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2017级硕士论文摘要

作者:时间:2022-02-28

2017级美国研究硕士论文摘要

 

[1] 陈丹丹

导师姓名:陈崛斌

中文题目:美国国会拉美裔实质性代表研究----自由移民政策的力量

英文题目:Latino Substantive Representation in the U.S. Congress---Toward a Liberated Immigration Policy

摘要

2003年,拉美裔人口已成为美国最大的少数族裔。随着美国人口组成的变化,拉美裔移民问题已成为政治舞台上的热门话题。特朗普上台后移民政策逐渐成为拉美裔人民的灾难,美国政治中越来越多的反拉美裔移民言论使得移民政策成为拉美裔的首要利益关注。随着更多拉美裔议员入选国会,其比重在最新的116届国会达到最高峰。在这种语境下,人们越来越关注拉美裔议员与拉美裔利益之间的互动关系,即不断改善的描述性代表是否意味拉美裔议员能够实质性代表拉美裔利益?拉美裔国会议员是否比非拉丁裔议员更好地代表拉丁裔的移民权益?

本研究以第115届和116届国会的拉美裔众议员为研究对象来分析拉美裔描述性代表与实质性代表之间的关系。通过收集和分析拉美裔众议员有关移民法案的发起和国会演讲的数据,本文就拉美裔众议员对拉美裔的实质性代表行为和程度进行了研究。移民法案发起是实质性代表研究中被广泛分析的行为,它可以有效说明拉美裔众议员是否在政治行为中反映拉美裔利益偏好。而国会演讲是检验实质性代表的重要渠道,并提供对拉美裔众议员行为的重要见解,能够更加具体地了解拉美裔众议员行为背后的逻辑。

本研究通过对移民法案的发起和国会演说进行了定性和定量分析,发现拉美裔众议员相比较非拉美裔议员而言往往更积极地通过法案发起来代表拉美裔移民利益,他们在演说过程中更一致地表达了拉美裔的观点和顾虑。研究证明,拉美裔议员通过赞助更多的移民法案,是解放移民政策的中坚力量。此外,拉美裔国会议员,不论地区,种族血统和意识形态,在代表移民利益方面已经逐渐形成一股一致的团结力量。而这种贡献在国会演讲中对拉美裔实质性代表至关重要。基于此,本文认为拉美裔议员的描述性代表对于实质性代表拉美裔移民利益至关重要,拉美裔议员在政策议程制定和审议过程中大大增强了解放拉美裔移民政策的实现可能。

关键词:美国国会, 拉美裔众议员, 移民法案,实质性代表

Abstract

In 2003, the Latinos have become the largest minority in the United States.  With such demographic changes, Latino immigration issue has become a hot political topic ever since Trump took office. Trump’s ascent to power has made immigration policies a disaster for Latino immigrants and the increasing anti-Latino rhetoric in American politics have put immigration policies on the top of priorities of Latino community. With more Latino representatives elected to Congress has come increased interest in how Latino immigration interests are represented in Congress. Whether the improved Latino descriptive representation in congress enhances substantive representation in general and with regard to immigration policies in particular? Are Latinos better represented by Latino representatives than non-Latino representatives? The role that Latino representatives play to substantively representing Latino is being examined carefully in this paper.

In this study, Latino representatives in the 115th and 116th congresses are studied to access and evaluate the relationship between Latino descriptive representation and substantive representation. Data of immigration bill sponsorship and floor speeches are collected to examine substantive representation of Latino representatives. Bill sponsorship, a widely analyzed behavior in representation research, illustrates Latino representatives’ role in prioritizing policies that match Latino interests and reflect Latino preferences. Floor speeches can provide specific windows on representative patterns and offer important insight into the mindset and behaviors of Latino representation. Using a multi-method approach that included qualitative and quantitative analyses of immigration bill sponsorship and floor speeches, this study finds that Latino representatives are more active in representing Latino immigration issues through bill sponsorship and they speak for Latino perspectives during floor speeches more consistently. This study finds that Latino representatives have made more focused efforts to liberate immigration policy. Furthermore Latino representatives are showing a tendency to form a consistent frontier in representing immigration interest regardless of their region, ethnic origin, and ideology. Such united contributions are essential to Latino community during congressional floor speeches. This study concluded that Latino descriptive representatives are essential to substantive Latino representation and Latino representatives substantially enhances Latino representation in the process of policy agenda setting and deliberation.

