姓名：吴佳 导师： 李莉文
论文题目（中文）：对北京基督教青年会1906到1937年间社会活动的分析
论文题目（英文）：Analyses of YMCA Beijing between 1906 and 1937
论文关键词（中文）： 基督教青年会，北京，社会活动、基督教青年会 北京 社会活动
论文关键词（英文）：YMCA, Beijing, Social activities
中文摘要：
本文通过分析1906年到1937年间北京基督教青年会的活动来反映基督教青年会在中国的整体活动情况。基督教青年会于19世纪末进入中国并对近代中国产生了很大的影响。北京基督教青年会成立于1909年，有一些与中国其他基督教青年会不同的特征，如美国干事的直接领导，对学生工作的极度重视，特别的政府支持，后期的快速本土化进程和社会服务活动的先驱。北京基督教青年会在1937年间前的历史可以分为两个时期。从1909年其成立到1922年，北京基督教青年会发展迅速，并在社会中有着很大的影响力。而1922年的非基运动之后，北京基督教青年会开始衰落，影响力大大下降。特别是失去了对青年学生的吸引力。这些是由于其自身的理论缺陷和中立的政治态度造成的。
本文包括五部分。第一部分为导言，即对此主题的基本介绍。第二部分为本文的理论框架。第三部分介绍北京基督教青年会1906年到1937年间的历史。第四部分将结合理论和史实来分析基督教青年会在近代中国的作用和影响。最后一部分对基督教青年会在近代中国历史上的地位和其发展及衰落的原因做出了结论。
本文综合运用了历史分析方法和理论分析方法来阐述基督教青年会发展和衰落的原因及其历史影响。并得出结论，基督教青年会在中国的失败是由于其核心理论社会福音论的自身缺陷和其对中国社会的变化反应没有做出迅速的反应而造成的。
Abstract:
This paper analyses YMCA Beijing’s activities between 1906 and 1937 to show a whole picture of YMCA in China. YMCA came to China at the end of the nineteenth century and made an impact on modern China. YMCA Beijing was established in 1909 and had its own distinguishing characters which included direct guidance of American secretaries, focus on student work, extra official support, quick indigenization process and pioneer in social service work. YMCA Beijing’s history before 1937 could be divided into two periods. Since its establishment in 1909 until 1922, it developed very fast and had great influence at that time. However, after the anti-Christian movement in 1922, the YMCA Beijing’s influence declined, gradually losing its appeal to young students because of its own theoretical limitations and neutral political standpoint.
This paper includes five parts. The first part is the introduction of the topic. The second part is the theoretical framework this paper applies to analyze YMCA’s activities. The third part is the history of YMCA Beijing between 1906 and 1937. And in the fourth part is the use of theoretical approach to analyze YMCA’s effectiveness in modern China. The last part is to draw a conclusion about YMCA’s role in modern China and the reasons for its rise and fall.
This paper uses both historical account and theoretical approach to analyze YMCA’s effectiveness and the reasons for its rise and fall. It concludes that YMCA’s social gospel theoretical limitation and slow response to changing Chinese society led to its final failure in China.
姓名：闫亮 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）： 对“非法移民”如何处理的分析
论文题目（英文）： Open Frontier or Closed Door America? An analysis of the Issue of Undocumented Immigration
论文关键词（中文）：墨西哥非法移民 限制主义 安全 总统选举 移民政策
论文关键词（英文）：Mexican Undocumented immigration, restrictionism, security, presidential election, immigration policy
中文摘要：
在美国历史上的许多时期，移民问题一直倍受争议。目前，大约有1200万非法移民居住在美国。非法移民数量如此之大，如何认识他们对美国社会的贡献，如何应对和解决他们给美国带来的问题，已成为涉及美国民众和决策者关心的社会、政治和安全问题。9•11之后，移民问题显得尤为紧迫和突出。这次有关移民的讨论是在9•11恐怖袭击和反恐的背景下展开，讨论结果将对美国今后的移民政策造成影响，是开放门户？关闭大门，还是有选择性关闭？
这次移民讨论呈现出一些新特点。首先， 移民之争是担心安全的美国人和欢迎移民的美国人之间的较量。第二，此次移民讨论，尤其对墨西哥非法移民的讨论，成为2006年11月中期选举的焦点，同时也影响着2008年美国总统选举。第三，由于联邦政府的“无为”，许多州制定了移民相关法规以减少非法移民对工作、住房以及社会公共服务等方面给他们造成的压力。第四，民调显示，不同美国民众对非法移民的态度也存在分歧。过去10年间，数以万计的墨西哥非法移民的涌入逐渐改变了美国南部城镇的少数族裔间关系，不同族裔间的紧张关系在一些地区甚至公开化。此外，亚裔美国人对墨西哥非法移民争取权利、游行示威的态度表现“不一致”。第五，此次移民讨论对立双方明显，国会陷入立法困境背后，主张限制移民和支持移民力量的较量突出。
2007年5月17日，共和党和民主党双方达成一项妥协，如果这项提案成为法律，非法移民和他们的家属有望 “从阴影中走出来，走向生活的阳光”。新的移民提案倾向于工人的专业化程度。移民申请者可能因受教育水平高、英语流利、数学和科学背景丰富等获得额外分数。这种趋势极可能成为美国今后移民政策的特征之一。截至2007年9月，由于强硬派反对，国会放弃达成有关移民法案的尝试。此前移民讨论的核心问题——移民合法化、特赦以及家庭团聚等原则已被移民限制主义所代替。从某种程度上说，在短时期内，受移民限制主义和白色人种至上主义以及移民恐惧“阴谋”的影响，美国的移民政策在总体上将趋向于更加限制，更具选择性。
Abstract:
In American history, immigration has been an issue of controversy on many occasions. Currently there are as many as 12 million undocumented immigrants residing in the United States. This unprecedented number of undocumented immigrants becomes a social, political, and security issue for the American people and decision-makers. The current immigration debate is set against the background of Sept.11 and war on terrorism and the result would determine whether the United States would keep open its frontier or would change course and close or semi-close its door.
The current immigration debate demonstrates many new features. Firstly, it involves the security considerations and traditional welcoming attitudes towards immigration. Secondly, the issue of Mexican undocumented immigration dominated the November 2006 midterm elections and has some implications for the 2008 presidential elections. Thirdly, in the absence of federal immigration policy, some states took the matters into their hands and drew up laws and ordinances to limit undocumented immigrants’ access to jobs, housing and government services. Fourthly, the arrival of hundreds of thousands of Hispanic immigrants over the past decade is quietly changing the dynamics of race relations in many Southern towns. The simmering tension between Americans and the new arrivals has at places broken to the open. Fifth, the current debate divides sharply into two sides. Behind the impasse in the Congress’ initiatives to immigration reform, the conflicts between the restrictionists and the pro-immigrant lobby are obvious.
On May 17, 2007, Senators from both parties announced an agreement on immigration-reform legislation that would bring illegal immigrants and their families “out of the shadows and into the sunshine of American life.” The new system would be tilted toward more skilled workers. Applicants would get extra credits for education, fluency in English, math and science backgrounds, and other factors. By September 2007, Congress has given up the attempt of working out immigration legislations as a result of opposition of hardliners on immigration. Immigration restrictionism has moved to the center of the public debate, once occupied by advocacy for broad legalization, amnesty, and family reunification. To a large extent, in a short period, the American immigration policy tends to be more restrictive and selective on the whole.
姓名：刘友道 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）： 林肯-斯蒂芬斯和他的黑幕揭发报道
论文题目（英文）： Lincoln Stiffens and His Muckraking
论文关键词（中文）：美国社会 黑幕揭发 腐败 改革 林肯•斯蒂芬斯
论文关键词（英文）：American Society, muckraking, corruption, reform, Lincoln Steffens
中文摘要：
十九世纪与二十世纪之交，美国社会处于重大社会转型期。工业革命、移民和城市会带来经济发展和社会物质财富增长的同时，也带来了大量亟需解决的社会问题：企业的行业垄断趋势愈来愈强；贫富差距不断扩大；劳资矛盾激化；政府所实行的管理理念不断受到各方面的质疑；社会主流思想与外来思想之间矛盾重重；各种腐败现象层出不绝。这些问题和矛盾相互交织，如果得不到妥善解决，将危及美国社会稳定，美国政治制度将受到极大挑战。在这种背景下，一批有识之士开始出谋划策，并通过实际行动，希望解决这些社会问题和社会矛盾。这些人中有经济学家、哲学家、社会工作者、以及神职人员，还包括一批具有高度社会责任心的新闻工作者，他们以新闻报道为工具，以所供职的报刊杂志为依托，试图为解决社会矛盾出一份力。以林肯•斯蒂芬斯为代表的这些新闻工作者揭露各种社会问题，如政府腐败、食品问题、企业不正常的垄断行为等，希望警醒美国民众关注社会生活，关注自身的社会、政治、经济利益。这些新闻工作者通常被称为“掏粪者”或者“黑幕揭发者。”林肯•斯蒂芬斯主要揭露在美国社会存在的各种腐败现象，他指出腐败的根源在美国民众政治参与意识的下降，同时美国民众普遍缺少一个共同追求的远大目标，这就使得一些政治机器的党魁有机可乘，对美国的广大民众依据党派划分实行“分而治之”，从而把选民和民选的政府官员控制在股掌之中；于是，这些党魁就利用手中控制的政府资源和政府特权与那些追求个人物质利益的资本家进行钱权交易，以饱私囊。同时，林肯•斯蒂芬斯还认为美国人所信奉的新英格兰教义也助长了社会的腐败风气。林肯•斯蒂芬斯没有仅仅停留在对社会腐败的揭发暴露上，他还在这些揭发腐败现象的文章中向读者介绍了一些具有社会良知人的改革活动以及他们的改革思想。林肯•斯蒂芬斯认为成功的改革就是要调动并保持民众的政治参与的热情，在基督教的“黄金定律”的感召下，改革领袖领导人民改革各种政治机构，改革腐败政府，使政府尽可能地代表人民的利益行使其各项职权；他还认为在改革的过程中，新闻媒体也要对改革发挥一定的帮助作用。林肯•斯蒂芬斯把他的改革理念应用到他所参与的改革实践之中，本文以他所参加的“波士顿1915年计划”为例，考察其改革思想的可行性。本文认为林肯•斯蒂芬斯作为有社会良知的知识分子，在社会转型期，以其职业为依托，通过对社会黑暗面的揭露，对改革人士、改革思想、成功的改革经验的宣扬，对推进社会进步，维护社会稳定起到了一定的作用。
Abstract:
America was in a critical transitional period around the turn of the twentieth century. While industrialization, population migration, and urbanization brought about economic development and material wealth, they also caused numerous problems which included the growing trend of industrial concentration and aggrandizement, the deep gap between the rich and the poor, the conflict between capital and labor, the controversy over political philosophy between laissez faire and active government role in the society, the controversy over social philosophy between Social Darwinism and Marxism, anarchism, and labor unionism, and the political control by the political machines and corruption in the process of city development. Those problems and controversies were entwined with each other and tended to threaten the stability of the American society and also American democracy. Against this background, some far-sighted Americans set out to find the cures for the problems. They were economists, philosophers, social workers, clergymen, and sensible journalists. Those journalists, believing the exposure of the problems would naturally lead to the cures for those problems, undertook to reveal, diagnose, and prescribe cures for those problems in their articles. Those problems they exposed included corruption, food sanitation, and the unnatural growth of the big business. Those journalists exemplified by Lincoln Steffens used their reports to make the American people care for their life and watch over the economic, political interests of their own. Those journalists were called “muckrakers” by historians. Lincoln Steffens mainly focused on exposing corruption in American society. Steffens pointed out that the causes of corruption in the American society were the civic degradation of the American people and their lack of a vision, which allowed the political boss to apply the principle of “divide and rule” to the American people to control them and the government officials the American people elected; then the political boss traded government resources and government privileges with those privilege-seeking businessmen for money; Steffens believed that New England ideal also encouraged corruption in the American society. However, Steffens was different from other muckrakers in that he did not stop at exposing corruption, but went further on introducing the reforms and reformers in his muckraking articles to the American people. According to Steffens, the objective of reform was to restore to the people a government of the people and for the people. To achieve that objective, the enthusiasm of the American people for political participation should be motivated and maintained; under the influence of “applied Christianity,” reformers led the American people to remove the evils to make government represent the American people’s interests instead of those of only a few people. Steffens believed the media should also play a supportive role in the reform. Steffens then put the reform lessons into practice in the “Boston 1915” Plan to test their validity. This thesis concludes that Lincoln Steffens was a sensible intellectual; he used his muckraking to solidify the societal stability, contribute to the progress of the American society. On the one hand, he exposed the corruption in the American society, pointing out the direction that reforms should be heading for; on the other hand, he tried to find the cures for those problems and took actions to cure them. Although his reform efforts in Boston ended in failure, his reform ideas contributed considerably to the later reform movements. Steffens was not only a muckraker, but also a muckraking reformer.
