时期的单边主义外交政策。不少中国民众甚至学者也对奥巴马抱有幻想，相信其任期内中美关系将会平稳积极地发展。然而事实是2009年下半年以来美方挑起的一系列事件，如对台军售，奥巴马会见达赖，谷歌退出中国等，导致中美关系出现波动。
本文主要研究奥巴马总统当政一年多来的美国对华政策，重点探讨奥巴马与小布什对华政策的异同，并着力分析其变化或继承的原因。通过对比两届政府的对华战略以及在贸易、台湾、人权和全球合作等方面的对华具体政策，本文得出奥巴马对华政策与布什相比继承性多于变革性的结论。奥巴马任期内，虽然美方一直强调中美在全球问题上加强合作，但是中美战略互信没有实质性的增强，在实际操作层面，奥巴马更是与布什一样倾向于务实主义，对中国打击和拉拢并举。
本文试图利用基欧汉和奈的新自由主义“复杂相互依存性”理论来分析奥巴马的对华政策为何会更具有继承性。作者认为，中美关系的“复杂相互依存性”决定了中美关系不会因为白宫易主而轻易改变的刚性。美国总统的变换——从信奉单边主义的共和党布什到坚信多边主义的民主党奥巴马，其实并没有为美国对华政策带来实质性的变革。同时作者认为，中美关系的“复杂相互依存性”也决定了中美既不会成为坚定的盟友，也不会成为永远的对手。
Abstract:
The legendary victory of Barack Obama in the presidential campaign with a resounding call for change has injected much hope worldwide that American foreign policy would take a divergent path from Bush’s reckless unilateralism. Many Chinese, either from grassroots or academia, had shared this innocent wish that Obama’s inauguration would usher in an era of positive and stable U.S.-China relationship until disillusioned by a series of events starting from the end of 2009 which quickly worsened the bilateral relationship.
To better understand the Obama administration’s China policy, the author believes it is useful to detect the changes and continuities of Obama’s China policy as compared with that of his predecessor, George W. Bush. By reviewing thoroughly the overall strategic considerations as well as the concrete policies taken by the two administrations in issues such as trade, Taiwan, human rights, global cooperation and so on, this paper finds that though calls for constructive cooperation with China have been frequently heard from the Obama administration, strategic mistrust remains strong, and that Obama has showed similar pragmatism in the actual policies toward China.
This paper employs Keohane and Nye’s neo-liberalist “complex interdependence” theory to analyze the reasons for changes and continuities of Obama’s China policy. The author believes that the complex interdependence of the U.S.-China relationship has predetermined the rigidness of China policy from the U.S. government. The swap of presidential leadership from a unilateralist Republican Bush to a multilateralist Democratic Obama does not really yield much significant change in the U.S.-China relationship. Complex interdependence has also determined that while the two powers will not become close allies, there is little possibility that they will turn to be bitter foes either.
姓名：黄珊 导师： 孙有中
论文题目（中文）： 胡适对杜威实验主义的接受研究
论文题目（英文）： Hu Shih’s Reception of John Dewey’s Experimentalism
论文关键词（中文）：杜威 胡适 实验主义 中国近现代思想史
论文关键词（英文）：John Dewey, Hu Shih, Experimentalism, Modern And Contemporary Intellectual History Of China
中文摘要：
2009年适逢美国哲学家杜威诞辰150周年，90年一场轰轰烈烈的民主救国运动在旧中国风起云涌之际，这位被誉为“实用主义神圣家族家长”的杜威踏上了这片古老的土地。在这里，杜威长达两年之久的中国之行当时中国的知识界和教育界形成了一股强大的“杜威思潮”，他不仅成为时代精神“德先生”和“赛先生”的代表，更被中国知识界尊为“美国的孔圣人”，其弟子胡适更是评价其为中西文化相遇时，对中国知识界影响最大的外国学者。而其实用主义哲学更是成为五四期间自由主义知识分子的普遍世界观，并统治中国知识界长达10年之久。但是，随着五四运动的进行，中国知识分子的阵营开始分裂，以杜威弟子胡适为代表的自由主义知识分子，被逐渐的边缘化，而其倡导的渐进的民主革命模式也被激进的马克思主义革命理论取而代之。尤其是1949年之后至改革开放之前，杜威、胡适以及实用主义更是成为反动和落后的代名词。
杜威理论在中国的兴衰是十分值得研究的，尤其是考虑到实用主义本身的特点以及其与中国文化的契合之处，让人不免产生了杜威理论在中国传播失败之处在哪里的疑问：是理论本源的问题还是接受者的问题，抑或是传播的不利。胡适、蒋梦麟、陶行知等杜威的中国弟子，不仅为促成了杜威的访华之旅，其命运更是杜威理论在中国兴衰的写照。尤其是作为“杜威在中国最重要代言人”的胡适更是为研究杜威理论在中国的传播提供了一个很好的视角。本文将试图从胡适对杜威理论的解读与传播为立足点，从杜威实验主义作为方法论，政治哲学以及教育哲学三个方面研究，以期证明杜威理论在中国传播失利的原因在于杜威理论和当时中国时代要求的不适应,以胡适为代表当时杜威主义者接受时的教条主义尤其是坚持对政治的排斥的错误战略,以及由于其自己的政治主张、理论接受角度、知识背景的局限等原因对杜威理论删减与曲解。进而更深一步讨论其在中国当前发展态势之下的可利用、可借鉴之处，而真正达到“他山之石可以攻玉”的作用。
Abstract:
This year marks the 150th anniversary of the birth of American philosopher John Dewey. 90 years ago, on the eve of May Fourth Movement, John Dewey stepped on the chaotic yet vigorous, desperate but desirous land of China welcomed thunderously by over a thousand Chinese intellectuals. They were expecting him to deliver to their ailing country the gospel of science and democracy which were justly the zeitgeist of that era.
New Cultural Movement and the beginning of the May Fourth Movement were directly indebted to John Dewey. “Mr. Democracy” and “Mr. Science” were the time spirit then, meanwhile the cornerstone of Dewey’s philosophy is its scientific method, and he was regarded as the spokesman of democracy itself and he was even introduced as Yankee Confucius. Hu Shih considered him as the single most influential foreign scholar in Chinese intellectual domain since the time when China began to encounter with the Western culture. Pragmatism once became the common worldview of the liberal intellectuals of the May Fourth era, and even dominated the entire Chinese intellectual sphere within 10 years before and after that Movement. However, the May Fourth Movement heralded a disintegration of the New Cultural Reformists, with Hu Shih persisting in his steadfast belief of Deweyan bit-by-bit amelioration of the society and Ch’en Tu-hsiu and Li Ta-chao being converted to Marxist radical revolution. In the course of time, Deweyan theory gradually lost its ground to Marxism, and ended up as a failure, and its disciples represented by Hu Shih were denied by both the intellectual as well as the political mainstreams. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the reputation of Dewey and his disciples especially Hu Shih dropped to its nadir and pragmatism became a target for condemnation of the American corrupted thought. It was not until the Opening-up at the end of 1970s that Dewey and his philosophy began to be rehabilitated and gradually attract more and more interest of Chinese scholars.
This waxing and waning of Dewey’s influence in China is worth of a thorough pondering. For one thing, theoretically, Dewey’s pragmatic philosophy insists on the changing character of reality, and the specific situation in a certain set of environment instead of a universal metaphysical rule is the focal point of the investigation. A rational mind and a scientific method are the musts in its methodology. All these features render Dewey’s philosophy highly flexible and greatly practical, not to mention that it has homogenous natures shared with Chinese dominant Confucius philosophy. Considering the fact that Hu Shih was the most prominent and most influential Deweyan disciple in China and the leader of both New Cultural Movement as well as the liberal camp, he could be fairly regarded as “the foremost spokesperson of Dewey philosophy in China”. Moreover his personal fate is a reminiscence of Dewey’s influence in China. Therefore, a comparative study of Dewey’s philosophy as the origin and Hu Shih’s understanding, promulgating as well as practicing of it as the recipient may be a convincing and convenient way to answer the questions posed above. All things considered, this thesis will be an attempt to study this cultural exchange event in a micro comparative approach in the hope of providing a clear and detailed analysis of Hu Shih’s reception of Deweyan Pragmatism, from three aspects—Experimentalism as a methodology, political philosophy and democratic education, based on which the author will try to detect a grander significance at a higher level.