Key Words: Latino representatives, substantive representation, immigration bill sponsorship, floor speeches

 

[2] 陈创

导师姓名:李期铿

中文题目:美国移民改革立法僵局——99届和109届国会对比研究

英文题目:The Legislative Gridlock of Immigration Reform in the US: Comparing the 99th and the 109th Congress

摘要

移民改革是美国近年来最具争议性的话题之一。国会已通过了三部综合性移民改革法案,分别是《1924年国家起源法案》、《1965年移民和国籍法案》和《1986年移民改革和控制法》。自1986年以来,国会若干次综合性移民改革立法尝试均宣告失败,其中第109届国会的H.R.4437S.2611被认为是最引人注目的立法尝试。本文从党间分歧和党内分歧的两个维度入手,通过对比第99届国会S.1200(即《1986年移民改革和控制法》)和第109H.R.4437S.2611的立法过程,分析这两个时期出现不同结果的原因。本文主要采用了文献分析法、对比研究法和历史研究法,通过分析《国会记录》的议员讲话文本,结合记名投票结果等相关信息,得出以下结论。

在党间分歧维度,第109届国会两党在综合性移民改革法案上的分歧远大于在普通法案上的分歧,而第99届国会两党在两种法案上的分歧不大。从两党成员的角度分析,从第99届到第109届,按照党派属性进行投票的议员比例上升,党间分歧显著扩大。第109届国会极化的程度也远高于第99届,参议院两党在这个议题上并未结成巩固的联盟,小范围的团结仅限于共和党自由派和民主党。而且,国会在不同议题上极化的程度不一,移民议题上极化程度的波动远高于其他主要议题。

在党内分歧维度,S.1200没有受到党内分歧的明显影响,但是H.R.4437S.2611更多地受到了共和党内部分歧的负面影响。参议院和众议院通过了各自版本的综合性移民改革法案,不愿互相妥协。众议院共和党人和参议院共和党保守派更加支持H.R.4437,而两院民主党人和参议院共和党自由派更加支持S.2611,两院之间的分歧实质上来源于共和党内部的斗争。众议院共和党人比参议院共和党人更加支持H.R.4437;参议院南方共和党人更加支持H.R.4437,而北方共和党人更加支持S.2611。多种因素叠加,导致第109届国会综合性移民改革最终失败。

总的来说,第99届国会综合性移民改革立法尝试主要受党间分歧的影响,两党结成的巩固联盟压过了这种分歧的负面影响,使得法案最终成功,而第109届国会综合性移民改革立法僵局受到了党间分歧和共和党内部分歧的双重巨大影响,且分歧程度远高于第99届国会,这导致了第109届的综合性移民改革立法尝试以失败告终。本文有利于增进对美国国会移民立法过程的理解,理清1986年之后美国国会对移民议题态度的变化,以及党派分歧对移民立法的影响程度,以便对解读当前美国国会移民改革困境提供一些启示。

关键词:移民改革;国会;立法;党派分歧

 

Abstract

Immigration reform has been one of the most controversial topics in the U.S. in recent years. The Congress has passed three comprehensive immigration reform (CIR) bills: the National Origins Act of 1924, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, and the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986. Since 1986, several legislative attempts of CIR bills have failed in the Congress, among which H.R.4437 and S.2611 in the 109th Congress were said to be the most noticeable. Through comparing the legislation of S.1200 (i.e. the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986) in the 99th and H.R.4437 and S.2611 in the 109th Congress from the dimension of inter-party division and the dimension of intra-party division, this thesis explores why the legislative attempts of CIR bills in the two periods yielded distinct results. Mainly by document analysis, historical and comparative study methods, this thesis draws the following conclusions by analyzing the text of congresspersons’ speeches and related information like roll call vote records.

