姓名：孙勇 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 美国主流媒体对中国非典和汶川地震报道的变与不变 — 以《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》为例

论文题目（英文）： Change and Continuity: USA Report on China’s SARS and Sichuan Earthquake：the New York Times and Washington Post as examples

论文关键词（中文）：非典 四川汶川地震 中国形象 灾难性事件

论文关键词（英文）：Sars, Sichuan Earthquake, image of China, Disastrous incidents

 中文摘要：

本文研究的是美国主流媒体对中国灾难事件的报道。通过考察美国两大主流报纸《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》对2003发生在中国的非典和2008年四川汶川大地震的报道，力图揭示美国对中国灾难事件报道的模式，考察其在塑造中国形象过程中的作用。本文的目标是研究这两大报纸在报道这两次灾难事件的过程中是否存在变化。如果有变化，那么是什么原因导致了这些变化？如果没有变化，又是什么因素使然？

灾难报道是新闻报道的重要组成部分。特别是国外媒体对中国灾难事件的报道不仅仅是单纯的新闻报道，还具有其它许多重要意义。灾难报道的模式可以更加真实地反映这个媒体乃至这个国家对灾难的态度，不管是同情、批评、抑或幸灾乐祸，并可以间接反映出他们对于中国的态度。因此灾难报道是国际关系的一个具体的缩影。

 本文从历史的角度研究了两家报纸对中国灾难事件的报道，为研究外国媒体对中国报道提供了一个新的角度。

Abstract:

Through a comparative study of the coverage of the New York Times’ and Washington Post’s coverage of China’s SARS in 2003 and Sichuan earthquake in 2008, this paper intends to find the pattern of USA report on Chinese disastrous incidents, which is an important index in examining the image-framing of China. This paper is to study whether the reports on China’s two big disastrous incidents are different in both of the two mainstream media. If there are any changes, in what aspects and what are the reasons causing this change? If there is no change, what reasons may contribute to the continuity in their reporting China?

Disastrous incident is a very important part of news reporting. And the way it is reported is not only a matter of news reporting, but of significant importance. The reporting of a foreign country in disastrous incidents can reflect the true attitude of the media, whether it shows sympathy, schadenfreude, or criticism.

 This paper studies the two papers’ reporting of China’s disastrous incidents in a historical perspective, providing a new angle in studying foreign media coverage of China.

姓名：齐鑫 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 关于网络在2008年美国总统初选中影响的评析

论文题目（英文）： The Influence of the Internet in 2008 American Presidential Nomination Campaigns

论文关键词（中文）：总统初选 网络 网上策略 竞选筹款 竞选组织

论文关键词（英文）：Nomination, campaigns, the internet, online strategy, campaign financing, campaign organizing

中文摘要：

在2008年之前的美国总统初选中，候选人虽然能够通过网络积聚一定的能量，但没有谁能使得这些网上的支持变成真正有竞争力的代表票选。08年的总统初选是史上第一次候选人能够将网上积攒的人气和资源转变为真实世界中的胜利。网络在08年的总统初选中起到了很大的作用，是08初选的一大亮点。通过对网络与初选体系间关系以及网络在08年初选中起到作用的探讨，本文尝试着对网络在08初选中的影响做出评析。本文的分析部分包括对最近三次总统初选中候选人官方竞选网站功能的对比分析，对网络在08年总统初选的竞选筹款和竞选组织中起到作用的分析和对两个08年初选中能在网上积聚很大力量可最终未能取得胜利的候选人网络竞选的简单的案例分析，通过分析我希望能从广度和深度两方面来展现网络在08年初选中所扮演的角色。在分析之前是对现今美国总统初选体系的探究，通过对这一体系运作较为详尽的展开，我希望能说明这一体系设置适于网络在其中发挥巨大的作用。在探究分析后能够看出网络工具是能够改变初选运作的强大力量，网络竞选策略正越来越广为候选人所采用并在他们的竞选中占据越来越重要的地位。

Abstract:

Before 2008, none of the dynamism achieved online by the candidates of American presidential nomination campaigns could be translated into offline victory. The 2008 campaigns are the first that turns successful online strategies into real delegate counts. The internet plays a large role in making the 2008 campaigns different from former nomination races. This paper is an effort to evaluate the influence of the internet in the 2008 presidential nomination campaigns. By an comparative study of the online campaigning websites of the recent three elections, a study of the dynamics the candidates have gained online, and a case study of the candidates’ online campaigning in 2008, I hope I can show the breadth and depth that internet has been employed in the candidates’ campaigns. Besides the analysis, there is an overview about the current nomination system first, which shows how the institution operates and how its settings are fit for the internet to be adopted into the candidates’ campaigning strategies. With the overview and analyses, I intend to indicate that the internet is a powerful tool in the nomination campaigns and it is playing a growing role. Although a successful online strategy alone cannot guarantee victories, its power could not be neglected by later candidates.

姓名：秦仲维 导师： 梅仁毅

论文题目（中文）： 以体育视角透视中美关系发展

论文题目（英文）： An Analysis of Sino-US Relations through the perspective of Sport

论文关键词（中文）：乒乓外交 奥运 软实力 体育 国际关系

论文关键词（英文）：Pingpong diplomacy, Olympic, soft power, sport, international relations

中文摘要：

无可否认，中美关系是当今错综复杂的国际社会中最为重要的双边关系之一。作为代表着不同意识形态的两个政治经济大国，在过去的几十年里，中美两国经历了由敌对、到竞争、再到利益攸关方的不同阶段。许多中外知名的学者都从政治、经济、军事等角度阐述了这对关系，不仅论证有力，而且相关著述颇丰。

 然而随着人类社会迈进21世纪、当国际社会的大环境特别是中美两国之间关系处于一个相对比较和平稳定的发展时期时，如何评价现阶段的中美关系和其未来的走向，以及如何更加客观地审视两国在过去几十年所取得的成果？我们是否需要引入一些新的角度来进行观察？本文从“体育”这个独特视角切入，借鉴约瑟夫•奈“软实力”理论的论述和推断，评介“体育”这个“普世价值”在中美关系中所扮演的角色和发挥的特殊作用。

 本文在论证过程中重点梳理及分析了“乒乓外交”、“中美两国在奥运赛场内外的接触和竞争”以及“中美近些年的体育交流”等案例。相信在对历史及现状进行了研究和归纳之后，尤其以北京奥运成功举行为契机所进行的这些基础性研究，必然会对我国今后如何开展体育交流以及广义上的“公共外交” 提供一些有益的启示。“在当今全球化以及信息化的大背景下，国际关系的内涵和外延正在发生重大变化”（杨洁勉语），体育作为多边外交以及民间交流的一种有效工具，必然会成为中美在价值观发生摩擦碰撞时的有效润滑剂，也会成为两国加强理解和沟通的桥梁。

 Abstract:

There is no doubt that the relationship between China and the United States is one of the most significant bilateral relations in today’s world. As the two countries representing different ideologies, their attitudes towards each other shift from enemies to adversaries to mutual stakeholders. Many renowned scholars at home or abroad contributed their analyses to this woo-and-spurn relationship through political, economic and military perspectives.