姓名：吕晓冉 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）： 紧急状态的首要代价—公民权利
论文题目（英文）： The First Cost of National Emergency: Civil Liberty
论文关键词（中文）：
虐囚 国家安全 公民自由 恐惧 外部威胁
论文关键词（英文）：
Prisoner abuse, national security, civil liberties, fear, external threat
中文摘要：
国际法严禁虐囚行为，而美国作为签约国之一理当受到国际法的约束。然而，美国在伊拉克的阿布格莱布监狱、以及美军在阿富汗的军事基地和古巴的关塔那摩湾监狱的虐囚丑闻被媒体曝光，令世界震惊和愤怒，由此引发了全国范围的“虐囚之争”。更加与美国的传统价值观相悖的是美国政府面对这一遭到国际社会谴责的丑闻态度暧昧，而美国公众对政府严重侵犯人权的行为表现出“非常态”的赞成与支持。2002年的民意测验结果表明大多数美国民众支持美军以获取关键情报为目的虐待在押嫌疑犯，同时也拥护政府为维护国家安全而限制公民自由的政策。但是这一支持率正在随着时间的转移而逐渐降低。
回顾美国历史上为了维护国家安全而限制公民自由的几个时期，可以找到关于国家安全与公民自由对比关系的一个循环出现的模式。这些时期的共同点是威胁和危险的当前性和紧迫性。国家安全与公民自由之间达到的微妙平衡通常会由于外部威胁所造成的国家危机的出现而遭到颠覆。恐惧心理会导致公众对政府以维护国家安全之名限制公民自由的政策予以大力支持。而政府在应对公众恐惧心理过程中获取更大的权力，有可能会对威胁采取过激的应对措施，从而严重侵犯公民自由，利用公众恐惧心理赚取政治资本。但是，随着时间的转移，在其间无新的威胁出现的情况下，恐惧将会逐渐消失，社会重又恢复正常状态。限制公民自由的政策将变得愈加令人无法忍受，在国家安全与公民自由之间最终会重新恢复平衡，从而完成这一循环模式。美国历史不断重复着这一循环模式。近日的“非常态”可以看作是这一循环过程的一部分，从历史的观点来看，也可认为是一种“常态”。
Abstract:
Torture has been banned by international laws to which U.S. is a signing party. However, revelation of torture of detainees by U.S. military in U.S. prisons in Abu Graib of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Guantanamo Bay shocked the world and stirred up a “torture debate” in America. Even more contradictory to American basic values are the mixed signals sent out by U.S. government in response to this scandal and “abnormal” public support for torture as well as USA PATRIOT Act. Polling results in 2002 showed a majority of Americans support of torture and restrictions on civil liberties in favor of national security, but supporting rates are gradually changing along with the time.
By looking into these special periods of time when civil liberties were curtailed in favor of national security, a common cyclical pattern is found regarding the relationship between civil liberties and national security and the common feature that the threat and danger are current and pressing is detected. The balance between civil liberties and national securities is usually toppled by the emergence of a national crisis with an external threat starkly felt. Public fear would lead to greater support for the government’s restrictions on civil liberties in favor of national security. Government, gaining more power in response to public fear, may have the tendency to overreact to the threat with aggressive measures severely curtailing civil liberties in exploitation of mass fearfulness for political preferment. But, as time passes without new threats, horrors will fade and be replaced by an increasing sense of normalcy. Restrictions on civil liberties will become more and more intolerable and eventually the equilibrium will be regained between national security and civil liberties, thus completing the cycle. American history has constantly witnessed the repeat of this cyclical pattern. Today’s abnormalcy could be seen as another one of these cycles, a normalcy when viewed in historical perspective.
姓名：赵洋 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）： 新保守主义完蛋了吗？– 以伊拉克战争为例
论文题目（英文）： Has the Moment of Neo-conservatism Passed?
论文关键词（中文）：新保守主义 伊拉克战争 影响力 布什政府 美对伊政策
论文关键词（英文）：Neoconservatism, the Iraq War, Influence, the Bush Administration, America’s Iraq policies
中文摘要：
新保守主义势力的上升是小布什担任美国总统的第一个任期内美国外交思想领域一个极为引人注目的变化，而其实力的上升最明显的体现是在它对美国发动伊拉克战争一事上的巨大影响。在“反恐”的大背景下，布什总统的对伊政策明显受到新保守主义思想的影响，而伊拉克战争的爆发则标志着新保守主义坚持攻打伊拉克并推翻萨达姆政权的主张最终得以实行。但随着伊拉克局势的恶化，民众对伊拉克战争的支持率明显下降。作为伊拉克战争的积极倡导者和推动者，新保守主义也随之受到来自多方的批评和攻击。而且曾在小布什政府内担任重要职务、对美国发动伊拉克战争产生过重大影响的新保守主义者和前新保守主义者也相继离开了政府。于是就出现了新保守主义已经失去了其影响力，布什会在其对伊政策上抛弃新保守主义的论调。但本文作者并不完全赞同此观点。
本文作者为使读者对新保守主义有较深的认识，首先给出了一个“新保守主义”的定义，并介绍了一些影响较大的新保守主义思想库和杂志。随后本文在第三部分回顾了新保守主义如日中天的情景，在第四部分介绍了表明新保守主义影响下降的表现。而后本文努力证明新保守主义在美对伊政策上仍有影响，不应被忽视。为证明此观点，本文作者分析了新保守主义者在其媒体上发表的文章数量，以此证明新保守主义者仍有很强的提出政策建议的能力。他们对各类批评的反击则表明在思想领域新保守主义仍是活跃的。接下来的部分对新保守主义者关于美在伊驻军的建议和布什政府的相关言行进行了比较，进一步证明新保守主义仍能对布什政府产生影响。所有这些研究都证明了作者的假设，即尽管新保守主义影响下降了，但其仍能影响美对伊政策，其关于对伊政策的核心主张仍被布什政府所采纳，我们在研究美对伊政策时仍要将新保守主义考虑在内。
Abstract:
The rise of neoconservatism is one of the most noticeable phenomena in the field of American foreign affairs in the first term of George W. Bush, and the most powerful proof of the rise should be neoconservatives’ great influence on the lead-up to the Iraq War. As a part of the anti-terrorism strategy, Bush’s policies in Iraq demonstrated a clear footprint of neoconservatism. Among them, the Iraq War served as the sign that neoconservatives’ proposal of regime change in Iraq had been put into practice. As the situation in Iraq deteriorated, the war aroused more and more opposition from the American people. As the active initiators and promoters of the war, neoconservatives suffered criticisms and attacks from many different groups. A number of neoconservatives and pre-neoconservatives who used to be quite influential in the lead-up to the war as policy makers in the Bush administration also lost their posts in the government. Therefore, many people believe that neoconservatism has lost its influencing power and Bush will give up his neoconservative policies on Iraq. But the author of this thesis can not completely agree with this.
In the first, to provide readers a deeper understanding of neoconservatism, the author gives a definition of it and introduces some influential neoconservative think tanks and magazines. With the aim of giving a full picture of neoconservatives’ influence on policies in Iraq, the author first reviews the heydays of neoconservatism in the third part and then talks about the phenomena which show that neoconservatism has declined in the fourth. In the following part, the thesis tries to prove that neoconservatives are still influential in Iraq policies and should not be neglected. To reach this goal, the author analyzes the frequency of some neoconservatives’ articles on neoconservative media to show that neoconservatives are still energetic in producing propositions. Their reaction to the criticisms against them also proves that neoconservatives are still active, instead of passive, in the realm of ideology. The comparison made between neoconservatives’ proposals and Bush’s latest policies and rhetoric around the issue of American troops’ stationing in Iraq further demonstrated that neoconservatives can still influence the Bush administration to practice their propositions. The results of all these researches serve as proofs of the author’s hypothesis: although neoconservatism’s influence is weaker, its influence still exists and its core ideas about tackling the Iraq issue are still adopted by the Bush administration. Neoconservatives deserve our attention when we consider America’s policies in Iraq.