On the first dimension, in the 109th Congress the two parties were more divergent in CIR bills than in other bills, whereas in the 99th Congress the divergence between the two parties in the two types of bills was not significant. From the perspective of party members, the percentages of Congressmembers voting along the party line increased remarkably from the 99th Congress to the 109th, meaning the discord between the two parties increased tremendously. Furthermore, the Congress was more polarized in the 109th Congress than in the 99th. The two parties in the Senate did not form a solid coalition, with the small-scale unity limited to the liberal side of Republicans and Democrats. Besides, the degrees of polarization on different issues in the Congress were different. The fluctuation of the degree of polarization on the issue of immigration was far more dramatic than that on other major issues.

On the second dimension, the legislation of S.1200 in the 99th Congress was not considerably influenced by intra-party division. But the legislation of H.R.4437 and S.2611 were more negatively influenced by internal conflicts of the Republican Party. The two chambers of the 109th Congress passed their own versions of CIR bills, unwilling to compromise. House Republicans and the conservative side of Senate Republicans supported H.R.4437 more, whereas Democrats from the two chambers and the liberal side of Senate Republicans endorsed S.2611 more. The conflicts between the two chambers actually originated in the internal dissension of the Republican Party. House Republicans supported H.R.4437 more than Senate Republicans did. In the Senate, Republicans from the Southern States supported H.R.4437 more, while those from the Northern States preferred S.2611. With various factors combined, the legislative attempts of immigration reform in the 109th Congress finally failed.

In short, the success of the legislative attempts of comprehensive immigration reform in the 99th Congress were attributed to the solid bipartisan coalition overshadowing the negative impacts of inter-party divisions by which the bills were majorly influenced, whereas the legislative gridlock of that in the 109th Congress was significantly influenced by both inter-party divisions and intra-party divisions of the Republicans. The divisions in the latter period were far sharper than that in the former period, which resulted in the final failure of the legislative attempts of comprehensive immigration reform in the 109th Congress. This thesis contributes to the understanding of the immigration legislation process in the U.S. Congress, the changes of attitudes of the U.S. Congress toward immigration issues since 1986, and the influence of party divisions on immigration legislation, so as to proffer some inspiration for the interpretation of the contemporary dilemma of immigration reform in the U.S. Congress.

Key words: immigration reform; Congress; legislation; party division

 

[3] 王芯莹

导师姓名:李莉文

中文题目:特朗普执政时期美国联邦政府停摆的原因分析

英文题目:Why Federal Government Shut Down during the Trump Administration?

摘要

由于财政断流而造成的政府停摆在美国历史上屡见不鲜,而美国分权制衡的制度又使得这一危机难以得到根本解决。自1980年卡特政府第一次关门以来,美国联邦政府所经历的停摆已有16次,而这其中绝大多数都发生在分裂政府时期。两党相争作为美国政治体制的重要特点,同时也贯穿了每次政府停摆。

在这个背景下,特朗普执政时期的两次政府停摆则因其具备的不同以往的新特点而引起了广泛关注。首先,特朗普政府在停摆发生之时并非分裂政府,总统以及国会多数党均为共和党,这是自1980年卡特政府停摆后38年里出现的第一次一致政府下的停摆。其次,2018-2019年联邦政府停摆,即特朗普政府的第二次停摆,共历时35天,是美国历史上为期最长的一次停摆。这些都使得特朗普执政时期的政府停摆具有研究的意义和价值。

本文旨在对特朗普政府第二次停摆的原因进行分析,借助Nierenberg的谈判需求理论框架,聚焦财政预算谈判中作为主要谈判方的民主党与共和党、以及党内人士的不同需求,为其不同的立场及观点做出解释。本文的论点及论据主要来源于对相关政府文件、媒体报道、议员说辞等做出的文本分析。

此次政府停摆的关键在于两党对于特朗普提出的57亿美元的边境墙拨款存在异议。一方面,两党选民结构在近几十年内不断变化,为了自身的生存与发展,两党对于移民问题以及边境墙的建立表现出截然相反的态度另一方面,共和党内部对于边境墙拨款以及核选项的使用也出现了分歧,这使得共和党丧失了国会两院多数党的优势,难以顺利通过财政预算并最终导致了联邦政府的停摆。在政府停摆的后期阶段,国家恢复秩序的需求以及美国民众对于回归正常生活的需求越来越强,促使两党做出妥协,结束了此次停摆。

关键词:政府停摆、谈判需求理论、边境墙拨款、移民问题、两党之争

Abstract

Government shutdowns caused by funding gap have frequently occurred in American history, and the U.S. system of check and balance makes it difficult to thoroughly resolve this problem. Since the Carter administration first shut down the government in 1980, the U.S. federal government has experienced 16 shutdowns in total, the vast majority of which have occurred under the split government. Party struggle, as an important feature of the American political system, also runs through every government shutdown.