 What kind of elements contributed to the changes and improvements between these two nations, besides those “hard” powers? My research looks at a further dimension. The thesis will endeavor to look at the Sino-US relations through the lens of sport. By borrowing the innovating idea of “soft power” from Joseph Nye, it is believed that sport, as a “universal value”, is not only a new perspective to observe and judge the relationship between the two countries in the past, but also provide an instrument to make prediction about their relationship in the future cause, especially in a comparatively peaceful environment.

 This thesis singles out the issues of “Ping Pong Diplomacy”, “the several contacts on and off the court of Olympics” as well as “the sport exchanges between the two countries in the recent years”, in order to figure out what conclusion we can draw from the findings as well as how to evaluate the role of sport in the past and how to maximize its function in the years ahead.

姓名：郭丹瑞 导师： 谢韬

论文题目（中文）： 党派政治对美国国会调查的影响

论文题目（英文）： The Effects of Partisanship on Political Investigations

论文关键词（中文）：党派政治 国会调查 政治丑闻 党派投票比例

 论文关键词（英文）：Political party, congressional investigations, Political scandals, Percentage of partisan votes

中文摘要：

美国国会既是一个立法机构，又是一个监察机构。国会监察的对象不仅仅是行政和司法部门，还包括国会自身。针对这些机构及其成员的各项指控，如浪费、赎职、行贿受贿、执法不力、违法筹集和使用竞选资金、阻挠司法等等，国会有权展开调查，发布调查报告，并通过修改现行法律或制定新的法律，以防止类似行为再度发生。然而，国会在不同时期、针对不同事件的调查力度和数量都各不相同。究竟是什么原因造成了这种情况，目前在学术界尚无定论。美国是一个两党制国家。由于国会议员来自不同党派，因此国会在行使监察权的时候是否受党派政治的影响，就成了国会研究的一个重要课题。然而，作者在查阅了大量有关国会的研究文献后发现，还没有中国学者涉足这个领域。美国国内倒是有不少学者关注此课题，但是他们的注意力往往集中在国会内部党派斗争如何影响国会对行政部门的监察，而忽略了国会的自我监察，也就是由国会发起的、针对国会议员的调查。另外，还没有任何学者研究美国司法部发起的、针对联邦政府官员的调查与国会内部党派政治之间的关系。本文在前人研究的基础之上，收集了大量国会和司法部的调查数据，并利用新的理论和方法，对党派政治和国会监察权之间的关系进行了深入和系统的分析。另外，大部分学者都用分裂政府/统一政府来衡量政府内部党派斗争的激烈程度。然而作者认为，作为一个二分变量，分裂政府/统一政府只是一个很粗糙的衡量标准。实际上，分裂政府/统一政府只是说明了国会和白宫这两个政府分支之间的对立关系，并不能准确地说明两者之间的对立程度，也无法精确地说明国会两党之间出于竞选目的而相互斗争的激烈程度。本文采用党派性投票的比例来作为一个更准确的衡量党派政治的标准。党派投票比例指的是参与投票的民主党多数与参与投票的共和党多数意见完全对立的这些记名投票的比例。比例越大，说明两党各自内部越一致，而两党之间的斗争也越激烈。本文认为，国会两党之间矛盾越尖锐，针对国会议员的调查就越多。同时，国会内部的党派斗争还会影响美国司法部所发起的调查：党派斗争越激烈，司法部针对联邦政府官员的调查就越多。相反，总统在国会的支持率与针对总统的调查数量成反比。负二项式回归分析的结果对这三个假设提供了有力证据。

Abstract:

Studies on political scandals and congressional investigations have become a growth industry among scholars of contemporary American politics. But scholars have not reached an agreement on what are the causes of congressional investigations of political scandals. This paper uses both quantitative (i.e., negative binomial regression) and qualitative (i.e., case study) methods to prove that partisanship is very likely to be a major incentive behind most of congressional investigations. The bitter the partisanship in Congress, the more scandal-based political investigations there will be. Congressional investigation has become a political weapon for the power struggle on Capitol Hill. However, presidential support rate in Congress is negatively related to the number of investigations against the executive branch because presidential support rate within Congress also reflect the intensity of partisanship. The more intense the partisanship is, the lower the presidential support rate will be. And thus the higher the presidential support rate is, the less investigations against the executive branch there will be. This paper introduces the percentage of partisan votes as a more accurate measurement of partisanship. Evidence from House Committee on Standards of Official Conduct and Public Integrity Section of the Department of Justice strongly supports my argument.