姓名：唐艳轩 导师： 梅仁毅
论文题目（中文）： 纽约社保中国农民工报道的内容分析
论文题目（英文）： A Content Analysis of the Reports about Chinese Migrant Workers in the New York Times
论文关键词（中文）：纽约时报 中国农民工报道 议程设置 影响因素
论文关键词（英文）：New York Times, Portrayal of Chinese Migrant worker, media, agenda-setting, influential factors
中文摘要：
从二十世纪八十年代国家放宽对农民工进城打工限制开始，中国开始出现了一个特殊的群体，他们在城市里工作，却很难融入城市。农民工作为一个群体，自从在中国出现，就引起了国内外的关注，关于农民工的报道也逐渐增多。各个领域关于农民工问题的文章和研究课题逐渐增多。国内媒体关于农民工的报道引起了学者的注意，关于国内媒体农民工报道的文章近年来不断出现，这些研究从传播学的角度分析了国内媒体对农民工的报道，指出问题，并进行了相关讨论。然而，关于国外媒体对中国农民工这一群体的报道却无人研究，了解国外媒体如何报道中国的农民工，能够更全面的了解媒体是如何报道农民工的，影响媒体报道农民工议题的影响因素有什么，帮助我们更好的认识这一现实问题。本文试图填补这一空白。根据媒介议程设置理论，文章采用内容分析的方法，选取美国媒体在议程设置方面有影响力的纽约时报为研究对象，时间则选择其关于中国农民工的第一篇报道到2007年6月30日。文章主要研究问题是，纽约时报是如何报道中国的农民工问题的，这种报道是否随时间改变，影响他们对中国农民工议程设置的因素有那些。文章首先介绍了这一问题的由来，指出了研究农民工问题的现实意义，通过对国内外关于农民工话题的文献分析，点明研究的价值所在。文章接着阐述了议题设置理论及其应用价值，介绍了本研究的方法和具体操作，对相关变量进行了分析。第四部分重点分析了相关的数据，通过对纽约时报总体的和分时段的分析，清晰地阐明了纽约时报是如何报道中国农民工这一议题的，报道是否随时间而发生了变化。第五部分是对研究结果的进一步阐释，概况出纽约时报农民工话题的主要特点，以及纽约时报的报道对我们有何启示作用。第六部分分析了影响纽约时报对农民工议题报道的相关因素。研究发现，在文章的长度，位置，深度上，新闻类型，来源上都体现了纽约时报重视中国农民工报道，文章报道的重点围绕农民工的权利和社会保障，流动和工作环境，大部分文章都对这一话题持否定态度，而且作为事件的主角，农民工并不是报道的绝对重心。随着时间的变化，报道的内容更加全面，深入，报道的主题更关注人权和工作环境。文章认为，这种议程设置结构是由美国媒体的商业和批评属性和意识形态因素所决定的。
Abstract:
As the Chinese government began to relax the control over peasants in the 1980s, more and more peasants went to work in the city. Although they work hard in their new home, they are still outsiders to the city. Labeled as “migrant worker” by the city residents, they suffer from both physical and psychological pressure. As a vulnerable group, their harsh working conditions and problems didn’t draw the attention of the media at first. They were marginalized by the city. Their sufferings and related problems captured the attention of both domestic and overseas scholars. They began to analyze migrant worker and migration in China from various perspectives. As the group increases, more media begin to place them in their agenda. Some scholars of communication produced hundreds of articles about the coverage of migrant workers by media. Based on communication theories, these articles discussed the image and agenda setting of newspaper about migrant workers. However, no article has yet paid attention to the coverage of migrant worker in foreign newspapers. To get a better and more comprehensive understanding of the migrant worker, it is necessary to undertake this task. Due to the limit of time and scope, the study only considers the news content on the New York Times from its first article about Chinese migrant worker to June 30, 2007. Based on a content analysis, the research focuses on three questions: how did the New York Times portray Chinese migrant workers? Has the portrayal changed over time? What are the influential factors affecting the agenda setting of Chinese migrant worker issue in the New York Times? The paper begins with an introduction to the issue and the significance of the research. The theoretical framework is also included. Then a detailed analysis of previous research is provided. In the third part, the paper discusses the methodology applied in the research. The fourth part is a comprehensive statistics analysis. Both the general features and stage changes are illustrated. Part five further examines the results and identifies several points China can benefit from the reports by the New York Times. it is followed by a discussion of the factors affecting the report by the New York Times on this issue and limitations and further research plan. The paper ends with a brief conclusion. The research finds that the New York Times gave prominence to the issue in terms of length, depth, placement, news style and source. The reports concentrated on the social security undefinedamp; civil rights, migration and working conditions of the migrant workers. Most of the reports were negative in tone. Meanwhile, migrant workers did not play a significant role in the reports. The reports grew more detailed and comprehensive over time. More reports were devoted to human rights and working conditions. The agenda setting of Chinese migrant workers in this pattern by the New York Times, the thesis argues, can be attributed to the critical and commercial nature of American media and the ingrained ideological criticism.
姓名：张阳 导师： 孙有中
论文题目（中文）： 对塔斯社911后报道美国的分析
论文题目（英文）： A Content Analysis of American Image in ITAR-TASS Headlines after 9-11
论文关键词（中文）：国家形象 美国形象 新闻媒体 俄通社-塔斯社
论文关键词（英文）：National image, American Image, news media, ITAR-TASS
中文摘要：
作为国际关系中的重要变量，国家形象在外交政策的制定过程中起着越来越重要的作用。本文通过对俄通社-塔斯社涉美新闻稿标题进行抽样分析，探究美国在俄罗斯媒体中的形象及其变化。
本研究的时间段为2001年9月11日至2006年9月11日。笔者在这五年中的每一周中随机挑选一天，对俄通社-塔斯社在该天发出的全部涉美新闻稿标题进行研究，总共抽取了261天，1431条新闻标题。笔者将标题样本根据其报道主题分为政治、经济、军事、社会、文化五类，并对每类报道进行细分。笔者还将标题的报道态度分为正面报道、较正面报道、中性报道、较负面报道和负面报道五个档次，对所有标题样本进行了分类。
定量分析的结果显示，从2001年9月11日到2006年9月11日，俄通社-塔斯社日均发布的涉美新闻数量为5.48条。然而，涉美新闻的具体数量各年间差别较大，两个最高值出现在2001年9月1日-2002年9月1日和2002年9月1日-2003年9月1日两个时段，为911恐怖袭击、阿富汗战争和第二次伊拉克战争爆发的时间。
定性分析结果显示，在政治、经济、军事、社会、文化主题中，政治报道数量最多，占到总抽样的近半数；军事报道排名第二，占总量的近三分之一；而经济、社会、文化报道加起来仅占总抽样数量的不到四分之一。进一步的分析显示，俄通社-塔斯社涉美报道的重点按从重到轻的顺序依次为：美国的对外关系（除对俄关系外）、军事、美俄关系。在美国对外关系和军事领域，美国与前苏联加盟共和国的关系受到了特别关注。
在报道倾向方面，大多数标题为中性，但负面报道及较负面报道的数量大大超过正面报道及较正面报道的数量，两者比约为1.7：1。在政治方面，对俄美关系的报道较为正面。但对美国与其它国家或国际组织的报道则要负面的多。对美国国内政治报道数量很少。军事报道是最为负面的一类。美国因其在第二次伊拉克战争中扮演的角色受到猛烈抨击。俄通社-塔斯社对第二次伊拉克战争的报道以中性报道和负面报道为主，正面报道的标题极少。与政治和军事报道相比，经济报道数量要少很多，报道倾向一般较为正面。
五年中，每年的报道总倾向都有变化。9/11事件后，俄通社-塔斯社对美正面报道曾一度迅速增加，但美俄围绕伊拉克问题的冲突、第二次伊拉克战争的爆发及美英军队对伊的占领改变了这种趋势。第二次伊拉克战争结束后的三年（2003年9月11日至2006年9月10日），俄通社-塔斯社涉美报道数量及态度均趋于稳定。
从总体上看，俄通社-塔斯社新闻稿标题反映的美国形象有如下特征：政治上积极主动，对俄美关系给予重视，频繁开展峰会外交和各层次接触，着力加强两国在反恐问题上的合作；但在前苏联加盟共和国问题上采取咄咄逼人的干涉主义态度，力图影响上述国家内政，按西方标准对其进行民主化、自由化改造。经济方面，在俄罗斯加入WTO问题上采取合作态度，对获取俄罗斯能源十分热心。军事领域，傲慢自大、一意孤行、具有强烈的扩张倾向，但又陷入自设的泥淖无法自拔。社会文化领域，因报道数量较少，形象较为模糊，主要是在与俄国在航天科技合作方面十分活跃。
Abstract:
National image is an increasingly significant variable in international relations and foreign policy making process. This study analyzed the image of America and its changes over time as portrayed by the headlines of news releases of Russia’s ITAR-TASS News Agency.
The period of observation was from September 11, 2001 to September 11, 2006, within which one date out of every week was chosen randomly as sample, and all the headlines of news releases concerning America on that date were analyzed. A total of 261 dates and 1431 news items were chosen as samples.
To facilitate quantitative and qualitative analysis, five categories of theme (Politics, Economy, Military, Society, and Culture) and derivative subcategories were adopted to classify the sampled headlines’ thematic emphasis. The headlines were also content-analyzed to examine their inclinations. Five categories—positive, slightly positive, neutral, slightly negative, or negative—were established to categorize them.
The results of quantitative analysis showed that an average of 5.48 news items concerning America were released everyday by ITAR-TASS from 9/11/2001 to 9/11/2006. However, the average amount of news items varied considerably from year to year, with the periods of 9/11/2001-9/11/2002 and 9/11/2002-9/11/2003, when 9/11 Terrorist Attacks, the Afghanistan War, and the Second Iraq War occurred respectively, accounting for the highest peak value.
The results of qualitative analysis revealed that among the five themes, Politics received most coverage, accounting for almost half of the sampled headlines. Military ranked second, making up nearly one third of the total volume. Economy, Culture and Society together accounted for less than one fourth of the total volume.
A detailed analysis of thematic emphasis indicated that ITAR-TASS’ reports of America focused on foreign relations, military and US-Russia relations. In the fields of US foreign relations and military, America’s political and military relations with former Soviet republics got special attention.
As to inclinations, a majority of the headlines were neutral, yet negative and slightly negative reports vastly outnumbered positive and slightly positive reports. The ratio between them was approximately 1.7:1.
On political affairs, US-Russia relations were portrayed rather positively, yet America’s relations with other countries and international organizations fared much worse. America’s domestic politics did not receive much attention. Military was the field most negatively reported. America’s roles in the Second Iraq War and Occupation of Iraq were sharply criticized. ITAR-TASS’ reports about the Second Iraq War were mainly negative or slightly negative. Few positive headlines on that issue were located in this study. Economic affairs received much less attention compared with political and military affairs. They were generally reported positively.
The general inclinations of the headlines varied from year to year. After 9/11 Terrorist Attack, the number of ITAR-TASS’ positive reports about America were on rise for a period. However, the conflicts between America and Russia over Iraq, the following Second Iraq War, and the occupation of Iraq by US-British forces changed that trend. During the last three years in this study (911/2003—9/11/2006), after the Second Iraq War was over, the number of ITAR-TASS’ reports about America and the inclinations of those reports tended to stabilize.
In all，American image portrayed by ITAR-TASS news headlines had following characteristics: In political realm, America was highly active. It attached great importance to US-Russian relations, frequently carried out summit diplomacy as well as interactions at all levels with Russia, and promoted bilateral anti-terrorist cooperation. However, it adopted a very aggressive, interventionist stance toward other former Soviet republics and, by actively influencing their domestic politics, sought democratization and liberalization of those countries according to Western standard. In economic field, America was cooperative on Russia’s entry into WTO. It was enthusiastic in acquiring Russian energy resources. In military field, America was described as an arrogant power unwilling to listen. It showed unmistakably its expansionist tendency, yet was trapped in the self-made quagmire. In the cultural and social aspects, American image was vague due to the smallness of quantity of reports. The major characteristic was that it was very active in cooperating with Russia on aerospace science and technology.
姓名：厚筱 导师： 孙有中
论文题目（中文）： 美联社、法新社对伊拉克战争报道的比较
论文题目（英文）： A Comparative Study of Reports on Iraq War of Associated Press and Agence France
论文关键词（中文）：伊拉克战争 美联社 法新社 定量分析 定性分析
论文关键词（英文）：The Iraq War, AP, AFP, Quantitative analysis, qualitative analysis
中文摘要：
本文以研究伊拉克战争及美国在世界媒体中的形象极其变化为目的，分别从美联社和法新社2003年2月6日至2003年6月11日的伊战争报道中选取了656篇报道为样本，并利用定量分析和定性分析的方法进行分析。分析主要涉及报道主题和报道倾向，以及二者在战争开始前后所发生的变化，尤其关注两大通讯社伊战报道的语言特色及写作方法。
定量分析结果表明，尽管两大通讯社在对伊战报道中大多持中立的态度，但美联社报道中正面报道明显多于法新社，且正面报道所占的比重随着战争的临近和开展呈不断上升趋势。其次，美联社对伊战报道的新闻议题中对美国领导人、民众和士兵的正面报道居多，而对战争的负面报道较少，且较少关注战争给世界其他地区和人民所带来的影响。这验证了以往相关研究的结论，即美国媒体对伊战的报道集中在“小范围”之内。与此相比，法新社对伊战的报道着重强调世界范围内的反战运动以及战争所带来的全球性的消极影响。
定性分析发现美联社和法新社对伊战的塑造也各有侧重，美联社力求将伊拉克战争塑造成“没有受害者的解放战争”。而法新社则着重强调伊拉克战争对世界经济、政治和社会所带来的间接“冲击”。此外，定性分析还发现战争期间，美法两国在对方媒体中的形象均以负面形象为主。在美联社的报道中，法国被塑造成“忘恩负义”并且处处与美国作对的国家。而在法国媒体的眼中，美国俨然是一个孤独的超级大国、不合格的世界警察、消失的“山颠之城”。
研究表明媒体对战争的报道是有系统的偏向，与其所处的社会政治、意识形态、文化等因素息息相关。
Abstract:
As the attention of the global news media was focused on the war in Iraq in 2003, two of the world’s most influential news organizations, the Associated Press of the United States and Agence France Presse, were singled out in this study to represent media’s coverage of the Iraq war in America and France, leaders of pro-war and anti-war blocs respectively. The period of observation is from February 6, 2003 to June 11, 2003. A total of 656 stories were selected. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used to examine their respective thematic emphases and inclinations, with particular attention to the discourse characteristics and techniques they used to cover the war and the other nation.