In this context, the two government shutdowns under the Trump administration have attracted widespread attention due to their new characteristics. Firstly, the U.S. government was not in the split state when the shutdown began. The President and the majority party in Congress were both Republicans. This is the first unified government shutdown in the 38 years after the Carter government shutdown in 1980. Secondly, the 2018-2019 federal government shutdown, which is the second shutdown under the Trump administration, has lasted for 35 days, appearing to be the longest government shutdown in American history. All the above makes the Trump government shutdown worth discussing.

This thesis attempts to analyze the reasons for the second government shutdown under the Trump administration. By using Nierenbergs Need Theory of Negotiation, this thesis will focus on the different needs of the Democratic and Republican parties as well as some of their members in the budget negotiation, and make explanations for their distinct attitudes. And the arguments mainly come from the textual analysis of relevant government documents, media reports and Congressional members words, etc.

The trigger for the government shutdown is the dispute between the two parties over Trumps $ 5.7 billion border wall appropriation proposed in the budget bill. On the one hand, the demographic structure of both parties have changed rapidly in the past few decades. For the survival and development of their own, both parties showed entirely different attitudes towards immigration issue and border wall building.

On the other hand, the internal disagreement of the Republican party on the border wall as well as the use of nuclear option made it lose the advantage of being the majority party in both Houses in the Congress, which also made it hard for passing the budget bill and led to the long government shutdown. At the final stage of the shutdown, the need of the nation to restore order and the need of Americans for security and normal life became increasingly significant, leading to the compromise the both parties and the end of the shutdown.

Key words: government shutdown, Need Theory of Negotiation, border wall appropriation, immigration issue, party struggle

 

[4] 杨博源

导师姓名:陈崛斌

中文题目:特朗普政府时期中美网络安全合作失败过程与原因探析

英文题目:Failed China-U.S. Cybersecurity Cooperation under Trump: How and Why

摘要

在当今国际社会中,网络安全问题愈发受到关注,中美网络安全合作更是这一领 域的重要议题。中美两国曾经在多种国际机制框架内试图推进网络安全合作。在奥巴马政府时期,两国也曾达成诸多双边协议,初步建立了对话机制,取得了卓越的成效。然而,特朗普政府上台后,中美网络安全合作戛然而止。本文关注的主要问题就在于此:特朗普政府时期中美网络安全合作为何无法维持和推进?

本文采用罗伯特·基欧汉的制度自由主义作为理论框架。基欧汉认为,有效的国际机制能够促进国际合作,国际机制的有效性又建立在稳定的相互依赖关系之上,而相互依赖关系受制于三个影响因素:敏感性和脆弱性、议题联系和多渠道沟通。本文主要采用话语分析的研究方法,着重选取政府文件与报告、新闻报道、相关国际机制信息等材料来分析中美双方在网络安全问题上的诉求及中美网络安全合作的困境。

本文认为,既有国际机制无法有效促进中美网络安全合作,主要是由于存在以下四个方面存在缺陷。第一,联合国框架下的网络安全机制仍属新生事物,机制建设仍有待完善。在这种不完善的机制下,中美在网络安全问题上存在根本分歧,难以就国际规范达成共识。第二,在其他国际多边经济机制中,网络安全问题往往居于次要地位,且偏向于关注网络安全问题经济的一面。第三,在互联网非政府组织中,主要问题是政府参与度不够,非政府组织对政府行为的影响有限。第四,虽然中美双方曾在奥巴马执政时期建立了一些网络安全双边对话机制,但是由于缺乏退出机制限制、且两国派出的代表在专业性和级别上也不对等,因此效果有限。