姓名：李文静 导师： 谢韬

论文题目（中文）： 现代副总统的崛起 — 从巴克利到切尼

论文题目（英文）： The Rise of Modern Vice-presidency：from Barkley to Cheney

论文关键词（中文）：崛起 现代副总统 角色 行政 机构基础

论文关键词（英文）：Rise, modern, vice presidency, role, structural foundation

 中文摘要：

在美国历史上，副总统一直无人问津。在文人、政客眼里，副总统只是嘲弄奚落的对象。官居二位，但没有实权，形同虚设。但是，二战后情况有了极大转变。现代副总统在国家内政外交上花的时间和精力越来越多。很大程度上说，副总统在白宫里发挥着举足轻重的角色。尤其是现任副总统切尼，他被认为是美国有史以来最有权力的副总统。

本文采用历史比较分析和个案研究的方法，详细研究了战后从巴克利到切尼的12名副总统。本文认为二战后美国副总统崛起，它的主要特点是自身角色由立法向行政的转变。其行政角色具体概括起来可分为：礼仪性角色、外交使节、代言人、说客以及纳谏进言者五种。

此外，本文还认为这些角色的变化是随着美国副总统的机构基础变化而出现。战后总统权力扩大，政党影响力下降，条例、程序上的突破以及可运用的独立资源的增多造成了副总统权力的扩大。总统权力的扩大以及政党影响力的下降，作为外部因素，为副总统提供了更广阔的舞台；同时，立法和程序上的突破也从法律方面正式为副总统一职“松绑”，而可运用的独立资源的增多则为副总统在行政领域发挥更重要的作用提供了可能。这些因素共同作用，掀起了现代副总统的崛起。

Abstract:

The office of vice presidency used to be largely neglected in American history. It was even frequently an object of derision and ridicule among scholars and politicians. Thought second in the place, the vice president had little substantial political power. However, the whole situation has been dramatically changed since the end of WWII. Modern vice presidents have been spending much time and energy in dealing with executive affairs, both at home and abroad. To a large extent, vice presidency plays a very important role in the White House nowadays. Especially the contemporary Vice President Dick Cheney, he is widely considered as the most powerful one in American history.

This paper thoroughly studies 12 vice presidents in the post-war years from Barkley to Cheney by employing comparative historical analysis and case studies. It holds the opinion that the post-war years witnessed the rise of modern vice presidency, which features great change in vice presidential roles from mainly legislative to predominantly executive. To be specific, vice presidential roles could be summarized into ceremonial role, ambassadorial role, spokesmen, lobbyist of President and advisor role.

Furthermore, the transformation of vice presidential roles, I argue, is a result of the changing structural foundation of the vice presidents in the post war years. The expanding presidency, decline of political party, breakthrough of rules and procedures, as well as increases in independent resources contribute to the change. New presidential eminence and the decline of political parties, as exogenous factor, provide broader stage for vice presidency. While, the breakthrough in rules and procedures legally and officially unties vice president’s office; increasing independent resources make it possible for vice president to act an important role in the executive branch. These factors give rise to the modern vice presidency with joint efforts.

姓名：郭石磊 导师： 谢韬

论文题目（中文）： 美国政治参与中的种族差异：社交网络的影响

论文题目（英文）： The Racial Differentiation in Political Participation: The Effect of Social Network

论文关键词（中文）：政治参与 社交网络 种族差异

论文关键词（英文）：Political participation, social network, racial differentiation

中文摘要：

美国少数族裔参与政治的比例通常要低于白人。在政治参与研究和少数族裔政治研究的文献中，很多研究者强调了社交网络在提高政治参与方面的积极作用。然而人们对于政治参与中的种族差异是否反映了种族间在社交网络上的差异这一问题却知之不详。在本文中，作者试图运用有关社交网络和政治参与的理论，将白人和少数族裔在政治参与上的差异归因于他们在社交网络上的不同。本文的假设是，和白人相比，少数族裔的社交网络规模小，社交网络中政治讨论频度低、社交网络中的政治知识水平低，社交网络的政治参与水平低。本文利用美国选举研究（ANES）数据展开研究。研究结果表明，和白人相比，少数族裔的社交网络的规模小；社交网络的政治参与水平低。但是在对一些非种族个人因素的影响加以控制后，白人和少数族裔在社交网络的政治参与水平上的显著性差异趋于消失。在社交网络的政治知识水平和政治讨论频度方面，未见显著的种族差异。此外，本文还试图运用简单的统计学估算，将社交网络规模对白人和少数族裔政治参与差异的影响，进行了量化。量化的结果表明，在所有其他因素不变的情况下，假设在社交网络规模上没有种族差异，少数族裔的政治参与的比例将有可能提高12.8%。

Abstract:

Racial minorities often participate in electoral politics at lower rate than Whites. In literature of both political participation and minority politics, scholars have emphasized the positive role of social network in enhancing political participation, while little has been said about whether racial differentiation in participation reflects racial differences in social network. Drawing on the previous theories on social network and participation, I attempt to trace the white-minority gap in political participation to their differences in social network. I hypothesize that minorities tend to have smaller social network, lower network discussion frequency, lower network expertise, and lower political participation level of the network than whites do. Relying on the ANES data, my study shows that racial minorities have smaller social network, and that minorities’ network has fewer political participants than white networks. But the significance of racial differentiation in political participation level of network disappears when a couple of variables are controlled. There seems no significant racial difference in terms of network expertise and network discussion frequency. Then, I attempt to estimate the effect of racial differentiation in network size on the racial gap in political participation. The result suggests that minority participation is expected to increase by around 12.8% if the racial differentiation in the network size is removed.

姓名：赵惠娴 导师： 李期铿

论文题目（中文）： 相似和差异：台美报刊对两次台湾公投的比较分析

论文题目（英文）： Similarities and Differences: a Comparative Study of U.S. and Taiwan Newspaper Coverage of the 2004 and the 2008 Taiwan Referendums and American Government’s attitudes

论文关键词（中文）：“防御性公投” 入联公投 报道 态度 媒体传声筒理论

论文关键词（英文）：“The defensive referendum”, U.N.Bid referendum, coverage, attitudes, media propaganda theory

 中文摘要：

台湾问题一直是中美关系中最重要和最敏感的问题。近些年来，台湾的公投对中美关系的平稳发展提出了挑战。有鉴于此，本文就美国和台湾报纸分别对04和08年台湾公投的报道进行了比较分析，研究了报道的差异，并分析了导致差异的原因，以此来分析媒体是政府传声筒的理论的正确性。样本报纸选择了美国的《华盛顿邮报》和《华盛顿时报》，以及台湾的《中国邮报》和《台北时报》。分析方法采用了内容分析和话语分析法。

分析结果显示对每次公投四份报纸的态度都不尽相同。《华盛顿邮报》、《华盛顿时报》和《中国邮报》对两次公投都表达了消极的态度，而《台北时报》却明确地表达了积极的支持态度。两份美国报纸的消极态度源于美国对台湾问题的双遏阻政策的一方面：遏阻台湾的独立。《中国邮报》有泛蓝倾向，泛蓝一直不支持泛绿倡导的公投，所以中国邮报也表达了消极的态度。《台北时报》倾向泛绿阵营，对公投表示了支持。四分报纸的态度都证明了媒体传声筒的理论，因为他们的观点和政府长期的政策是一致的。