The comparison found that although both news agencies took a neutral tone in most cases in their war coverage, AP was more favorable to the military attack than its French counterpart and such inclination was greatly reinforced with the acceleration of the war. The finding of quantitative analysis also showed that AP was more likely to focus on themes like American leaders, soldiers and public, while sidelining dissident voices within US and abroad. In other words, the American media covered a narrow range of war perspectives. Whereas in AFP coverage of the war, negative stories of widespread opposition and war consequences were highlighted. The qualitative analysis further proved the quantitative findings, showing that the war coverage of AP managed to depict the Iraq war as a liberation war without victims while AFP made much account of its knock-on effect on the world. The study also revealed that both America and France were portrayed negatively in each other’s media during the war. Theoretically, the study implied that the media construction of the war is systematically skewed in relation to certain political, ideological and cultural elements in which the media operate.
姓名：王志辉 导师： 付美榕
论文题目（中文）： 石油、军火利益集团与美国决策
论文题目（英文）： Oil and Arms Interest Groups’ Influence on the Bush Administration’s Policy Making
论文关键词（中文）：利益集团 决策 石油 军工 小布什政府
论文关键词（英文）：The Bush administration, military-industrial, Complex oil, interest groups, policymaking
中文摘要：
利益集团在当今世界各国都存在，其地位和影响因国家而异。但“世界上没有哪个国家比美国更成功地把结社的原则实践和运用于广大人民身上”。（托克维尔）在美国，随着美国政治的多元化趋势日趋明显，利益集团在美国政治中的影响力日渐增大，成为一个不可忽略的因素和变量。利益集团的研究再次引起了学术界的普遍关注和强烈兴趣。
本文所要分析研究的对象是两大传统特殊强势集团—石油集团和军工集团—对现任小布什政府的主要决策影响。由于现任美国小布什政府与利益集团的关系错综复杂，上任初期，小布什内阁通过的一些主要公共和外交政策都受到两大集团强烈的影响，带有明显的两个集团介入的痕迹。因此，研究这两大集团对小布什内阁决策影响对政策制定过程的研究具有重要意义，充分体现了利益集团作为当今美国政治中的“第三院”的地位和作用。
本文首先介绍并回顾了美国利益集团发展状况和前人主要研究成果，接着在第二章简述了小布什的政治生涯和布什家族史，突出了布什家族与石油军工集团两大传统势力的错综的紧密的联系，从历史的角度指出两大集团对布什政府的强烈的影响具有必然性，也为后文进一步分析打下基础。第三和第四章在依据相关充实的数据和可信报道的基础上，着重分析了石油利益集团和军工集团各自对小布什内阁决策的影响，阐明了布什政府在制定如环保、外交政策时屈从两大势力，置美国民众和国际社会利益于不顾，并分析归纳了两大利益集团在游说政府时所采用的策略方法。
本文采用了利益集团“铁三角”理论，金钱政治理论，并结合历史，以数据和事实为基础，得出了石油军工集团对小布什政府决策的重大影响的结论，指明在决策过程中利益集团所扮演的不可忽视的角色。本文的贡献在于从微观入手，挑选两大具有影响力的强势集团，分析它们在具体政策制定过程中如何影响政府决策的，这有别于常见的把利益集团作为一个整体来研究的课题，因而对更好地理解不同利益集团的优劣势和其对政治的影响具有一定意义。
Abstract:
Interest groups exist in most countries in the world whose influence varies greatly in different countries. Interest group is a natural and important phenomenon in the United States. Alexis de Tocqueville observed in 1834 that “in no country of the world has the principle of association been more successfully used or applied to a greater multitude of objectives than in America.” The structure of American government invites the participation of interest groups at various stages of the policymaking process. As the United States becomes more and more pluralistic, interest groups play an increasingly important role in American politics. Their impact on government policymaking can not be ignored. This thesis examines oil and arms interest groups’ impact on the George W. Bush administration’s policymaking.
Since George W. Bush was inaugurated President, his administration has exhibited close, intertwined relations with two traditional powerful interest groups—oil and arms interest groups. Due to the Bushes’ longtime intimate relationship with these two interest groups, and the pro-business stance of the Bush administration, the collaboration between the two is evident. Judging from the passage of some policies in the first term and later days, including environmental and foreign policies, the two interest groups did exert undue influence over the Bush administration’s policymaking. This thesis is conducted under the guidance of interest group theory, especially the Iron Triangle theory and the theory of money and politics.
In this thesis, Chapter one gives an introduction to American interest groups and a review of prior study of interest group study. Chapter two reveals the Bushes’ intimate relations with both powerful interest groups, and points out the historical inevitability of their impact over the Bush administration’s policymaking, thus provides the basis for the following two chapters. Based on substantial data and convincing materials, Chapter three and four revolves around some major policies that proved to be strongly influenced by these two interest groups, like in the areas of environment and foreign affairs. Specific approaches and strategies of both interest groups employed in the process are further studied.
What separates this thesis from other interest groups study is that by choosing two specific powerful interest groups closely connected with the Bush administration, it examines their strong undeniable influence over the governmental policymaking historically and theoretically, and help understand that interest groups as a whole plays an increasingly important part in American political arena.
姓名：修晨 导师： 付美榕
论文题目（中文）： 美国环保与企业权衡
论文题目（英文）： Does it Pay Business to be Green?
论文关键词（中文）：管理案例 环保 经济效益
论文关键词（英文）：Management Strategy, Environmental Protection, Profitability
中文摘要：
三十年来中国经济持续高速增长，但也付出了沉重的环境代价。国人现在不仅面对消失的森林和失衡的生态，而是我们最基本的生存质量在受到日益威胁，是每日呼吸的高铅尾气，每日食用的农药残余和多层净化也依然不再甘甜的饮用水。有鉴于此，政府近来出台了一系列环保政策，包括节能减排工作问责制和“一票否决”制。污染严重的项目，利润再高也得下马。政府治理环境的决心显而易见，然而是否必须在经济与环境之间做出选择？为实现双赢的可能，本文以寻找能将环境保护与经济效益结合的方法为出发点，重点分析了六个与环保相关的美国商业案例，并通过实地采访等手段对中国青岛三家具有代表性的企业进行了调查，以了解中国企业环境管理的现状及美国公司经验的适用性。
文章首先进行宏观背景分析，介绍七十年代以来美国环境政策的发展与成效，探索美国公司采取环保策略的动因。其次，结合经济理论，特别是成本收益分析(CBA)，分析经济与环境双赢的几种可能及实现方法，并进行分类讨论。之后，将理论联系实际，文章进一步从增加收益与节约成本两方面对六家美国公司实际环保策略案例进行详细分析，并介绍产品差异化，竞争对手管理以及降低成本等传统公司管理方法在环保方面的应用。最后文章给出对青岛啤酒，海尔及青岛发电厂的环境管理现状报告，并简要分析美国公司经验对于中国本土公司的适用性。
案例分析表明，采用产品差异化策略的企业将环保理念融入生产，设计，营销等各个环节，以赢得消费者的认可并防止竞争对手模仿，成功增加销售利润。竞争对手管理策略可分为建立行业标准和影响政府法规两类，以使资本及研发能力雄厚的企业获得更多成本优势，增加其他同行业公司成本。而传统的成本管理方法不仅可以帮助企业节省原材料，能源等生产性成本，还能减少废物排放，避免污染罚款等政策性成本。与美国企业相比，中国企业目前政策性压力较小，科技与资本积累有限，故较少采用影响政府法规限制竞争者等竞争对手管理策略，多采用产品差异化（如海尔的绿色家电系列）及成本管理的策略（如青岛啤酒的高效低耗酿造技术以及青岛发电厂海水脱硫项目）。
通过采用一些传统的管理学方法如产品差异化及竞争对手管理，不论中国还是美国企业都有可能抵消环保投入带来的成本增加，甚至扩大市场份额，赢得额外收益。本文的分析希望能对中国企业的管理者有所启发，实现环保与效益双赢，并在此思路基础上不断探索，实践，真正实现人与自然的和谐共存。
Abstract:
The background of this paper sets in contemporary China. While the Asian powerhouse’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) registers double-digit growth, an ever-increasing pressure has been exerted on her environment. This unpleasant side effect has become more and more prominent to the point that Government is willing to compromise some economic development to redress environmental issues. It seems that one must make a choice between the apparent two archrivals.
This paper challenges the above phenomenon, and explores various means to achieve both economic and environmental successes. After a brief review of the American environmental policies in the past three decades and their effects, this paper proposes therewith a thesis that the aggregate benefits gained from including environmental considerations into business operations may outweigh the total costs of doing so. This thesis is thereafter backed by theoretical analysis, and supported by real-life examples of how six American companies managed to green their business while generating net returns to their shareholders.
Subsequently, the proposed thesis is extended into the Chinese context. With field research of three representative Chinese companies, this study also examines current environmental management practices in Chinese companies and assesses the feasibility and viability of adopting the American approach in China.
Finally, this paper concludes that by using conventional management strategies like product differentiation and cost reduction, it is possible, if not certain, to reconcile shareholder value and environmental performance in both American and Chinese contexts.
With this, the paper might provide some useful knowledge for Chinese business managers to profit more while polluting less. It is hoped that the findings would also contribute to the academic world on the interactions between preserving Nature and generating revenue.