通过分析特朗普政府有关网络安全议题的文件和报告,本文认为这种机制失效的根源在于特朗普上台后中美符合相互依赖的变化。首先,由于中国在高科技领域和尖端制造业的快速发展,美国对中国敏感性增强。特朗普政府把中国视作竞争对手而非伙伴,整体对华政策偏向强硬派。又由于在中美相互依赖中,中国对美国的脆弱性更强,因此特朗普政府从这种不对称相互依赖中获得了权力,并有足够意愿对中国运用这种权力。其次,特朗普政府采用议题联系策略,强化了网络安全问题中的国家安全维度,将其政治化,这有别于此前中美双方都强调网络安全的技术层面解决方案的做法。最后,由于特朗普政府介入过多政治手段,给中美网络安全合作其他渠道设障,导致非政府合作渠道受阻。

对中国来说,解决此问题有三种对应方案。第一,降低自身对美国的脆弱性。中国可以通过进一步增强自主研发能力降低对美国高科技产品的依赖,或者与其他国家合作,建立有别于美国主张的国际网络安全规范。第二,中国继续坚持技术问题和政治问题脱钩,拒绝将中美网络安全争端政治化。第三,中美应该尝试从非官方、低层级的联系开始恢复,并保证仍然有效的联系渠道不被阻隔。

关键词:网络安全;中美合作;特朗普政府;复合相互依赖;政治化

Abstract

As a new domain for international cooperation and competition, the cyberspace and its security have been drawing more and more attention from all the countries. In cyberspace, China-U.S. cooperation and competition on cybersecurity are very important. China and the United States once made great efforts to realize bilateral cybersecurity cooperation within the frameworks of many international regimes. During the Obama Administration, China and the U.S. reached a series of agreements, built the dialogue mechanism and achieved remarkable accomplishments. However, after President Trump took office, the China-U.S. cybersecurity cooperation fell into suspension. This dissertation is an inquiry into this question: Why China and the United States can’t sustain and continue the cooperation on cybersecurity during the Trump administration?

In order to answer this question, this research adopts Robert Keohane’s institutional liberalism as theoretical framework. According to Keohane, international cooperation can be facilitated by functional international regimes. Functional international regimes are built on stable interdependence relationship, which is affected by three factors: sensitivity and vulnerability, issue-linkage and multiple channels. Discourse analysis is selected as the research method. Materials including key official documents, mainstream coverage and basic information about international regimes are adopted to analyze the resorts of China and the U.S. on cybersecurity issue and the obstacles to their cooperation in this field.

Existing international regimes have failed to facilitate the U.S.-China cybersecurity cooperation due to the following flaws. First, cybersecurity regimes under the UN framework are still a working process, far from be perfect, unable to reconcile the essential V divergences between China and the United States on cybersecurity issue. Such divergences complicate the efforts on both sides to reach any consensus on establishing international norms. Second, in other international economic multilateral regimes, the cybersecurity problem is usually put to the sideline of the agenda. Besides, these regimes, by nature, is more inclined to prioritize the economic dimension of cybersecurity. Third, in cyberspaceoriented NGOs, governmental participation is often half-hearted with little, if not none, dedication. The limited influence of NGOs on government behavior has led their rather insightful recommendations lay futile. Fourth, although China and the United States did build a dialogue mechanism on cybersecurity during the Obama Administration, this regime, for its lack of provisions on the withdrawal, plays no restrictive role in case a signatory wishes to leave the pack. Moreover, the actual policy significance of the representatives from both sides is marginal due to the non-equivalence in terms of expertise and seniority.

By analyzing the Trump Administration’s government documents and reports on cybersecurity issue, this thesis argues that the root cause of the regime dysfunction lies in changing China-U.S. complex interdependence. First, the United States has become more sensitive to China’s leaps and bounds in high-technology and advanced manufacturing. The Trump Administration is determined to perceive China as a “competitor” rather than a partner like Obama did and has, accordingly, toughened its overall stance toward China. Moreover, since China has greater vulnerability than America in China-U.S. complex interdependence, the Trump Administration gains power over China from this asymmetric interdependence and has the will to make full use of it when dealing with China. Second, the Trump Administration adopts the issue-linkage strategy to politicize cybersecurity, especially by prioritizing the national security dimension of cybersecurity, which is a marked diversion from the previous bilateral consensus that cybersecurity is primarily an issue with a technological solution. Third, the multiple channels between China and the United States are obstructed due to Trump’s excessive political interference; that is, various unofficial but once functional channels for cooperation are blocked.