此外，四份报纸虽然采取了不同的报道方式, 却都试图淡化美国政府对公投表达的强烈的反对态度。美报的这种做法出于美国的双遏阻政策的另一面：遏阻大陆用武力解决台湾问题，支持台湾所谓的民主。《中国邮报》这样做是因为泛绿阵营不支持公投的理由是认为泛蓝阵营倡导的公投不合法、没必要，与美国政府反对的理由不同，因而不支持美国强烈的反对态度。而《台北时报》出于泛绿倾向，也极力谴责、淡化美国政府的态度。这也证明了媒体传声筒的理论，报纸表达的观点总是和政府长期的政策是一致的。

 所以，美国报纸对公投报道的态度证实了媒体是政府传声筒的理论。虽然两份美国报纸通常被认为分别具有自由和保守倾向，但他们对公投表达的态度却是相同的。两份报纸的态度和美国对台长期政策是一致的，在宣扬政府的长期政策。

台湾是中国的一部分。台湾的媒体对公投表达的态度和媒体对台湾政府政策的不同认知是一致的，也证实了媒体传声筒的理论。

Abstract:

Taiwan issue has always been the most important and most sensitive issue in China-U.S. relations. In recent years, the referendum issue in Taiwan posed an immediate challenge to a stable China-U.S. relationship. This paper has done a comparative study of the U.S. and Taiwan newspaper coverage of the two referendums in Taiwan, explored the similarities and differences among the U.S. and Taiwan newspapers in their coverage of the two referendums and explained the reason behind these similarities and differences. In this way, I can test the media propaganda theory. Two U.S. newspapers, the Washington Post and the Washington Times, and two Taiwan newspapers, the China Post and the Taipei Times, are chosen as sample newspapers. Content analysis and discourse analysis are used in this study.

 The findings suggest that the attitudes of the four newspapers toward the two referendums varied. The two American newspapers, The Washington Post, the Washington Times and one Taiwan newspaper, the China Post, held a negative position toward both the referendums, while the Taipei Times had a clear supportive position toward the two referendums, due to different perceived interest. American newspapers’ negative position resulted from one fundamental aspect of its dual deterrence policy: deterrence of Taiwan from independence. As a Pan-blue leaning newspaper, the China Post had a position in accordance with Pan-blue’s Taiwan policy which never supported the two referendums. The Taipei Times’ supportive attitude resulted from its Pan-green-leaning political tendency. All four newspapers’ attitude proves the media propaganda theory because of the close relationship between their attitudes and government’s long-held policy.

Besides, both American newspapers and Taiwan newspapers tried to minimize American government’s strong opposition to the two referendums though with different reporting tactics. The reason for American newspapers’ position was the other fundamental of dual deterrence policy: deterrence of the mainland China to resolve Taiwan issue by force and support of Taiwan’s so-called democracy. Taiwan newspapers mitigated American government’s strong opposition because Pan-blue differed with America on its accusation of the two referendums and that Pan-green was the initiator and staunch supporter of the two referendums. This close relationship between newspapers’ attitudes and government’s long-held policy also proves the media propaganda theory.

 Therefore, the American newspapers’ coverage of the referendums analyzed in this paper confirms the propaganda theory of media and government relations. The two American newspapers are usually perceived as having different bias, the Washington Post liberal bias and the Washington Times conservative bias. Yet there were little differences between them in reporting the two referendums. Both sided with America’s long-term Taiwan policy and sought to propagate America’s Taiwan policy, which proves the media propaganda theory.

So did Taiwan newspapers. Taiwan is a province of China. Its media expressed different attitudes based on its different perception of local government policy. It is also in line with the media propaganda theory.

 姓名：黎冉冉 导师： 李期铿

论文题目（中文）： 冷战后美国对地区主义的态度：以东南亚国家联盟为案例

论文题目（英文）： U.S. Attitude towards Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: A Case Study of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations

论文关键词（中文）：地区主义 美国 东盟 态度

论文关键词（英文）：Regionalism, United States, ASEAN, Attitude

中文摘要：

地区主义长久以来就是国际政治经济的一大现象，如今越来越多的地区开始了地区一体化的步伐。冷战结束后，国际社会迎来了新一轮地区主义的浪潮，随之而来的是原有地区组织成员数目的增加，以及新地区组织的涌现。本文研究分析冷战结束后至今美国对地区主义的态度，以东南亚国家联盟为案例。研究目的是探究美国如何看待当代国际关系中的地区主义，并阐释为什么美国会持有那样的态度，重点是以东盟为例分析美国对东南亚一体化的态度。

本文主要论点是，美国在冷战结束至今基本上赞同地区一体化，因为地区组织可以在一定程度上帮助实现和维护美国的一些战略利益，然而美国对地区主义的支持程度却根据各任政府的政策而异。虽然表示赞同，美国对大多数地区组织未采取连贯持续的态度或政策。美国外交决策者通过分析各地区对美国利益的轻重程度以及地区组织在帮助美国实现战略目标、维护其利益的功效性，来决定是否投入资源支持某地区一体化的发展，调整与某地区组织的关系。

在东盟这一案例中，除仍然对缅甸感到不满以外，美国也认可了东南亚地区一体化进程，。然而在老布什和克林顿执政时期美国对东盟的重视程度远远不够，在小布什的任期里，美国对东盟一体化的支持却得到具体化了。但是，还是不应夸大目前美国和东盟密的关系。东盟在美国外交政策日程上仍然处于不够重要的地位，美国对东盟的兴趣和支持应置于美国东亚和太平洋政策的框架下进行理解。以下要素解释了为什么东盟在华盛顿眼中并不那么重要：美国仍然持有冷战时遗留下的依赖双边军事同盟作为其亚太安全战略基础的原则、东盟和东盟地区论坛自身的弱点、缅甸的人权问题等。小布什政府对东盟态度的变化是由于在东南亚地区反恐的迫切需要以及中国在该地区不断上升的影响力。另外一个重要的因素也导致华盛顿调整态度，目前由东盟带头发起和主导、中国成为积极主动参与者的东亚一体化进程使美国加强了和东盟的关系，目的是避免发生由中国操纵的东亚一体化，从而维护美国在该地区的利益和影响力。未来美国对东盟的态度似乎不容乐观，面对排除美国为成员的东亚峰会和日本提议建立的亚洲自由贸易区，美国则提议建立泛太平洋自由贸易区和东北亚论坛，东盟在未来东亚一体化中的领导地位也尚未巩固。