姓名：高晴 导师： 李今朝
论文题目（中文）： 美国副总统候选人参选过程中性别政治的变化与延续：以1984年费拉罗参选和2008年佩琳参选为例
论文题目（英文）： 1984 and 2008: Continuities and Discontinuities in the Gender Politics of the U.S. Vice-president Candidacy
论文关键词（中文）：性别刻板印象 性别政治 女性副总统候选人
论文关键词（英文）：Gender Stereotypes, Gender Politics, Women Vice-presidential Candidates
中文摘要：
2008年美国总统大选已尘埃落定。当评论起此届美国大选，许多学者都会提及民主党的奥巴马当选为美国第一位非洲裔总统所体现的种族政治，然而希拉里•克林顿和萨拉•佩林这两位女性分别角逐总统候选人提名和副总统所体现出的社会性别政治同样值得关注。本文通过分析2008年副总统候选人萨拉•佩林的参选过程，并通过同1984年民主党副总统候选人杰拉尔丁•费拉罗的参选过程的比较，来检视美国选举文化中的社会性别政治。通过对参选过程中的两位女性候选人进行形象分析，话语分析，新闻报道的分析和民意测验的分析，本文的目的是探究自二十世纪八十年代以来美国社会性别文化中的变化与延续。作者认为，对杰拉尔丁•费拉罗和萨拉•佩林两位女性候选人参选活动的比较表明，两位女性候选人都受到主流文化中相同性别刻板印象 （gender stereotypes) 的困扰。但是，费拉罗在参选过程中赋予该职位女性特质，所表现出的是她作为传统女权主义者，认为在政治领域男女权利平等的理念；而佩林却屈从于男性主导政治领域的传统。1984年参选的费拉顺应80年代美国女权主义主流思潮而动，在其女性特质和以男性特色为主的副总统位置间取得了平衡。2008年的副总统候选人萨拉•佩林在参选过程中凸显其女性特质，将自己表现成附属的女性角色。由此，作者提出，与上世纪八十年代相比，共和党制造的“佩林现象”代表了女权运动发展到21世纪初期所出现的相对于自由女性主义和激进女性主义的逆流和倒退。针对论点，作者强调指出本文并不是对杰拉尔丁•费拉罗和萨拉•佩林两人的案例研究，而是对费拉罗和佩林参选所引发的社会公共舆论环境的研究，因此本文论点的提出不是用个案代表整个社会，而是用舆论环境反映不同时代的性别文化。
本文从性别刻板印象入手，架构起两个层次的理论框架。首先，文章引入了克莱斯太尔•霍伊特(Crystal L. Hoyt)关于性别刻板印象在领导力方面的群体属性(Communal Attributes )和个体属性(Agentic Attributes)的概念来分析这两位女性副总统候选人在竞选过程中的自我表现。性别刻板印象中，在对于领导力方面的要求上，群体属性主要与女性相关，如女性被认为是敏感，热情，友好且怀有养育之心的；个体属性主要与男性相关，如男性被认为独立，有决断力，有竞争力。而这一分化使性别刻板印象尤其对女性领导者十分不利。其次，文章同时运用了罗莎贝思•莫斯•坎特(Rosabeth Moss Kanter)提到的对职业女性的四种刻板印象- 母亲(mother)，性对象(sex object)，宠物(pet)和铁女人(iron maiden)，以此来剖析美国主流媒体对她们的报道，也被用来衡量公众对女性副总统候选人的认识和反应。通过对两位女性自我表现和被表现的研究，本文提出杰拉尔丁•费拉罗和萨拉•佩林两位女性候选人都受到主流文化中相同性别刻板印象的困扰，但是费拉罗的出现是80年代女权主义和女权运动盛行的产物，她提倡男女在政治领域的平等地位，在参选过程中她赋予了该副总统职位女性特质并在其女性身份和以男性特色为主的副总统位置间取得了平衡；可是佩林则将自己表现成附属的女性角色，这一“佩林现象”代表了女权运动发展到21世纪初期所出现的相对于自由女性主义和激进女性主义的逆流和倒退。
Abstract:
When commenting on the 2008 election, many scholars will address the politics of race that is centered on Barack Obama’s winning of the presidency as the first African American in U.S. history. However, the politics of gender is equally prominent because it was also the first time when two women, Democrat Hilary Clinton and Republican Sarah Palin ran for the president and vice president position in this election in U.S. history. This paper examines the politics of gender in U.S. electoral culture by focusing on the Republican vice president candidacy of Sarah Palin in 2008 and by comparing her candidacy with the Democrat vice president candidacy of Geraldine Ferraro in 1984. The purpose of this comparison is to explore the continuities and discontinuities in the gender politics in the U.S. since the 1980s. Through image and discourse analysis, news reports analysis and poll analysis, the paper contends that both Geraldine Ferraro and Sarah Palin faced the same gender stereotypes on women that have dominated contemporary U.S. culture. However, from the two candidates, we can also see discontinuities in U.S. mainstream gender politics in the last 24 years, which can be summarized as Geraldine Ferraro who rose to the candidacy in 1980s fully represented her liberal feminist ideas, that women were endowed with equal rights as men in the political domain. Sarah Palin, on the other hand, succumbed to the traditionally masculine domain. By answering the call of feminism in the 1980s, Geraldine Ferraro incorporated her femininity with certain masculine traits to achieve a balance between her feminine identity and the male-characterized candidacy. Palin, in contrast, was not on this ticket to bring gender balance to the White House, she highlighted her woman identity, portrayed and being portrayed as a subordinate role to reinforce the power of traditional masculinity. Hence, in the early 21st century, Sarah Palin is a candidate whose very existence marks a retreat of feminism, or a backlash against liberal and radical feminism. Furthermore, I want to emphasize that the paper is not going to do a case study of the Ferraro and Palin, but rather an examination of the climate of opinions centering on the two women candidates in 1984 and 2008.