Against this backdrop, China has three options. First, China can decrease its vulnerability to the United States by continuing its development in advanced manufacturing and further reducing its dependence on American high-tech products, or by cooperating with other states to establish international cybersecurity norms exclusive of the United States. Second, China continues to insist on and work on open-source technological solutions to the cybersecurity problem. Third, China and the United States should endeavor to restart the connections, and probably first at low levels.

Key Words: Cybersecurity, China-U.S. cooperation, the Trump Administration, complex interdependence, politicization.

 

[5] 冯家顺

导师姓名:闫循华

中文题目:特朗普政府对国外网络安全威胁的应对---新古典现实主义视角

英文题目:U.S. Responses to Foreign Cybersecurity Threats during the Trump Administration: A Neoclassical Realist Explanation

摘要

特朗普自当选美国总统以来,对美国的网络安全战略进行了一系列调整,在网络安全战略的目标,手段以及网络安全重点方面相较奥巴马政府有很大不同,其中最引人注目的就是带有浓厚的大国竞争印记。针对来自中国和俄罗斯的网络威胁,特朗普政府采取了一系列更富进攻性的网络安全政策,比如将中国高科技企业华为列入实体清单以及针对俄罗斯干预2016年美国大选而制裁一系列个人及实体。当前国内外学术界普遍重点研究特朗普本人对于美国网络安全政策制定的影响,而忽略了国际国内因素的影响。基于此,本文致力于研究特朗普政府出台的一系列惩罚性网络安全政策背后的机制。

本文借助新古典现实主义构建分析的理论框架,关注国际和国内两个层次,并且突出美国精英认知以及国内制度,尤其是总统与国会之间的互动在国内层面发挥的作用。本文以中国和俄罗斯为例,着眼于特朗普政府出台的一系列政策战略法律,以及包括行政令以及总统指令在内的总统文件,通过案例分析以及文本分析建立国际因素和国内因素的互动,以及国内网络安全互动的联系。

研究结果发现:特朗普政府针对中国和俄罗斯出台的一系列惩罚性政策背后,是国内精英认知与权力互动的结果,精英认知的一致与否形成了国内权力互动的不同模式。在中国华为问题上,美国精英层一致认为华为对美国国家安全构成威胁,因此在国会立法以及特朗普政府政策制定方面运行通畅,立法与行政两层相互合作,促进华为禁令的出台;针对俄罗斯干预美国2016年总统大选问题,美国精英层就俄罗斯干预大选特朗普勾结俄罗斯政府方面存在分歧。特朗普以及其共和党内的部分支持者否认上述指控,而民主党人以及特朗普的党内反对者认为俄罗斯干预美国大选对美国民主体系以及国家安全构成实实在在的威胁,继而要求严厉的对俄制裁。国内精英层面的分歧导致制裁俄罗斯干预大选的法案频频流产,以及特朗普政府在落实政策上的懈怠。

通过构建美国网络安全政策制定的解释框架,本文弥补了国内针对美国政府网络安全政策分析的系统性缺失,对更全面地理解特朗普政府的络安全政策调整具有借鉴意义。

关键词:网络安全,精英认知,权力互动,华为,美国大选

Abstract

The Trump administration has made a series of adjustments on the U.S. cybersecurity strategy after the 2016 presidential election, which is in many ways different from the Obama administration, and the most striking feature is “Great Power Competition.” The Trump administration has adopted a series of “offensive” cybersecurity policies in response to threat from China and Russia. For example, the administration added Chinese technology enterprise Huawei into “Entity List”, and imposed a series of sanctions on individuals and entities related to Russian meddling with the 2016 presidential election. The existing research focus on the Trumpian characteristics in his cybersecurity policy at large, while neglect the contribution of international and domestic factors. Against this background, this paper seeks to explain the mechanism behind the punitive cybersecurity polices issued by the Trump administration.

Based on a Neoclassical Realist framework, this paper attaches great importance to the domestic and international factors, and focuses on the role domestic elites’ perception, and domestic institutions, particularly interactions between the President and Congress, play in policymaking. With cases studies of China and Russia, this paper explores the interactions between international and domestic levels, and analyzes the role domestic institutions play in cybersecurity policymaking using textual analysis of the Trump administration’s cybersecurity policies, strategies, legislations, and other presidential documents such as executive orders and presidential directives, etc.