总之，美国赞同地区主义，但是对大多数地区组织没有连贯的态度或政策，对某些地区组织重视不够可能会错失维护美国利益的机会，如何更好利用地区一体化为其利益服务将是美国决策者的另一课题。

Abstract:

Regionalism has long been a phenomenon of international political economy. Increasingly, regional integration initiatives were found in more regions across the world. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a new wave of regionalism with enlargement of existing institutions and emergence of new ones. This thesis analyzes the attitude of the United States towards regionalism from the end of the Cold War to the present, with a case study of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The purpose of the study is to understand how Washington has conceived regionalism and why it held certain attitude, particularly in the case of ASEAN.

My major argument is that generally, the U.S. has endorsed regionalism from the end of the Cold War to the present because regional organizations can perform functions that help to achieve U.S. strategic goals. However, Washington did not formulate consistent policy regarding regionalism. The inconsistency and unevenness in Washington’s attitude toward most regional organizations is the outcome of complex factors. The U.S. had to make assessment and calculations before it decided to forge ties with regional organizations. Continuities and discontinuities in foreign policy making caused by differing conceptions of different administrations also determined that Washington’s attitude toward regionalism was driven by pragmatism.

As in the case of the ASEAN, the Untied States has endorsed regionalism in Southeast Asia, despite the continuing dissatisfaction with Burma’s membership. Particularly, under the presidency of George W. Bush, U.S. support for ASEAN’s integration was translated into concrete actions. However, Washington’s closer relationship with ASEAN should not be overestimated. ASEAN remains a low key style in America’s foreign policy priorities. U.S. interest in and support for ASEAN should be considered in Washington’s wider East Asia and Pacific policy. The following factors have explained ASEAN’s status as a low-stakes institution: America’s Cold War mindset which relies on bilateral military alliances as its foundation in East Asia and Pacific region, the weaknesses of ASEAN as well as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the Burma issue, etc. The adjustment in attitude under the Bush Jr. presidency can be attributed to the dire need to fight terrorism in the region and China’s rising influence in Southeast Asia. However, another important factor also prompted the U.S. to modify its attitude. The emerging East Asian regionalism in which ASEAN has played a leading role while China has become an active actor prompted Washington to enhance relations with ASEAN because the prospect for a China-dominated regionalism will endanger U.S. interests and influence.

姓名：张源 导师： 滕继萌

论文题目（中文）： 摇滚乐对女性主义的后现代启示

论文题目（英文）： Rock Feminism, Rock and Roll：Deconstruction of Gender, Identity and Power

论文关键词（中文）：女性主义 摇滚乐 解构 平等 自由

论文关键词（英文）：Feminism, Rock And Roll, Deconstruction, Equality, Liberation

中文摘要：

上个世纪六十年代以来，摇滚乐在美国蓬勃发展，成为自由和反叛的中心。复兴于同一时期的女性主义运动也将其作为自己的斗争前沿，那些敢于挑战男性主导地位的女摇滚乐手往往被认为是女性主义的开路者和英雄代表。现存的很多研究，包括评论和传记，都肯定了女摇滚乐手的历史地位和杰出贡献，对她们在摇滚乐这样的男性空间里冲破既定性别界限和传统社会角色的努力及勇气大加赞赏。但是，这些研究都没有脱离将摇滚乐等同于男性权力的基本论调，因此没有对女性主义和摇滚乐之间的必然关联做出深入的思考和分析。如果摇滚乐在本质上是男性的，它是如何为女性主义目标服务的呢？这样一种男性本质是如何挑战了它理应构建的父权体制的？摇滚乐和女性主义之间究竟存在着怎样的联系？本文针对这些问题，对摇滚乐的本质进行了重新思考，并指出将摇滚乐等同于男性权力是对摇滚乐最大的误解。正是因为摇滚乐在其本质上反对包括性别歧视在内的一切霸权，它才得以促进女性主义的长足发展。

本文运用解构主义理论，通过逐层递进的三部分，分析和探讨了摇滚乐是如何通过解构父权社会关于性别、身份和权力的宏大叙述，为女性主义的发展提供了可能。首先，摇滚乐的“雌雄同体”模糊了性别界限，鼓励人们重新探索和发现性别的含义。它动摇了支撑现代西方哲学话语的二元对立思维，为打破身份的固定性和单一性奠定了基础。其次，摇滚乐的“实验精神”为重新定义个体身份创造了条件。对于新边界和新范式的追求使身份变成了具有变化性、多样性和冲突性的复杂概念，直指西方权力结构的中心。最后，摇滚乐呼唤自我意识的回归和独立自主的态度，反思和质疑了传统权威的合法性。权力不再是集中在少部分人手里的控制和威慑力量，而是分散、流动、互通在社会关系的细枝末节中的积极动力。摇滚乐所引发的“内心的革命”为女性主义斗争奠定了思想基础，使女性主义可以摆脱父权话语的羁绊，从而正视性别与其他身份元素、女性主义斗争与其他社会问题、个体自律与社会责任之间的种种关联，更加灵活地在处理不同的人际关系和社会顽疾中争取更大的自由和平等。

Abstract:

Since its sprout and bloom in the 1960s, rock and roll has become the forefront of contemporary feminism with its message of freedom and rebellion. People believe that the world of rock is dominated by males and female rock’n’rollers, therefore, are not only the trailblazers but also role models in challenging the traditional gender roles and striving to seize power previously belonged to men. Bunches of existing literature have supplemented to the history of rock with women’s contribution and accoladed women’s successful experiences of defining themselves against male traditions. However, their arguments are largely rooted in the same premise of “rock being male.” If rock and roll is male in nature, how can it be wielded as a weapon to destabilize patriarchal domination and serve feminist goals? What exactly is the intricate affinity between rock’n’roll and feminism? This thesis probes into rock and roll’s nature so as to provide a more reasonable explanation for why rock and roll is able to propel feminist momentum.