To facilitate the argument, this paper establishes a theoretical framework that first uses the concept of gender stereotype and then followed by several approaches to it. More specifically, it uses Crystal L. Hoyt’s concepts of communal attributes and agentic attributes for gender stereotypes about public figures, with the former being mainly associated with women and the latter with men. With communal attributes, women are stereotyped as sensitive, warm, kind, and nurturing, whereas with agentic attributes, men are stereotyped as independent, assertive, competitive, and decisive. This dualism makes gender stereotypes particularly disadvantaged to women public leaders. Furthermore, the paper usees Rosabeth Moss Kanter’s four common stereotypes about professional women in American culture — mother, seductress or sex object, pet, and iron maiden – to examine the representation of Ferraro and Palin by the mass media. Through an application of these concepts, the paper first examines how the two women vice-presidential candidates represented themselves to the public through image and discourse making; then examines how the media projected the two women candidates and how the general public perceived them. Through such a study of the representation and self representation, it elaborates its major contention on both the continuity and discontinuity of U.S gender culture as seen in 1984 and 2008 electoral politics.
In sum, Geraldine Ferraro emerged in responding to the public sentiment of her time and achieved a great balance between her femininity and the conventionally perceived masculinity-oriented vice-presidential candidacy, while Sarah Palin’s emergence and the acceptance of her as a vice-presidential candidate by part of the general public suggested a retreat of mainstream voices of liberal and radical feminism in the early 21st century.
姓名：赵妍 导师： 李莉文
论文题目（中文）： 美国反倾销政策1979-2009：中国案例分析
论文题目（英文）： US Antidumping Policy During 1979－2009: The Case Of China
论文关键词（中文）：反倾销 贸易补偿措施 选民 非市场经济地位 应对措施
论文关键词（英文）：Antidumping, trade remedy tools, constituents, non-market economy, response
中文摘要：
1979年到2009年间，美国大规模实施反倾销政策。究其原因，反倾销和其他贸易补偿措施，例如关税，反补贴和特保措施相比在启动上更便捷。一方面，选民可以影响反倾销法的制定以利于他们的利益。另一方面，选民大肆渲染外国进口商品在美国国内倾销，从而混淆视听，吸引公众和媒体关注。因此，反倾销可以说是选民主导的贸易政策。自1979年至2009年，中国是美国第一大反倾销目标国， 因而本文将重点分析美国针对中国的反倾销案例。选民刻意忽略美国自身产业重组和升级，声称中国对美国的贸易逆差，高失业率和经济衰退负责。美国还对中国采取非市场经济地位标准，任意对其进行反倾销调查。在中国于2001年加入世贸组织后，美国更变本加厉歧视对待中国出口产品。本文采用社会中心理论分析美国反倾销政策，进一步论证其选民导向的本质。通过对比分析关税，反倾销，反补贴和特保措施的异同，指出正是因为反倾销对国家和产品有针对性和各种判定方法使其成为国会为选民进行贸易保护的有力工具, 这也是本文对之前美国反倾销研究的补充。最后，本文认为美国应该停止继续大规模使用反倾销政策。因为这不仅招致其他国家的报复性措施，而且伤害其自身利益。同时，本文对中国等发展中国家关于应对发达国家反倾销调查方面提出建议。
Abstract:
Between 1979 and 2009, the United States has an explicit surge of antidumping horizontally and vertically. The reason for the selection of antidumping is that because constituents found that antidumping is much more convenient than the other tools, namely tariff protection, countervailing and safeguard. On one hand, constituents could influence the formulating process of antidumping laws and regulations in steering laws in favor of their interest. On the other hand, they could call up public support and media attention by accusing foreign countries’ dumping in U.S. market. This paper will focus on U.S. antidumping against China. By denying market economy status to China, the United States purposely adopts the non-market economy status methodology in determining rulings in antidumping investigations against China. Even though in 2001 China entered the World Trade Organization and made compromises upon entry, the United States strengthened its discriminatory antidumping practices. This paper adopts the society-centered approach in demonstrating the constituents-oriented nature of antidumping policy. And by comparing with other trade restriction tools, this paper finds the reason for the surge of antidumping. At last, this paper argues that the United States should stop the increasing discriminatory antidumping policy in that it not only brings retaliatory actions from other countries, but also brings no good to its own interests. The paper also gives some suggestions to China in showing how developing countries could respond to unfair U.S. antidumping policy.