姓名：谢超 导师： 李期铿
论文题目（中文）： 次国家政府与国际政治
论文题目（英文）： Sub-national Governments and World Politics
论文关键词（中文）：
国际关系 次国家政府 美国政治 联邦制度
论文关键词（英文）：International relations, subnational governments, American Politics, federalism
中文摘要：
在当今的国际关系领域中，我们注意到一类全新的行为体，即次国家政府，正在向国际领域和外交舞台渗透，并日益发挥其影响和作用。次国家政府的定义区别于国家政府和非政府组织等传统的国际行为体。首先，次国家政府是对一国较小范围的领土享有管理权限的政府机构；其次，与不属于政府、不由国家建立的非政府组织不同，次国家政府隶属于国家政府，接受后者的管辖。较小组织架构带来的灵活性使得其可以更好地反映基层民众的意愿，而政府部门的特性使得其可以有效地参与和影响国家外交决策过程。可以说，在当今的国际政治中，次国家政府通过对国家外交决策的渗透，正成为重要的国际行为者；次国家层次的意愿和要求也开始越来越多地投射在国际舞台上，并成为一个卓有成效的国际政治参与者。
本论文以美国次国家行为体——即州和地方政府——作为案例，按空间顺序展开讨论，对次国家政府国际行为中来自国际、国家和地方等层面的推拉力量进行了动力分析。国际层面，全球化进程不断加快，世界正成为一个相互影响、相互依存的地球村，国际事务对州和地方政府带来了前所未有的冲击，地方事务的管理也不可避免地影响了国际事件的进程，相互影响之下也在改变既定的联邦政府和州及地方政府的权力分工；联邦层面，现代社会事务的纷繁复杂和地方利益的日益多样化使得联邦政府越来越难协调各方利益，难以形成一致的行动计划，这导致联邦政府虽然规模不断扩大但仍然难以实现面面俱到的管理；而在地方层面，高科技的通讯技术使得信息流动更加顺畅，消息面的拓宽增强了个人的知识能力和分析能力，民众开始越来越多的要求其意愿反映到国家外交决策中。全球化促使次国家政府走向前台，而联邦制度下地方政府享有的特定权力也让次国家政府具备了走出之前指定角色范围的条件。可以肯定地说，州和地方政府日益活跃的国际行为是国际、联邦和地方层面因素相互作用的产物。
值得一提的是，有关本论题的过往论述大多是集中在特定领域（如经济问题、人权问题或环境问题），只是针对特定领域下发生的州和地方政府外交行为进行总结，而且有关历史上，特别是二十世纪七十年代以前的州和地方政府外交行为鲜有涉及。而本文通过对州和地方政府对国家外交的渗透趋势进行深入论证和分析，总结了州和地方政府的国际行为及其行为动机，论证了在国际行为体日益多样化的背景下，次国家行为体对外交领域的渗透是多层次力量相互作用的结果。本论文还充分认识到美国联邦制度对本论文所论证议题的重要性，回顾了美国联邦主义条件下州权和联邦权力的演变过程，为州和地方政府的外交权力渗透找寻制度依据和历史依据。同时，本论文还提供了丰富的实例，对州和地方政府的国际行为方式进行了总结。
改革开放以来，中国各级地方政府的国际交流活动也在飞速增加，在促进中国各项事业快速发展的同时，也对中央政府管理各级地方政府的国际行为提出了新的要求，为中央政府和各级政府提高管理效率带来了新的课题。本文以美国的州和地方政府为案例，对次国家政府外交行为进行分析和总结，力图理清次国家外交战略的构成机制，从而为国家外交战略惠及更广泛人群、实现国家外交目标提供新的渠道。而理解次国家政府在国家外交战略中的作用和地位更有助于提高政府对国际事务和形势做出有效反应，提高政府管理水平和效率。
Abstract:
In the current international relations, it is noticed that a new type of actors, i.e. subnational governments, are penetrating into foreign affair arena and beginning to be seen an increasing role in world politics. The subnational governments are in nature quite different from traditional international actors such as national governments and non-governmental organizations. On one hand, they are governmental institutions that have governance authority only over a comparatively small area in a sovereign country, which also means they are more flexible and responsive to the grassroots’ concern for the outside world; on the other hand, unlike non-governmental organizations which are established by other institutions rather than governments, subnational units are part of the government system and hence have more direct and efficient channels to influence the foreign policy making process. With such characteristics, it is safe to predict that subnational governments will play an increasing role in world politics and their activities can be more visible on the international stage.
This paper, with the state and local governments in the United States as the case, explores the issue in a spatial order and depicts the picture of how forces from international, national and subnational levels are interacting with each other to realize their more ardent role. In a general view, international factors are pulling subnational governments to walk on the front international stage while national and subnational factors are pushing them to walk out of previously designated role. In terms of international setting, a changed international security environment and the solidification of global interdependence in the economic, resources, and environmental domains have pushed more states and locals to take actions to address the resulting impacts on them. On the federal setting, the central government is too large and remote to protect and promote local culture and local interest in a unified way, simply because of the large number of issues involved and the increasing diversity of local interests. On the local level, modern communication technology and resulting efficient access to international events have expanded the individuals’ horizon and sharpened their analytic skills; individuals begin to want more of their concerns reflected in the national foreign policy making.
This thesis notices that the primary focus of current literature on the impact of subnational foreign affairs on the foreign policy process has been conducted respectively in policy segmentation, often dealing with specific economic, political, and cultural policies. Noting the narrowness of current literature, this thesis analyzes the motives and mechanism of subnational foreign affairs and demonstrates that the international activities conducted by state and local governments occur in an international system with increasingly diversified actors and that such penetration into the sphere of foreign relations is the outcome of interactions on various force levels. This paper also summarizes the way they extend their influence. It is believed that with a clearer picture of pull-and-push forces of the subnational foreign affairs mechanism in the example of the United States, it should be helpful in understanding the complementing role of subnational units in national foreign policy making and improving governmental responsiveness and efficiency as a whole.
In the process of China’s reform and opening up, provincial and municipal governments in China are also beginning to play certain role in foreign affairs. This brings a new area for national governance over international issues because such a trend of subnational penetration into foreign policy arena is also a reflection of local activism. The experience of U.S. state and local governments in foreign policy arena can be used as a reference for China’s economic and political adjustment in the era of globalization. By studying the American federal system of foreign policy making, we can also use it as a reference in the current debate over China’s political reform to enhance government efficiency to make it reach out to as broad a population as possible.
姓名：杨舒怡 导师： 李期铿
论文题目（中文）： 约翰逊参议员与1957年民权法案
论文题目（英文）： How Did Senator Lyndon Johnson Steer the Civil Rights Act of 1957 through the Senate
论文关键词（中文）：美国国会 参议院 林登 约翰逊 民权法
论文关键词（英文）：American Congress, Senate, Lyndon Johnson, Civil Rights Act
中文摘要：
林登•贝恩斯•约翰逊作为美国第三十六任总统，以其“伟大社会”改革计划以及越战升级这两件事而留在人们的记忆里。鉴于人们总是把一个政治家的总统任期看作他的事业高峰和政治精华，因此我们也就不难理解约翰逊在人们心目中的地位首先是一位美国总统，至于他在成为总统之前的政治生涯反倒为人们所淡忘。
其实早在二十世纪五十年代，约翰逊已经是美国国会中一位叱咤风云的政治人物。从1949年到1961年的十多年间，约翰逊作为一位成功的参议员，不但影响力颇丰，而且还对参议院这个传统而又保守的机构进行了一定的改革。
二十世纪五十年代，美国的民权运动初露端倪。国会中的参议院却依然故我，保守顽固。尽管民权法的提案一再提上日程，然而参议院却一次又一次地将其扼杀。参议院在职位的任命过程中讲究论资排辈，而内部权力又控制在南方民主党人手中。早在美国建国伊始，宪法的起草者们就已经决定把参议院设计成一个保护少数者的利益、防止多数人实施暴政的机构。
作为一个南方的民主党人，约翰逊在1937年到1956年之间的二十年里始终保持着反对民权法案的记录。然而不同于其他的南方民主党人的是，约翰逊并不把参议院生涯看作是自己的最高政治理想。对他来说，成为美国总统才是自己的终极目标。由于总统候选人必须树立一个较为稳健的整体形象，既不能过于激进，又不能过于保守，因此约翰逊必须改变自己的保守形象。一方面，他需要同南方集团保持距离；另一方面，他又需要借助南方集团的支持来获取参议院内部的高位。
正是由于约翰逊的特殊政治理想，所以他所规划的政治道路不同于其他的南方民主党人。当约翰逊意识到自己必须在1957年改变形象时，他不但一改自己的政治立场，转而支持民权法，而且还成为推动该法案的核心领军人物。正是由于约翰逊的政治天赋以及不懈努力，这部民权法才能越过重重障碍，于1957年顺利通过参议院的表决。
综观目前学术界的研究状况，针对约翰逊的总统任期、美国国会中的参议院以及民权运动这三个板块的内容分别有不少研究成果，甚至可说是硕果累累。但是很少有人以约翰逊的参议员生涯为重心，结合参议院这一独特的政治机构，以民权法案作为切入点而加以考察。中国学者对美国国会的研究主要集中在与中国利益相关的问题上，例如美国国会对外交政策、中美关系、对华贸易政策以及台湾问题等的影响。此外，中国学者更多地关注二十世纪八十年代后的国会机制，对之前的历史则有所忽视。
在美国的权力制衡机制下，国会与总统之间存在着既斗争又合作的微妙关系。参议院作为美国政治生活中的制动器，发挥着保护少数者的利益、防止社会被过激思潮所左右的作用。总统在对外事务上或许更为活跃，但是国会在立法前沿仍然举足重轻。总统若想有效地实施自己的施政方案，对国内选民以及其它国家兑现自己的诺言，就必须赢得国会的支持与合作。因此，中国学者应该更加重视对美国国会，尤其是参议院的研究与分析。除了关注当前的国会运作机制，对其较早的历史事件也应该给予充分的重视。毕竟，参议院作为一个保守的机构，其本质属性及基本特征得到了较大程度的继承。与对外政策相比，国内问题更是参议院的关注重心，因此我们可以通过美国的国内问题来研究参议院以及参议员的运作体系。
二十世纪五十年代是美国从动乱的二战过渡到动荡的六十年代的一段特殊时期。其间，民权问题逐渐浮出水面，成为社会的热点聚焦。研究这段时期内参议院在民权法问题上的运作，无疑能够加深我们对美国参议院机制的认识。
本文结合了人（参议员）与事（民权法的斗争、协商过程以及最终通过）两方面因素，在民权运动的历史背景与参议院运作的政治体系这两个大框架下，考察了约翰逊的政治理想、政治途径以及政治手腕，详述了约翰逊是如何团结各派力量，使这部民权法成功地通过参议院的表决。
Abstract:
Lyndon Baines Johnson, the thirty-six president of the United States, is mostly remembered for his “Great Society” social reforms as well as the expansion of the Vietnam War. Since the presidency is presumably the peak—and hence the essence—of one’s political life, it is only normal that people tend to remember Lyndon Johnson as a president of the United States. As for Johnson’s political achievements before he ascended presidency, little do people remember, and far less do people care.
However, Lyndon Johnson was already one of the most powerful politicians in the Senate in the 1950s. From 1949 to 1961, Johnson established himself as a successful senator, managing to wield his influence over the Senate and even make some institutional changes to that traditional brake against social changes.
When civil rights tide rose high in the 1950s, the Senate stood as firm as ever against this tide. Civil rights bills reached the Senate again and again, yet got defeated again and again. Designed to protect minority rights within the framework of majority rule, the Senate featured a combination of seniority system and southern Democrats’ control.
As a southerner, Lyndon Johnson had voted against civil rights measures from 1937 to 1956. But unlike other southerners, Johnson had a higher ambition: the presidency. The presidential dream required him to project a moderate national image of himself rather than a conservative southerner. Johnson had to avoid being identified with the South while maintaining the support of the Southern Bloc.
This political ambition determined Johnson’s political path. In 1957, Johnson saw the urgency to reverse his anti-civil rights record. Not only did he change his political stance at the particular time, but he became the key supporter of the civil rights bill. It was due to Johnson’s political talent and unrelenting effort that the civil rights bill got passed in the Senate in 1957.
While one can find an abundance of isolated works on President Johnson, the Senate and the civil rights cause, there exist no comparable studies of Lyndon Johnson’s performance as a senator, in general, and of his role of steering the first civil rights act since 1876 through the Senate, in particular. Little research is done that combines Lyndon Johnson’s senatorial performance, the Senate’s functioning system and civil rights legislation.
Chinese scholars pay more attention to issues that concern China, such as the Senate’s influence on American foreign policy, on U.S.-China relations, on the Taiwan Issue, and on U.S.-China commercial relations. Besides, Chinese scholars tend to focus on the past two or three decades. Little research on U.S. Congress is done in terms of 1950s.