The theory of deconstruction is adopted in this thesis to provide a three-step progressive explanation for the affinity between feminism and rock’n’roll. Secondary interviews, documentaries and art performance are addressed through textual analysis to provide corresponding evidence in each step. First, rock and roll’s espousal of androgyny blurs the dichotomous gender line, opening up a new frontier where the significations of sexuality can be explored and reexamined. Ambiguous and contradictory gender representations thus free women from simply-delineated gender roles that are based on biological sex and cast the legitimacy of male dominance into question. Second, by constantly challenging the traditional conventions, rock and roll’s espousal of experimentation destabilizes the fixed existence of singular identity, upon which the centralized, dominating power structure is built. Women consequently manage to take into consideration many other determinants of an ever-evolving subjectivity during their pursuit of equality. Third, rock and roll’s espousal of autonomy is examined together with its creation of the communal sense, which invalidates any forms of control or enforcement, suggesting power as something constantly moving, circulating, and connecting. Therefore, women are able to see their own liberation as one aspect of the bigger picture of ending the oppression of all people that can only be achieved by winning full human dignity.

Through this analysis, the thesis comes to the conclusion that rock and roll is not inherently male, and on the contrary, it stands for everything that is against patriarchy. The revolution from within facilitated by rock’n’roll serves as a fundamental catalyst for feminism, without which it will be impossible for women to be free and equal despite legislative or institutional changes. And through spiritual transformation, this revolution will hopefully congregate as an irreversible drive towards human liberation and social progress as a whole.

姓名：齐潇颖 导师： 李今朝

论文题目（中文）： 从新制度主义角度研究《不让一个孩子落后法案》及其未来发展状况

论文题目（英文）： On the future of No Child Left Behind Act- from a neo-institutional perspective

论文关键词（中文）：《不让一个孩子落后》法案 教育业绩责任制 组织社会学新制度主义 行业组织结构 制度机制

论文关键词（英文）：No Child Left Behind Act, Test-based accountability, Neo-institutionalism, Organizational Field, Institutional pillar

中文摘要：

近年来美国教育界对于《不让一个孩子落后》法案(以下简称NCLB法案)的争论已达到了白热化的程度。该法案与以往教育政策相比较，更强调推广教育业绩责任制，并且继续加强联邦政府在教育中的作用，使得教育向应对考试的方向转变。对于这些改变，专家学者看法大相径庭：一方面，很多专家认为该法案存有大量的漏洞, 违背传统教育理念，应急需修改，甚至应完全颠覆该法案所采取的措施；另一方面，也有不少学者对该法案持肯定态度，指出法案中的积极因素，并从历史上和理论上证明法案实施的必然性。面对教育界这一争论，本文试图从另一个层面对这个问题进行探求— 该法案引起诸多争论，那么它的命运将如何？它所带来的这些改变又会有多长的持续性？

本文从约翰.迈耶（John Meyer）提出的组织社会学新制度主义入手（Neo-institutionalism）引用了他对于制度化的定义（Institutionalization）.同时将保罗.迪马奇奥与沃特.鲍威尔( Paul DiMaggio and Walter Powell) 所提出的行业组织结构的标准 (organizational field) 和理察德斯格特（Richard Scott）提出的制度机制（institutional pillar）概念结合， 建立了一个分析的模式。然后用该理论工具对于NCLB法案的形成和执行进行了分析。在其形成过程中，与法案相关的组织，包括联邦教育部门、州教育部门教师学校、有影响的政策研究中心、工会、重要教育报告、政党等，完成了从（1）增强沟通磋商，（2）形成部分范围内的连盟，到（3）认同的信息增加，（4）最后形成一定的模式这四个步骤，从而达到对于联邦政府作用以及业绩责任制等方面的共同认知。因而从一定程度上讲，完成了行业组织结构的初步建立。在这样的结构中，制度机制使得这些组织形成了一些共同的模式，使其对于变化产生了一定的阻力。从而我们可以得到这样一个结论，即该政策的核心内容，在短期内不会发生具大的变化的结论。

本文引入社会分析的模型，应用了历史论证的方法，将第一手资料与第二手资料相结合。通过总结专著、专业组织的分析和民意调查等二手资料、结合各组织网、新闻等一手资料，为论证提供了信息与论据。

Abstract:

The No Child Left Behind Act (hereinafter referred to as the NCLB Act or the Act), which is proposed by President George W. Bush in 2001 and passed by he Congress in 2002, can be deemed as the most drastic transformation of federal education policy since the Elementary and Secondary Act in 1965. The implementation of the Act has significantly expanded the federal power and enforce the educational accountability at all levels.

Not surprisingly, the Act is also one of the most controversial issues that split the scholars in education and policy studies into opposing camps, with some treating the Act as fundamentally flawed while others suggesting an immediate full implementation of it. The fanaticism around the Act thus raises an important question: what will be the fate of this Act and how long will it last? In answering this question, this paper argues that the organizations and agents around the Act has been aligned into a structure, or rather has been institutionalized. Therefore, this Act will mostly stay unchanged in the foreseeable future unless there is a significant change in the institutional environment.

To facilitate the argument, this paper introduces the theory of neo-institutionalism and establishes a theoretical framework that combines Paul DiMaggio and Walter Powell’s theory of organizational field and Richard Scott’s theory of institutional pillars. Through an application of these theoretical concepts, the paper demonstrates how organizations related to the Act, such as the Department of Education, the State Education Department, local schools and teachers, policy centers, think tanks, teachers’ unions, the educational reports, and political parties are structurized into an organizational field. This organizational field took shape in four steps including increasing interactions, coalition and hierarchy, contended information, and mutual enterprise. Further more the three types of institutional mechanism within the field which Scott has defined as institutional pillars, namely the cognitive pillar, regulatory pillar and normative pillar will push the organizations to perform in resembling ways and the collective behaviors will constrain them from undergoing significant changes in their given environment. Hence, the educational policy with a focus on test-based accountability will most likely remain unchanged in the coming future.