姓名：陈肖旭 导师： 谢韬
论文题目（中文）： 中国政府对佐利克2005年演讲的反应—-对两份中国报纸的研究
论文题目（英文）： Chinese Government’s Changing Response To Robert B. Zoellick’ Speech in September 2005 — A Study of Two Chinese Newspapers
论文关键词（中文）：中国政府 佐利克 利益攸关方 责任
论文关键词（英文）：Chinese Government, Zoellick, Stakeholder, responsibility
中文摘要：
本文旨在研究中国政府针对佐利克2005年发表的演讲所做出的反应，并在此基础之上对中国政府的外交政策做进一步思考。由于难以获得政府方面的资料，本文选择了一份中国主流报纸作为研究对象。通过对报纸进行案例分析来间接研究政府的反应。在两个案例分析中，作者对新闻报道的各个基本要素进行了定量和定性的研究。这些要素包括新闻报道类别，稿源，信源，关键词，议题，措辞，语义等等。通过研究，本文取得了以下成果：
首先，针对佐利克的演讲，文章发现中国政府在反应和理解方面的确发生了转变。由于没有把问题放在中美关系的战略框架内进行全面的分析，政府早期对于演讲内容的理解过于片面。尤其是关于佐利克提出的中国应成为“负责任的利益攸关方”这一说法，中国政府的理解过于表面化。对于“利益攸关方”的新提法过于乐观，同时又忽略了演讲中所隐含的美国对中国的牵制因素。相比之下，中国政府后期做出的反应比较全面。不仅意识到了美国的真正意图，而且更加注重维护中国在处理国际问题上的做法，以及塑造中国自身在国际社会中负责任的形象。
其次，出了上述做法外，中国政府还进一步提出了有关提升中美关系的新主张。“相互的利益攸关方” 和“建设性合作者” 这些新概念都是中国政府在这一时期提出的。这些提法在提到中国责任的同时也更加强调了美方所担负的国际责任，已经成为中国政府在处理双边关系时新的外交口号。
基于上述研究成果，本文进一步对中国政府的外交政策作了一定的思考。文章发现，中国政府近年来更加积极地与国际社会进行融合，更积极地把中国从国际社会边缘国的地位向核心国的地位靠近。在应对中美关系问题上，中国政府表现的更加灵活成熟，在淡化双边矛盾的同时不断加强两国的共同利益。这些对政府外交政策的思考为本文增添了更多的现实意义。
Abstract:
This thesis paper is designed to explore the Chinese government’s response to Robert B. Zoellick’s speech in 2005 and, based on the findings, make some further reflections on China’s foreign policies and concerns. Due to the difficult access to official documents, the paper chooses one leading Chinese newspapers as the medium in examining the government’s response. In the case study, both quantitative and qualitative methods have been employed to analyze the basic variables in a news report, including generic variation, sources, key words, the thematic arrangement, lexical choice, local semantic meanings, etc. The research results are as below:
First, there do exist a shift in the Chinese Government’s response to Zoellick’s speech. The government’s earlier understanding of the speech, especially the key definition that China should be a “responsible stakeholder”, was lopsided and to the surface. The government failed to examine the problem in the general strategic framework and, thus, ignored the hedging element hidden in the speech. As a contrast, the government later realized this problem and paid more attention in justifying its foreign behavior and establishing an image of “a responsible stakeholder” in the international community.