The U.S. Congress plays a significant role in American society. The Senate, as a great deliberative body, often serves as a dominant arena for political battles. Under the dynamic system of checks and balances, presidents and Congress have their own ways of checking each other. Generally, presidents could be very active in terms of foreign affairs, but the Congress may have more power across a broad front of legislative issues. Without the support of the Congress, especially the Senate, presidents could hardly carry out their promises, either to other countries or to American domestic society. It is therefore very important for us Chinese to understand how the Senate operates and influences America’s national affairs. As a conservative brake, the Senate preserves most of what the Founding Fathers have designed. The essential features of the Senate system have not changed much over the years. With a great deal of congressional research addressing recent decades, it is important that we do not neglect lessons from earlier history.
The complacent, conservative 1950s is the period that follows WWII and forebodes the turbulent 1960s. Civil rights issue gradually became a hot topic at that time. Since the Congress usually shows more interest and put more efforts in America’s domestic affairs than in foreign affairs, it makes sense that we observe U.S. Senate through a most contentious domestic issue of the day, the civil rights legislation.
This paper tends to analyze U.S. Senate and one particular senator through the civil rights issue. With both political and historical studies, it combines the elements of people, events, and historical as well as institutional background.
姓名：庄颖 导师： 滕继萌
论文题目（中文）： 从《世贸中心》影评看后9.11时代精神中的“行动-反行动”模式
论文题目（英文）： Decoding Post-9/11 Zeigeist through World Trade Center: A Film of Conformity or Confrontation?
论文关键词（中文）：911 奥利弗·斯通 恐怖主义 《世贸中心》
论文关键词（英文）：9/11, Oliver Stone, Terrorism, World Trade Center
中文摘要：
通过对奥利弗•斯通的电影作品《世贸中心》的个案研究，本文讨论了后911时代美国政治文化话语中普遍存在的一种固定模式。作者回顾了美国学术界和好莱坞电影中持不同政见者围绕911事件所进行的辩论，总结了这些观点的共同特点，并将其与持“非主流观点”的诺厄姆•乔姆斯基的观点进行对比发现，在对911事件、政府相关政策以及“恐怖主义”一词的定义等方面，反对意见都遵循了一个严格定义的话语模式，该模式的存在同时也影响了人们对美国政治及后911时代相关主题电影产生的反响和对其做出的评判。尽管这些声音从表面上看都对政府政策持反对意见，但他们往往无法跳出既定的思考模式以及“恐怖主义”一词的官方定义，因此也无法触及对911进行有效反思所需要解决的核心问题——如何在历史背景下看待911事件发生的原因，以及如何准确定义“恐怖主义”。在个案研究部分，本文运用乔姆斯基就“恐怖主义”提出的观点以及斯图尔特•霍尔的相关理论来重新定义《世贸中心》的主题，作者认为，这部影片并未如很多评论所言那样屈服于当前的时代精神，相反，该片是导演斯通冲破当前主流政治话语的禁锢、重新审视这一悲剧事件的起因以及可能的解决方法的一次成功尝试。
Abstract:
Through the case study of Oliver Stone’s World Trade Center, this thesis investigates a general pattern of political and cultural discourse in the context of Post-9/11 America. More specifically, the author explore the ways that 9/11-related issues has been coded in academia and Hollywood film production by examining academic dissenting voices and similar cinematic themes. By looking into some of the typical publications of dissent in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 and comparing them with the “alternative voice” of Noam Chomsky, this research reveals that a well-defined discourse pattern lies beneath the seemingly critical stance on issues of 9/11 and terrorism and how this framework confines people’s reaction to and reflection over politics and cinematic themes related to this event. Indeed, although these dissenting voices appear, ostensibly, to be critical of government policies, it composes themselves well within a defined parameter and perpetuates dominant perceptions of “terrorism”. Such rigidly confined dissent fails to break the government propagandist crust into the core issue discussed by Chomsky–how 9/11 attacks should be viewed historically and how to perceive “terrorism” literally. As a case study, through the analysis that combines the insights of Chomsky’s notion of terrorism as well as tools derived from studies in meaning production and transmission, this thesis ventures to redefine WTC, which has generally been reviewed as conforming to the zeitgeist, as a successful efforts to break away from the conventional framework and look into the origin of and remedy to the tragic event.
姓名：马青芳 导师： 滕继萌
论文题目（中文）： 原始性：哈莱姆文艺复兴期间黑人的困境
论文题目（英文）： Primitivism: Negro Dilemma during the Harlem Renaissance
论文关键词（中文）：原始性 话语 歧视 种族意识 哈莱姆文艺复兴
论文关键词（英文）：Primitivism stereotype discourse, racial prejudice, the Harlem Renaissance, Racial awareness
中文摘要：
二十世纪二十年代见证了美国历史在这一时期的风云变幻。伴随着美国经济的繁荣，工业化，城市化的迅猛发展，消费主义，享乐主义，反叛传统文化及价值观等现象层出不穷。而这一时期也目睹了美国黑人在文化，种族意识等方面的觉醒。被誉为黑人文艺复兴时期或者哈莱姆文艺复兴时期，二十年代是美国黑人历史上一段璀璨的时期。在这期间，美国黑人以崭新的面貌，开始重新审视其历史，文化，民俗等等。被誉为“新黑人”的他们，创造了许多不朽的诗篇，小说，音乐等等。可以说，二十年代在美国历史，以及美国黑人历史中占据了极其重要的位置。
哈莱姆文艺复兴阶段，“新黑人”用自己的语言开始重新界定自己民族特点，自己的历史。在创作过程中，美国黑人知识分子争取用自己的语言诠释本民族人民，从而对白人关于黑人的歧视性话语建构的挑战进行了一次大胆的尝试。同时，由于白人在文化，经济，政治等各方面占有的主导性地位，黑人在改变白人对其歧视性话语的过程中也遇到了很大的困难与阻力。本文使用话语权理论（the theory of discourse）描述和分析了美国白人关于黑人原始性话语（the discourse of black primitivism）在哈莱姆文艺复兴期间所扮演的角色。
本文着重研究和分析了以下几方面：哈莱姆文艺复兴期间黑人原始性话语对促进黑人文化运动的作用，在黑人创造过程所出现的白人过渡干涉，黑人作家内部对于黑人原始性的分歧等现象。在这一过程中，本文发现黑人原始性这一话语对于当时美国的黑白关系有着巨大的影响：这一具有偏见性的特殊话语使美国白人在全面认识黑人及其文化时具有局限性，同时对于黑人的自由表达也有一定的负面影响。
Abstract:
The Harlem Renaissance, the flourishing and glamorous period of Negro cultural and literary movement, without any doubt, brought black literature, art, music, life, etc. in vogue. At the same time, however, it also projected a stereotype of primitivism on blacks which was sought by Whites and approached by certain black writers like Claude McKay, Langston Hughes, Zora Neale Hurston and others. Actually, when the white people turned to the term of primitivism with new positive meanings, it played a beneficial role in initiating the whites’ fascination with black culture and thus aiding the popularity of black literature.
However, during the Harlem Renaissance, primitivism as a theme dealt by many black intellectuals aided their success but confined their writing as well, hence contributed to the division of the black writers and the white patrons. Besides, primitivism also led to the division between the blacks: middle class blacks like Du Bois roundly criticized this theme and those devoted to it. In fear of furthering the negative image of blacks who were already stereotyped as uncivilized and incompatible with Western civilizations, the middle class intelligentsia strongly opposed presenting blacks as primitive being tinged of impulse, devoid of restraints, exoticness, crudeness, etc. While the younger writers like Langston Hughes highlighted artistic freedom, intended to “express their individual dark-skinned selves without fear or shame,” and wanted to write whatever they thought to demonstrate the trueness of black life or nature.
Taking American social and cultural history into consideration, the discussion of primitivism during the New Negro Renaissance could not be free from racial understanding and relationship. In fact, the preexisting stereotypes and discourses of white Americans functioned fundamentally in shaping racial issues along history and during the Harlem Renaissance Period. Therefore, this paper, by applying the discourse theory, will explore the role of primitivism as a special discourse during the Harlem Renaissance. In so doing, it has found out that the discourse of black primitivism had generated serious consequences for black Americans and thus was effective in shaping racial issues and racial relations.
姓名：潘婧 导师： 李莉文
论文题目（中文）： 论美国学生反战热情的缺失
论文题目（英文）： What Has Stolen the Heat from Students’ Anti-war Criticism?
论文关键词（中文）：学生激进主义 抗战游行 伊拉克战争 越战
论文关键词（英文）：Student activism, anti-war protests, IraqWar, VietnamWar
中文摘要：
伊拉克战争开战以来，美军在伊的伤亡人数几乎每天都被刷新。无论美军如何加强防范，伊武装分子的袭击事件还是频频发生。美国深陷于伊战泥沼的窘境与其上世纪六七十年代在越南战争中的处境十分相似。虽然美国政府今天面临的困境与越战相似，但伊战期间美国国内的反战活动却远不及上世纪六十年代。这一差距在上世纪六十年代抗战运动中曾起到领导作用的大学生身上体现得尤为明显。伊战爆发后，除了在校内或学校附近零星爆发的小规模抗战游行外，美国大学生在总的抗战运动中只扮演了一个不起眼的配角。在美国长久以来对大学校园内“自由主义偏见”争论不休的大背景下，美国大学生缺失抗战热情显得尤为引人注目。
本文正是从这一现状出发，试图从美国大学生的思想观念中寻找他们缺失抗战热情的原因。一些评论人士把这种现象归因为政府没有实行征兵政策。这固然可能是原因之一，但这种观点的提出大多只是主观设想，没有对大学生本身想法进行全面、深入的分析。本文通过重点分析美国八所知名大学校报中针对伊拉克战争的评论性文章，以寻找大学生缺失抗战热情的原因。在对评论性文章的分析过程中，作者创建了一个以“学校”、“地理位置”、“发文时间”、“文章主题”和“作者整体态度”为五大变量的模型。为了更加公正地对“作者整体态度”进行归类，本文作者在分析过程中使用了鉴定理论的最基本分析衡量尺度，经过仔细的语篇分析将文章归为“强烈支持”，“带保留支持”、“中立”、“带保留反对”和“强烈反对”五类态度。
本文共分为三个部分：开头介绍，定量和定性分析以及结尾。其中，在定量分析部分作者在细致分析了1067篇评论文章的基础上，得出了校报中对伊战评论文章的整体态度趋势。然后，作者分析了各个时间段各种态度文章在数量上的变化从而揭示了外部环境和战争局势对学生思想的影响。最后，作者对比了所选的八所大学的校报，从而揭示彼此之间的区别和相同点。
定性分析部分旨在从校报评论文章中探寻大学生抗战热情不高涨的原因。作者经过分析得出了一系列原因。首先，恐怖主义以及9.11袭击所造成的心理阴影仍未完全消除。从意识形态方面看，布什政府将伊拉克战争定位并描绘成一场传播民主、促进自由经济的正义之战，这使得学生们反对政府战争政策缺乏充分的理由。此外，上世纪六十年代后期抗战青年留下的“激进莽撞”的形象以及今天对“激进的抗战活动”日趋保守化的定义，使今天的学生们在考虑参加示威游行时受到一定程度的心理制约。随着战争的进行，一些原本反战的学生逐渐陷于在反战运动倡导者提出的立即撤军和布什总统提出的“继续完成伊拉克使命”中难以抉择的困境。如很多人所指出的那样，征兵政策的确是影响学生们抗战激情的原因之一。然而，比征兵政策更为重要的是在这些精英大学中越来越多的学生来自非常富裕的家庭，而战争的大多数压力和痛苦通常是由比较贫困的人承受的，所以大多数富家子弟无法切身感受到战争所带来的痛苦。这一点决定了他们不会对抗战事业过于热衷。此外，大多数家境富庶的学生享受优越的生活条件，消费主义早已在他们的思想中根深蒂固。上世纪六十年代的青年学生反对消费主义，反对束缚人性的标准化社会准则以及金钱至上的既定生活方式，反战对于他们而言从一定程度上是对其他社会现象不满的一种宣泄，而今天的学生并不具备这种反叛和挑战当权者的心理倾向。同时，学生们对环保、高额学费等伊战以外的一些更为贴近现实生活的问题的关注也在一定程度上转移了他们的抗战热情。最后，很大一部分对伊拉克战争存在异议的大学生们选择通过政治选举来改变国家政策, 这也是抗战运动不高涨的原因之一。
结尾部分是对前文的总结。作者指出在美国精英大学中批判伊拉克战争的学生比例要高于普通民众中持相同看法人的比例。但是他们的批判也是带保留的保守批判，随着战争的不断拖延，他们的激情也已慢慢退去。
要强调一点，本文讨论的学生“激进主义”只限于讨论大学生参加抗战示威游行这种明显的激进主义表现形式，参加选举和相关网络反战活动等其他激进主义表现形式不在所讨论的“激进主义”范围内。
Abstract:
With the death toll of American soldiers in Iraq hitting on new record highs almost every single day and insurgent attacks happening now and then despite all preventative efforts, the quagmire of Iraq War bears a growing resemblance to the tragic American experience in Vietnam War in the 1960s. While the US government predicament is similar, today’s anti-war protests and demonstrations are no match to the Vietnam War years. No group demonstrates this contrast more obvious than the college and university students who used to play a leading role in the 1960s’ anti-Vietnam War movement. Despite small-scale sporadic anti-war protests on and off campus, students’ participation in anti-war protests remained an impotent presence. This impotency seems stark when viewed against the backdrop of the fierce campus liberal bias debate.