This research is conducted through an integration of the first-hand materials and secondary materials and through a collection of information from journals, books, websites, public opinion polls, news reports, and policy analyses.

To summarize the conclusion of this paper, the organizations related to the No Child Left Behind Act have been structured into a field. The Act, with a web woven by these organizations, has established certain norms to support the idea of test-based accountability, or in another word, has been institutionalized. Consequently, this Act will resist forces that oppose test-based accountability unless a significant change occurs in the institutional environment.

姓名：徐俊 导师： 闫循华

论文题目（中文）： 多边主义与朝核危机

论文题目（英文）： A Functional Analysis of Multilateralism through the Case of North Korea Issue

论文关键词（中文）：多边主义 朝核危机

论文关键词（英文）：Multilateralism, North Korea Nuclear issue

中文摘要：

本文着重通过美国自克林顿政府至布什政府以来在北朝核问题上的政策演变，来探讨多边主义给美国带来的机遇，研究美国为何转向多边主义解决朝鲜核问题。

从克林顿到布什，美国在朝鲜问题上经历了双边、单边和多边的政策选择与转变，并最终确立了以多边主义为基调来解决朝鲜核问题。本论文力求解决以下问题：

1. 在朝鲜问题上，美国政策发生了怎样的转变？

2. 双边和单边主义的缺陷何在？比较而言，多边主义的优势在哪儿？

3. 什么客观因素使得多边机制在北朝问题上发挥充分的作用？

第一个问题力求勾勒美国政策演变。从克林顿到布什，美国对待北朝核问题反复经历了双边、单边和多边的解决方法，并在布什执政后期力图通过六方会谈解决朝核危机。从美国的政策演变中，我们不难看出美国对于多边主义的态度是实用主义与选择性的，即，当多边主义易于实现美国利益时，美国就趋向于通过多边主义解决争端。这就提出了新的问题，多边主义怎样实现了美国的利益？这将是文章将解决的第二个问题。

第二个问题凸显多边主义的优势，在这一部分，主要运用到了基欧汉关于多边主义的功能主义理论，即，多边主义发挥着降低交易成本、提高信息透明度、加强美国影响力等重要作用。此部分将结合六方会谈解决朝核危机的作用来谈多边的功能。通过例证，六方会谈确实能够将美国的力量转化为影响力，降低交易成本并提高信息透明度以消除双方疑虑。这一点正契合了第一个问题，即，美国寻求六方会谈是因为该会谈恰恰使美国利益最大化。

第三个问题将谈论朝鲜案例的特殊性，即，在朝鲜问题上，哪些客观因素更顺畅地促进了核问题的解决，这部分包括两方面，中国在六方会谈中的核心作用及朝鲜发展核武器的真实用意。第一，朝鲜发展核武器的用意决定了六方会谈能否顺利进行。因为只有朝鲜愿意放弃核计划，其余五方才能谈下去。第二，如果撇开中国的作用，六方会谈是不完整的，也不足以达到增强美国影响力的目的，所以，中国的作用不可小视。

通过论证分析，多边主义在解决朝核问题上发挥了极大的作用，也正因为多边的功能促使美国进行了政策转变，从双边、单边到多边转变。多边主义在解决国际争端、化解国际危机问题上已发挥、并持续发挥重要作用。

Abstract:

This paper focuses on the utility of multilateralism through policy evolution research of the United States toward North Korea from Clinton to Bush junior. From Clinton to Bush, a series of policy have been adopted: bilateralism, unilateralism and multilateralism. And Six-party talks has been used as an important tool to solve North Korean dilemma. So this paper tries to answer three questions:

1. On North Korean issue, how have US policies changed?

2. Compared with bilateralism and unilateralism, what are the strengths of multilateralism?

3. What makes six-party talks effective?

 First, from the policy evolution, it is clear that US relation with multilateralism is selective. That means US would embrace multilateralism when the former benefits from the latter. This raises new questions, how has the US benefited from multilateralism? That brings us to the second question. I will use Keohane’s functional theory to analyze the role of multilateralism, which transforms power into influence, lowers transaction costs and information scarcity. In this part, I will show these three functions through the case of Six-party talks. Once the efficacy of six-party talks is proved, it is self-evident that US adopts multilateralism in order to maximize its benefits. Thirdly, in the case of North Korea, there are some factors determining the success of Six-party talks. First is North Korean intention of developing nuclear weapons. If North Korean intention is anything but developing nuclear weapons of its own, its nuclear ambition can be bargained away and it leaves room for the other five parties to intervene. Second is China’s influence on North Korea. This determines how much influence US can borrow from the outside on North Korea. With these two points clear, a full picture of Six-party talks is at hand.

 With the comparison among unilateralism, bilateralism and multilateralism in American policy toward the same target nation, the efficiency and utility of multilateralism is highlighted. In North Korean case, the limits of bilateral and unilateral approach doomed its future in solving the crisis. However, by contrast, multilateralism, in the form of six-party talks which reduces transaction costs, raises information transparency, assures security of major parties, becomes a practical if not ideal approach to solve North Korean nuclear issue. The American selective multilateralism is vividly shown in this case as demonstrated in the policy evolution from Clinton to Bush.

姓名：王楚 导师： 付美榕

论文题目（中文）： 桥梁与纽带：社会资本与美国犹太精英塑造

论文题目（英文）： Bond and Bridge: Social Capital in the Shaping of Jewish American Elite

论文关键词（中文）：美国犹太人 社会资本 种族关系

论文关键词（英文）：Jewish Americans, Social capital, racial relations

 中文摘要：

犹太人占美国人口的比例非常微小，却产生了大量的杰出人才。这些犹太裔精英在政治、经济、文化、科技等领域为美国社会的发展做出了不可磨灭的贡献。在纪念犹太人定居美国355周年 (1654-2009) 之际，本文试从社会资本的视角，对美国犹太精英辈出的现象进行初步探讨，以期学术界对此有更多样化的认识，并对美国华人和国内读者有所启发。

社会资本理论植根于经济学、社会学和政治学，其起源可追溯到18、19世纪的启蒙思想家，而布迪厄、科尔曼 、普特南三位学者则是20世纪现代社会资本理论的开路先锋。20世纪90年代以来，社会资本逐渐成为学界关注的前沿和焦点问题。它是一种跨学科的重要理论创新，尤其是融合了社会学与经济学的优势，对于企业发展、社会转型、政治参与等问题具有强大的解释力。