Second, apart from promoting its global image, the Chinese government further brought up new proposals in advancing bilateral relations. “Mutual stakeholders” and “constructive cooperator” are the new concepts coined by the Chinese government in the later period. They stress the common obligations of U.S. and China, and become the new diplomatic slogan in China.
Based on these findings, the paper has made some further reflections on China’s foreign policies and concerns. It is found that the Chinese government now acts in a more active way in integrating itself into the international community and in changing its international status as a marginal state to a core player. As to the Sino-U.S. relations, it is more flexible and mature, learning to downplay mutual disputes and, at the same time, promote common interests. These reflections give this thesis paper more practical meanings.
姓名：胡双格 导师： 谢韬
论文题目（中文）：
论文题目（英文）： Reporting of Presidential Visits by Two Major US Newspapers—The Washington Post and The Washington Times’ Coverage of Summit Conferences between American and Chinese Presidents ( 1997-2006)
论文关键词（中文）：框架理论 中国形象 中国崛起 中美关系
论文关键词（英文）：Dominant frame, China Image, China Rise, Sino-U.S. relations
中文摘要：
媒体对人们观念的形成具有重要影响，而一个国家在媒体中的形象也会潜移默化地影响到人们对这个国家的看法。中国在美国媒体中的形象一直以来都是学术研究的热点，本文运用框架理论来分析华盛顿邮报和华盛顿时报对于中美两国领导人互访的报道来识别这两大美国报纸报道中国的主导框架。中国在美国媒体中的形象各个时期都有不同。媒体对中国报道的主导框架也随着中美两国关系及国际环境的变迁而有所不同。在二十世纪五六十年代，媒体对中国报道主要遵循反共产主义这个传统框架，中国到处充满压迫。随着尼克松访华和中美关系正常化，尽管中国作为共产主义国家的事实并未改变，但美国媒体中的中国形象更多强调的是中国的改革与开放，而到了八十年代，中国被描绘成是一个资本主义发展欣欣向荣的国家。中国政府对六四运动的镇压给中国带来了不可估量的负面影响，美国媒体将二十世纪九十年代的中国写成是缺乏民主毫无自由之地。而本文将通过华盛顿邮报和华盛顿时报对中美最高领导人的互访报道来找寻两大报纸中国报道的主导框架。结论显示中国崛起是二十一世纪初两大报纸报道中国的主要框架，随着中国国力和全球影响力日益强大，这两大报纸更多关心的是中国的崛起给美国带来的机遇和挑战，以及中国在国际社会中的角色。
Abstract:
Numerous academic studies have been dedicated to the study of American media’s perceptions of China because research has shown that media coverage can influence the way the public feels about an event or an individual. This paper used the framing analysis to analyze The Washington Post and The Washington Times’ coverage of four head-of-state visit between China and the United States from 1997 to 2006. People tend to favor the facts that are brought to their attention through frames, and the way an event is framed by the media can affect how audiences understand the event. By employing a framing analysis to analyze the editorial coverage of head-of-states visits between China and the U.S. by the two major U.S. newspapers, this study seeks to identify the dominant frame they adopted to cover President Clinton, Jiang Zemin, Bush and Hu Jintao’s state visits. As James Mann has suggested that American media frame of China has changed dramatically from decade to decade. In the 1950s and the 1960s, the China “frame” was of China as “little blue ants or automatons”. Following President Nixon’s 1972 visit to China, the frame of China was of “the virtuous Chinese, displaying their timeless qualities even under communism”. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, China image in the American media was that China was “going capitalist”. For the 1990s, China was generally a repressive country. The results of this study show that both the Washington Times and the Washington Post’s dominant frame of China during President Bill Clinton and President Jiang Zemin’s state visits was that China being a repressive regime. Chinese government’s repression of the pro-democracy moment in the Tiananmen Square was the dominant frame of the Washington Post’s reporting about Jiang and Clinton’s visits and the Washington Times’ dominant frame for those two summits was about China’s poor human rights record. While the two newspapers’ dominant frame for President George W. Bush and President Hu Jintao’s state visits was that of China rise, with the two newspapers mainly discussing the potential challenges and opportunities China might bring to the United States due to China’s increasingly rising power and influence in Asia and around the world. The evolution of the two major U.S. newspapers’ dominant frames of China was closely related to the international context and Sino-U.S. relations at different periods. The findings of this thesis also suggest that the China rise frame might also characterize other major U.S. newspaper outlets’ reporting of China since the George W. Bush administration.