Based on that observation, this thesis makes an attempt to look into university students’ minds to find out what has depleted their enthusiasm in anti-war protests. A number of critics have taken the absence of a draft as the explanation. But this point of view often lacks an in-depth and comprehensive research based on the thoughts of the students themselves. This thesis will try to dig for reasons based on a self-created database of opinion articles collected from the campus newspapers of 8 elite universities in the United States. In processing the opinion articles, a model of five variables (location, school, issue time, subtopics and overall attitude) is established. To achieve the most impartiality, the basic tools of appraisal theory have been employed in the content analysis of each opinion article before signing it to one of the five attitudinal category (SS, SR, N, OR undefinedamp; SR).
The paper is mainly divided into three parts: introduction, quantitative undefinedamp; qualitative analysis and conclusion. In the quantitative analysis part, based on the content analysis of all 1067 opinion articles, the thesis first reveals the general tendency of the all campus newspaper opinion articles. Then, it looks at the periodical features of the articles to see whether the students’ political views changed along the time and how much they were affected by the development of the war. Finally, the thesis compares individual schools with the rest to reveal differences and similarities.
The qualitative analysis part explores the reasons for the university students’ lukewarm enthusiasm in anti-war protests. The reasons are complicated. First, psychologically, the students are still somehow overcastted by terrorism and the lingering fear of 9.11 Attack. Ideologically, the Bush administration’s framing of Iraq War in terms of delivering democracy and promoting free economy gave the students fewer reasons to defy the war policies. Besides, with a more conservative political climate and a more reserved criterion for “radical protests”, students today can not help feeling restrained by the stereotyped image of “radical and reckless” anti-war protesters. Moreover, when the war dragged on, some students who were basically anti-war were torn between the choices of immediate withdrawal as proposed by the anti-war protesters and “stay-the-course” proposal by President Bush since immediate withdrawal would probably leave Iraq in more serious turmoil. As has been pointed by many, the absence of draft is also among the many reasons. However, more important than the draft, the social privilege of students of elite universities who are from increasingly rich families has rendered the students more secluded from the suffering and the burden of war which are usually shouldered by the less wealthy underprivileged people. Furthermore, the well-off students are deeply entrenched with consumerism and material amenities. Unlike their 1960s’ counterparts who were eager to find a cause to rebel against the establishment out of discontent with consumerism, social norms that stifled human nature and the money-oriented established way of life, students today are less inclined to rebel against the authority in a serious way. Also, today’s university students have too many other concerns to fully engage themselves in the anti-war cause, environmental protection and high tuition being two of their many concerns. Last but not least, even if the students do feel the strong urge to voice their disapproval of the government they are more likely to do it through the convenient and legitimate way of voting in elections, which to a significant extent has diverted the students’ anti-war enthusiasm.
The conclusion wraps up the thesis and pointed out that for all the above mentioned reasons the students of the elite American universities remain more liberal and critical of the America’s Iraq War policy than the general public. However, they have shown a reserved tone in their criticism and their enthusiasm wears off as the war drags on.
I would like to emphasize that the students’ activism this thesis discusses is only limited to the more explicit form of activism, that is, the students’ willingness to participation in street protests and demonstrations. Other possible forms of anti-war activism like voting and activities through internet are excluded from the concept of “activism” in the discussion.
姓名：鞠婧琦 导师： 郭亚玲
论文题目（中文）： 布什政府的信仰与社区行动倡议
论文题目（英文）： George W. Bush’s Faith-based and Community Initiative
论文关键词（中文）：乔治.W.布什 信仰与社区行动倡议 基督教右翼
论文关键词（英文）：George W. Bush, Faith-based And Community Initiative, Christian Right
中文摘要：
布什总统自2001年上台以来，一项非常重要的国内政策就是信仰与社区行动倡议。布什把这项倡议作为社会福利改革的重要内容。这项政策的宗旨在于支持从事社会服务的宗教慈善团体，使它们有资格申请并获得联邦政府社会福利拨款并且扩大慈善捐款的免税额。然而这政策自提出至今，在美国社会引起了一场激烈的争论。本文通过对该政策产生的政治、宗教背景及社会影响来分析信仰与社区行动倡议的实质，探讨究竟哪部分人是信仰与社区行动倡议的受益者。作者认为支持布什总统的基督教右翼团体从该项政策受益，布什总统通过信仰与社区行动倡议回报了他的基督教右翼大本营，从而巩固了保守主义阵营。
相对于其他西方民主国家，美国呈现出的是宗教多元化及宗教组织势力的强大。宗教在美国社会生活中一直都占有重要地位。从二十世纪七十年代开始，福音派信徒为抵制美国社会日益世俗化而开展了新基督右翼运动。这场政治运动的影响力直达国会，并进而影响人们的日常生活，其结果就是以政治手段重新界定美国社会的性质。布什入主白宫和他领导的共和党人在国会占据优势使得基督教右翼势力步入美国政治生活的中心。尽管关于基督教右翼势力的著作很多，不少主流媒体也对信仰与社区行动倡议进行评价和讨论，但是很少有人从学术研究的角度，将信仰与社区行动倡议和基督教右翼结合起来探讨二者的紧密关系。本文指出，信仰与社区行动倡议从酝酿到实施都体现了基督教右翼的价值观念和政治诉求，它对于改革社会福利方面的意义并不显著。
本文大致分为六个部分。第一部分为开头介绍。接下来讲述了基督教右翼兴起的历史背景以及他们对一些相关社会问题的立场，即反对堕胎、敌视同性恋人群、提倡禁欲教育和反对征税。第三部分回顾了信仰与社区行动倡议的渊源、酝酿过程以及它的政策形成过程。第四部分通过具体的数字与事例说明了基督教右翼从得到信仰与社区行动倡议中得到了大量资助，广大纳税人的钱被宗教右翼用来反对堕胎、进行禁欲教育和宗教灌输等一些活动。第五部分是对信仰与社区行动倡议的深入分析，说明其如何体现基督教右翼的价值观念和政治诉求。最重要的一点是这项倡议严重威胁到了美国宪法第一修正案中的政教分离原则。最后，本文的结论是信仰与社区行动倡议是一项迎合基督教右翼大本营的政策，它主要为政治服务，在改善民生方面并没有起到显著作用，从本质上为基督教右翼的意识形态所左右。
Abstract:
After his inauguration, one of the most important domestic policies of President George W. Bush’s is the Faith-based and Community Initiative. It proposes to provide government funds for churches that offer social service programs to the needy. The policy’s second aspect was a proposed tax break to make it worthwhile for individuals to contribute more of their money to charities. Since the day it was announced, this policy initiative triggered great controversy in the American society. It raises serious issues of religious autonomy, constitutionality, government intervention and public accountability. This is an actually very complicated policy and this thesis aims to discuss the essence of it. The author believes the Faith-based and Community Initiative is a spoils system for the Christian Right. It is born out of the Christian Right camp and manifests the philosophical mythology and political intentions of the Christian Right.
It is known that America is unique among western democracies in the intensity of its moral politics. Compared with other western countries, America is remarkable for both its religious diversity and the strength of its religious institutions. Religion has been playing an important role in the social and political life of America. Rising in the 1970s of the twentieth century, the New Christian Right movement has been a prominent force in American society. Their influence has penetrated into the Congress and everyday life of Americans. With the election of George W. Bush as the president of the United States and the Republican victory in the Congress, they ascended the peak of influence. There have been piles of works on the New Christian Right and mainstream media has thoroughly discussed about the Faith-based and Community Initiative. However, the inter-relationship of the Faith-based and Community Initiative and the rise of the Christian Right have not yet been completely done in a comprehensive single academic study. The author examines how the Christian Right closely involved in the formation and implementation process of the Faith-based and Community Initiative.
This thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter I is the introduction part. From Chapter II to Chapter V is the main body of this thesis. Chapter II is an overview of the Christian Right, including the historical background and their relevant issues. The incubation and formation process of the Faith-based and Community Initiative is discussed in Chapter III. By providing exact figures and examples, Chapter IV tries to prove that Christian conservatives supporting President Bush’s agenda on abortion and other social issues are rewarded millions of dollars in taxpayer funds. Chapter V discusses the deeper aspects of this Faith-based and Community Initiative by examining the most debated problems it has raised. The philosophical mythology and political intentions of the Christian right reflected in faith-based and Community Initiative will be analyzed in this chapter. The most important point is that the Faith-based and Community Initiative constitutes a serious threat to the church-state separation principle of the First Constitution Amendment. The last part further summarizes the key points of this thesis and concludes that the Faith-based and Community Initiative is sacrificed to political expediency, and carried out with so little regard for the problems it was supposed to solve. The Faith-based and Community Initiative becomes a means to strengthen President Bush’s conservative evangelical base and it is well-tailored for their philosophical mythology and political intentions.