本文以社会资本的两大维度——纽带型社会资本和桥梁型社会资本——作为研究和分析的基本框架。纽带型社会资本是内向性的，它衡量一个社会团体的向心力和凝聚力；桥梁型社会资本是外向性的，它表明一个社会团体与社会其他部分相关联的广度和深度。本文研究美国犹太人纽带型、桥梁型社会资本的发展和现状，以及这两种社会资本如何不断推动美国犹太人——无论是个人还是整体——在现代社会经济竞争中脱颖而出，取得优势地位。

在纽带型社会资本方面，本文着重分析美国犹太人的传统观念、家庭特征和社群联系，由此发现，高度紧密的纽带型社会资本有助于美国犹太人集体的存续和发展，并强力促进了美国犹太人个体的成功。首先，犹太传统信仰和价值观使美国犹太人紧密相连，成为同根同源、同呼吸共命运的一个整体，其中最关键的就是“选民”思想、犹太财富观和犹太教育观。 第二，美国犹太人大多生活在信息便利的大城市，有着非常稳定的家庭结构，父母对于子女的培养教育倾尽关心、不吝投入，代际向上流动性强。第三，美国犹太人以多种方式参与社团生活，犹太社团具有强大的组织力和影响力，其核心是犹太会堂和慈善基金会。

在桥梁型社会资本方面，本文主要分析美国犹太人的文化适应力、商机拓展力、与美国其他族裔的关系，以及犹太关系网对经济全球化的推进作用。本文认为，高度的适应力和有效的社会网络是美国犹太人能够融入美国社会、创造机会并积累优势资源的关键条件。首先，美国犹太人不仅坚守传统，而且讲求实际、开明进步。第二，美国犹太人在商业上的巨大成功清晰地表明，他们能不断地适应乃至改变美国的生活方式。第三，长期以来，大部分美国犹太人都倾向于支持民主党和政治自由派，这已成为美国政治生活的一大稳定特征。在所有族裔和信仰的美国人当中，犹太人对于种族平等和融合的支持是最高、最彻底的。另外，美国犹太人与世界各地的犹太社团都有长期稳定的联系与合作，构成一个庞大的犹太关系网和贸易网，使他们成为经济全球化最重要的开拓者和参与者。

综上所述，社会资本是美国犹太人成就斐然、精英辈出的关键因素。美国犹太人通过信仰和传统的纽带紧密相连，不断强化其家庭和社团的力量，为美国犹太人的发展和成功提供了稳定的内在动力；美国犹太人能够不断适应和融入美国主流文化、与其他族裔和社团建立并维持良好的互动，为其自身的发展和成功创造了有利的外在条件。经过三个多世纪的奋斗和发展，美国犹太人坚持信仰并与时俱进，善于把握一切可以把握的机会、团结一切可以团结的力量，不仅在美国社会站稳了脚跟，更造就了大批杰出人才，在各个领域发挥着举足轻重的作用。美国犹太人的经验为美国华人提供了两点启示：美国华人应该纠正功利性的教育观念，并积极参与美国的公益与政治生活。

 Abstract:

With a tiny proportion on the U.S. demographic map, Jewish Americans have produced numerous talents in American politics, business, culture and science, who have made significant contribution to this country. This thesis is an attempt to investigate the shaping of Jewish American elite with a hope of adding a possible explanation to the scholarly knowledge of the theme, and providing some references for Chinese Americans.

This thesis examines the shaping of Jewish American elite through the perspective of social capital theory. Social capital theory is rooted in economics, sociology, and political science of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The modern development of the concept came from three key authors, Bourdieu, Coleman and Putnam. Social capital represents a very important theoretical innovation for trans-disciplinary integration, especially between sociology and economics. Since its original use, the term has received unprecedented acceptance and application to diverse areas.

In analyzing social capital resources of Jewish Americans, this thesis adopts two vital dimensions of social capital: bonding social capital which is inward looking and indicates the level of cohesion of a group, and bridging social capital which is outward looking and indicates how a group relates to the rest of society. This thesis examines bonding and bridging social capital of Jewish Americans, and in what way these resources facilitate Jewish socio-economic achievement in American society, both individually and collectively.

Examining bonding capital in Jewish tradition, Jewish families and communities of the United States, this thesis demonstrates that high levels of bonding social capital among Jewish Americans help them to make high achievement in socio-economic competition. Firstly, traditional values and norms have effectively bond the Jews together as a people of common origin and destiny. Three essential Jewish traditions are discussed: God’s chosen people and Tikkun-olam; Jewish view of wealth and success; education as an absolute duty. Secondly, Jewish Americans have stable family structures with high level of parental devotion and educational investment, meanwhile they are highly mobile and urbanized. Thirdly, Jewish Americans are closely connected to their communities in a variety of ways, especially through Synagogue engagement and Jewish philanthropy.

Looking into bridging capital in Jewish American outlook, business practice, inter-group relations and global interactions, this thesis finds out that high level of adaptability and effective networks are essential factors helping Jewish Americans to create opportunities and accumulate favorable resources in American society. Firstly, although the Jewish people value their traditions and faith, they are highly pragmatic, adaptable, and forward-looking. The tremendous Jewish commercial success is the best example of Jewish adaptation to and reshaping of American way of life. Thirdly, the long-standing identification of large numbers of Jewish Americans with the Democratic Party and the liberal camp in American politics has been one of the most reliable features of national elections. Among all ethnic/religious groups, Jews hold the most pro-racial equality/integration stance. Finally, Jewish Americans have long been maintaining effective networks with Jews around the world, which in fact makes them pioneers of globalization.

This thesis concludes that social capital effectively facilitates the shaping of Jewish American elite. Jewish Americans are closely bonded through their faith and tradition, which has significantly sustained and enhanced the connections of Jewish family and community life. The ability of building and maintaining bridges with mainstream American culture and other social groups enables Jewish Americans to have a significant part in American social and political life. The findings on Jewish Americans provide two major implications for Chinese Americans: one is that they should drop the utilitarian motivation of education; the other is that they should enhance political participation and engagement of public affairs.