姓名：刘飞 导师： 谢韬
论文题目（中文）： 《纽约时报》中印报道的比较研究
论文题目（英文）： Framing a Communist China: A Comparative Study on the New York Times’ Coverage of China and India
论文关键词（中文）：中国 印度 中国形象 《纽约时报》美国主流媒体 共产主义总框架
论文关键词（英文）：China, India, China’s Image, the New York Times, American Mainstream media, the Master Frame of communism
中文摘要：
目前国内学者对于中国在美国媒体上的形象的研究颇多，大多数论著认为中国受到了美国主流媒体过度的负面报道，但其研究方法却均存在缺陷。这些论著基本上都采用高度的描述性和规范性的研究方法，在衡量评价中国形象时明显受个人价值左右，缺乏科学性。
为解决这一问题，本论文采用了比较研究的方法。通过比较美国《纽约时报》对中印两国的报道，以期为中国形象评价的定位找到一个参照点。本研究在宏观和微观两个层面上进行。首先，从宏观上比较了《纽约时报》2004年至2008年五年间对中印两国的报道。作者随机抽取300篇相关报道进行编码，编码采取了“框架”式策略，内容包括政府当事人以及社会当事人在样本中的曝光率以及新闻样本对它们分别的评价。统计研究得出结果：在对两国的报道中，该媒体更加关注中国政府，而其尤为关注的是与政治有关的新闻议题。同时，其对中国政府的批评的“质”和“量”也远远超过了印度。运用斯特芬•里斯（Stephan Reese）和罗伯特•恩特曼（Robert Entman）的框架理论，本论文从《纽约时报》的中国报道中提取了“共产主义总框架”这一概念。这一总框架在议题设置上突出政治新闻，新闻中强调“中国政府”和“中国共产党”两个形象，而对其的评价也是负面的。
从微观上，本论文进行了一项案例研究：比较《纽约时报》对中印两次相似事件——新疆七•五事件和克什米尔08年民族冲突的报导。研究发现尽管两次事件背景与过程极为相似，两次事件的报道所选取的框架却大相径庭。《纽约时报》对于新疆事件的报道总体采用了政府镇压的框架，而克什米尔事件的报道却使用了民族冲突的框架。这印证了宏观分析中所得出的结论——中印因其政府制度不同，其形象在该媒体的报道中也截然不同。不仅如此，此案例分析还展示了中国报道中的事件和议题框架是如何服从于共产主义的总框架的。
Abstract:
The issue of China’s image has aroused much scholarly discussion within and outside China. In the study of China’s image in the United States, most recent works by Chinese scholars have reached the conclusion that China is subject to excessive negative portrayal by American mainstream media but their methodologies are flawed. Highly descriptive and normative, these works involve undue amount of personal values in gauging and describing China’s image.
To address the problem, this study has taken a comparative approach that entails the examination of both China and India’s image as portrayed by the New York Times, in hope that India could provide a reference by which China’s image can be assessed. The comparison is conducted on both macro and micro dimensions. The New York Times’ coverage of China and India from 2004-2008 is sampled to a pool of 300 articles and using a frame-oriented coding strategy, they are coded for the rate of exposure of governmental and social actors as well as the samples’ judgments towards them. From the coding results, it is known that the Chinese government had received more intense attention than India’s government on a variety of politically related issues. In addition, criticisms hurled at the former far exceed the latter and they are more image-damaging as well. Regime type being the only major difference between China and India as they are perceived in America, it accounts for the degraded image of China in American media. Using Stephan Reese and Robert Entman’s framing theory, a master frame of communism is uncovered in the New York Times’ China reporting. Such a master frame renders political news salient, highlights the Chinese government and the Communist Party of China (CPC) and passes on negative judgments toward them.
In addition to the macro-level analysis, a case study comparing NYT’s coverage on two similar events that happened in China and India respectively unveils the newspaper’s distinct frame choices when covering the two countries—the Xinjiang event was covered with predominantly a government crackdown frame while a ethnic clash frame was used for the Kashmir event. It consolidates the conclusion on the macro-level that China is bashed because it has a communist government. The case study also illustrates how event and issue frames in China reporting are subject to the guidance of the master frame of communism.