姓名：孔令宇 导师： 闫循华
论文题目（中文）： 意识形态与战略利益的平衡—里根对华政策
论文题目（英文）： A Balance of Ideology and Strategic Consideration
论文关键词（中文）：意识形态 战略考虑 平衡 美国对华政策
论文关键词（英文）：Ideology, strategic considerations, balance, U.S. China policy
中文摘要：
在解释美国对华政策的改变和一致性方面，不同的学者采取了不同的角度。一些学者强调外交是一个国家文化传统的延续。因此，研究外交政策时重要的是研究文化对制定外交政策的影响。由于美国是一个非常重视意识形态的国家并且美国的这一文化特征在对华政策上表现的较为突出，这些学者认为意识形态在美国对华政策的制定上起了非常重要的作用，并且这一作用是持续的有时甚至是主导性的。另一些学者则认为对美国外交政策起决定作用的是国家利益。意识形态有时会愚弄决策者做出与美国利益相反的决定。他们认为意识形态对美国外交政策的制定不起什么作用。因此，意识相态应与外交政策分离。尽管这两种研究方法在解释美国对华政策上都发挥了一定的作用，但是这两种方法都有偏颇之处，都不够全面。第一种研究方法强调了意识形态在美国制定外交政策方面的重要作用。但这种方法忽略了国家利益在美国外交政策制定上可发挥的决定性作用，没有认识到意识形态和国家利益都可能主导美国外交政策的制定。第二种研究方法指出决定美国外交政策的是国家利益。意识形态只起很微弱的作用，甚至不起作用。这种方法的问题在于贬低和甚至忽略了意识形态在制定外交政策上的作用。
本文在批判性的学习前人做过的研究的基础上，采取了一个更为稳健的研究方法。本文认为意识形态和国家利益在一定的时间一定的条件下都可以对外交政策的制定发挥主导作用。二者交替对美国外交政策发挥主要作用，共同影响美国外交政策的制定。在研究过程中，我发现一个非常典型的例子是里根时期的对华政策。在里根任期的早期，大体上从1981年到1983年，中美关系经历了一段紧张时期。但从1984年到1989年1月，双边关系得到了极大的改善，中美两国发展了比较紧密的战略合作关系。因此本文假设里根时期对华政策的巨大变化是一个意识形态和战略利益考虑的平衡过程。在里根任期的早期，大体上从1981年到1983年，意识形态在美国对华政策的制定上发挥了比较显著的作用。然而从1984年到1989年，与意识形态因素相比，战略利益考虑发挥了更为显著的作用。美国对华政策的制定经历了一个从意识形态占主导地位向战略考虑占上风的平衡过程。
为证明这一假设，本文集中讨论什么样的客观条件和环境导致了里根时期对华政策意识形态力量的上升；什么样的客观条件和环境又导致了美国减弱对中国的意识形态上的偏见，转变为战略利益考虑占上风的外交政策；美国是如何在意识形态和战略利益间寻求平衡的。本论文总体上分为四章。第一章是绪论部分。这部分包括选题的背景，国家利益和意识形态的定义，文献综述，理论研究方法及本论文的学术意义。第二章讨论从1981年到1983年间美国对华政策中意识形态的显著作用。这一章分析了导致意识形态因素在美国对华政策中上升的客观条件,包括保守主义势力在美国的上台，苏联对美国威胁的加大及美国这一时期对共产主义的认知。然后这一章讨论意识形态因素在美国对华政策中的表现。第三章与第二章在结构上类似。这一部分首先探讨导致美国对华政策意识形态因素减弱和战略考虑占主导的客观条件和环境，包括中国在抵御苏联对美威胁方面的重要作用，中国和苏联之间关系的缓和，中国的改革开放以及美国愿意与中国深入开展战略合作的意愿表达。紧接着，这一章讨论美国对华战略考虑的表现。最后一章是本论文的结论部分。这一部分在概括全文的主要内容的基础上力求找出一些美国对华政策的规律。这部分得出的结论是：当美国国内政治趋向保守时，美国对华政策中的意识形态因素一般会有增强的趋势；中美之间的交流与接触在促进美国的对华政策由以意识形态为导向转变为现实利益考虑占上风方面起重要作用。
本论文旨在通过研究美国对华政策中意识形态因素和国家利益之间的平衡，提供一种解释美国对华政策的起伏和连续性更为稳健的研究方法。文章肯定了意识形态在美国对华政策中的作用并证明了在一定时期一定条件下意识形态的作用会比较显著。同时，本文证实了在不同时间不同条件下美国会重新考虑自己的外交政策，现实的战略考虑会在美国的外交政策中占主导，美国对华政策的制定是一个在意识形态和国家利益之间寻求平衡的过程。本论文认为重要的是探讨会使意识形态力量上升和战略考虑增多的客观条件并且研究美国是如何从意识形态出发转变为从国家利益考虑出发制定对华政策的。希望本文的研究能够提供一个研究美国对华政策较为全面的视角。
Abstract:
Scholars differ in their explanations of U.S. China policy. Some emphasize the importance of standing back and seeing how a country’s culture influences the making of a country’s foreign policy, which is the outer expression of its cultural traditions. Since the United States is a highly ideologically based country and this cultural feature is quite prominent in U.S. China policy, some scholars argue that ideology plays a very important role in U.S China policy and its influence is constant and even dominant. Other scholars argue that what decides U.S. foreign policy making is national interest. Ideology sometimes fools decision makers to do what is counter to American national interest. They think that ideology plays an unimportant role and should be separated from decision making. Although both of the two approaches have made some contribution to explaining U.S. China policy, both of them suffered from some weak points and none of them is comprehensive enough. The first approach highlights the important role of ideology in foreign policy making. But it has the weakness of neglecting the predominant role that national interest can play in U.S. China policy. The second approach points out that what decides U.S. foreign policy making is national interest and ideology plays only a minor role. But this approach risks downgrading and even neglecting the role of ideology.
This thesis adopts a more considered approach by building on the previous research. It argues that ideology does play an important role in U.S. foreign policy making and in certain conditions and during certain period of time, the role of ideology can be quite dominant. Meanwhile, national interest can also be a dominant factor in U.S. China policy making. U.S. China policy making is a process of balancing between ideology and national interest. In my study I find that one of the typical examples is U.S. China policy in President Reagan’s administration. In Reagan’s early presidency, roughly from 1981 to 1983, U.S.-China relations experienced a time of tension while from 1984 to January 1989, the bilateral relations were greatly improved and the two countries had a quite close relationship. So this thesis hypothesizes that the big change of U.S. China policy from the early to the later presidency is a process of balancing between ideology and strategic consideration. In President Reagan’s early presidency, generally from 1981 to 1983, ideology played a quite prominent role in U.S. foreign policy making. From 1984 to 1989, however, strategic consideration was more outstanding compared with the role of ideology. The big change demonstrates that U.S. China policy making balanced from ideology to national interest.
To prove this hypothesis, my study focuses on exploring the conditions and contexts that contribute to the rise of ideological biases and the increase of strategic considerations in U.S. China policy and how ideological biases and strategic considerations were incorporated in U.S. China policy. To get an overview of this study, my thesis can be divided into four chapters. The first chapter is the introduction part. It includes why I choose this topic as my M.A. thesis, the definition of national interest and ideology in my study, a literature review, theoretical approach and significance of this study. The second chapter deals with the dominant role of ideology in U.S. China policy from 1981 to 1983. It analyses the objective conditions that contribute to the rise of anticommunism, including the rise of conservatism in American, the increased threat to the United States from the Soviet Union and America’s overall perception of Communism. Then this chapter demonstrates the manifestations of ideological biases in U.S. China policy. The third chapter adopts a similar structure. It will analyze the conditions and contexts that led to the decrease of ideological strength and the increase of strategic considerations in U.S. China policy, including China’s important role in resisting Soviet threat, the détente achieved between China and the Soviet Union, China’s reform and opening up policy and America’s intention of increasing strategic cooperation with China. Then this chapter focuses on the manifestations of strategic consideration in U.S. China policy. The final chapter is the concluding part. It summaries up this study and tries to find some patterns in U.S. China policy. This part concludes that when U.S. domestic politics become quite conservative, ideology tends to play a quite dominant role in U.S. foreign policy; communication and contact plays an important role in propelling U.S. China policy to shift from an ideologically based one to a realist one.
This thesis tries to approach U.S. China policy with a more comprehensive perspective by studying the balance between ideology and national interest. It confirmed the role of ideology in U.S. China policy and proved that under certain conditions and in certain period of time, the role of ideology can be quite dominant. Meanwhile, it demonstrates that in a different period of time and under different conditions, the United States would reassess its foreign policy and put national interest into a predominant position. Ideology and national interest alternatively play dominant roles and U.S. China policy making is a process of balancing between ideology and strategic considerations. What is important is to find the objective conditions and contexts that lead to the rise of ideological preference and national interest considerations and analyze how the U.S. China policy shifted from an ideologically biased one to a more realist one. Hopefully this study will provide a more considered approach to study the changes and continuities of U.S. China policy.
姓名：李莺 导师： 翟峥
论文题目（中文）： 社论漫画和社论关于伊战的对比研究
论文题目（英文）： A Picture vs. One Thousand Words: A Comparative Thematic Study of American Editorial Cartoons and Editorials in the Iraq War
论文关键词（中文）：
政治漫画 报纸社论 伊拉克战争
论文关键词（英文）：
Editorial, cartoon editorial, the Iraq War
中文摘要：
政治漫画一般指那些对政治时事及政府政策进行独立评论的单副图画，它们多出现在各种报纸、杂志的社论文章页上，其评论风格以尖锐夸张讽刺为特色。本文拟就2003年美国发动伊拉克战争的3月1日至5月1日期间关于该战争的政治漫画进行研究，将其讨论的主题事件与重心与同时期《纽约时报》与《华盛顿时报》的社论讨论重点进行对比；行文中同时也对漫画家本身具体通过怎样的技巧和手段来评论事件、表明态度和看法进行了简要分析。作者将3月到5月这两个月时间分成三段，即战前、战时第一段和战时第二段来进行相应时间段内的研究，将每段时间内主要的政治漫画主题与主要的报纸社论主题进行总结及讨论，同时也将漫画家与社论对某一主题的不同态度进行对比。本研究发现，在此期间，政治漫画与报纸社论的讨论重心在很大程度上是契合的，而对其中部分事件两者给予了不同程度的关注。研究同时发现，虽然两者都具主观评论性质，且针对问题进行批判，相较而言，政治漫画对战争事件及相关事件的态度比社论更加强硬和否定。研究认为这部分是由于两者具有不同的信息载体：一为文字，另一为图画。社论可以通过文字载体进行有理而详细的辩论和分析，然而漫画却不能。漫画一般从具象入手，把抽象问题具象化、把复杂问题简单化、把小问题扩大化，无法如文字评论那样就问题进行逻辑而深入的讨论，而这样就限制了漫画对一些分析和建议性话题的涉及或深入。同时，社论也能利用文字说明来缓和其尖锐的态度，这尤其体现在本研究中战争第一阶段的《纽约时报》社论中。另外，漫画家运用一向的夸张、讽刺的手法，以各种比喻和象征，对战争中的事件进行巧妙而又尖锐的评论。而这种固有的讽刺和夸张手法以及批判性质也确定了政治漫画对其讨论主题之态度上的否定性。
Abstract:
Editorial cartoons are single panel graphics which comment independently on political events and policies as well as political personalities. They help to define important topics in political discourse and record them in caricatures. Building on previous scholarship, this study explores and compares the main themes of 170 editorial cartoons by 21 American editorial cartoonists as well as of 143 editorials from two major newspapers the New York Times and the Washington Times about the early stage of the 2003 Iraq War from March 1 to May 1. Also, this research studies briefly how editorial cartoonists comment on the important issues of war by using different metaphors and cartoon techniques. The conclusion is that a great number of topics discussed in editorial cartoons and editorials do correspond with one anther, though some of the issues are discussed at a lesser extent. Meanwhile, the study has also found that though both cartoons and editorials are subjective and critical, the overall attitude of the former tends to be more negative to the war and its related issues. The reason, the study assumes, partly lies in the carrier of messages embedded in each form of commenting. Editorials present their opinions and comments through words—a comparatively more flexible message carrier than drawings. Besides criticizing, editorials could argue, reason, and explain in words, while cartoons cannot. Also, the difference in their attitude has to do with the satire and hyperbole inherent in the editorial cartoons.