This paper argues that elite perception and interactions between domestic institutions are accountable for the punitive cybersecurity policies adopted by the Trump administration. The cohesiveness of elite perception leads to different patterns of interactions among domestic institutions, especially between the legislature and the executive branch. In the case of China, a cohesive perception can be found among the political elites, that Huawei posed a national security threat to the United States, which leads to an active congressional legislation and policymaking in the Trump administration. The executive branch and legislative worked together to formulate the ban on Huawei. In the case of Russia, the political elites are dissident and divided on Russian interference with the 2016 presidential election and Trump’s collusion with the Russian government. Trump and his Republican-supporters dismiss the above accusations, whereas Democrats and some Republicans in Congress regard Russia as severe threat to the U.S. democratic system and national security, thereby requiring harsh policies against Russia. The disagreement resulted in the abortion of a series of bills aimed at deterring the United States from Russian cybersecurity threat, and the weak policy implementation of the Trump administration.

This paper contributes to the academic discussions on reasons behind the U.S. cybersecurity policy adjustments by filling the void of a systematic analytical framework, and may help readers to have a more comprehensive understanding of why and how the Trump administration makes cybersecurity adjustments

Key words: Cybersecurity, Elites’ perception, Domestic institutions, Huawei, Presidential election

 

[6] 汤妮

导师姓名:闫循华

中文题目:关于美国2002年决定在阿富汗战场采取轻脚印战略的官僚政治研究

英文题目:A Bureaucratic Politics Analysis of the US Adoption of the Light Footprint Approach in Afghanistan in 2002

摘要

美国在阿富汗的战争已经持续了18年之久,而美国在推翻塔利班政权后在阿富汗战场采取的轻脚印战略时常被视为是导致战争拖延至今的原因之一,然而却少有人探究美国政府当年为何决定在阿富汗采用该战略。事实上,后者是个很值得研究的问题。即使这一战略与战争现状无关,仅仅作为美国在后塔利班时代在阿富汗战场最早期的战略性决策,其成因也值得探究。通过理解这一战略性决策的形成,能更好地了解布什政府内部关于阿富汗战争的相关决策机制。

有限的文献比较笼统地将该决策归结为美国政府为达成在阿富汗的特定目标所选择的一种合理手段。显然这些解释都是在理性决策模式理论框架下的推论。它们在很多问题上给出的解释模糊不清或者难以自圆其说。笔者认为这些在理性决策模式理论框架下对该决策做出的解释并没有很好地探究决策形成的原因,于是笔者决定从另一个角度切入该问题。

为了更好地理解美国2002年在阿富汗战场采取轻脚印战略的决策的形成过程,本文采用了官僚政治模式的理论视角来研究该问题。本文建构的官僚政治模式理论框架继承了格雷厄姆·艾利森的官僚政治理论研究框架,围绕四个关注点展开:参与决策的主要决策者、决策者在其中的立场、决策者拥有的权力及来源、和决策过程的展开。本文的理论框架与艾利森的理论框架一样强调部门本位主义在决策过程中的影响力。然而,本文回避了常常与官僚政治理论紧密联系的机构决定论,突出了在决策过程中起作用的人为因素,即决策过程中决策者所具备的个体能动性。另外,本文将传统的官僚政治研究与总统-顾问关系研究相结合,以完善官僚政治理论框架。

从官僚政治的角度看,本文认为美国于2002年做出的在后塔利班时代的阿富汗战场采取轻脚印战略的决策更多的是布什政府内部官僚政治博弈的结果,而非如理性决策模式所认为的是一个价值最大化的选项;同时本文发现在决策过程中,个人因素和系统因素同样重要。同时受到部门偏好和由过去经历及特定观念导致的个人偏好的影响,重要决策者,即鲍威尔、拉姆斯菲尔德、和赖斯,他们各自在该议题上的立场是符合期待的;在选择立场的过程中,各决策者的自主权不一,也就是说,个人偏好在其中的影响力不一,这是受到部门是否有一致意见和决策者个性两个因素的制约。决策者在政府部门的位置是他们在议题讨论中主导议题讨论方向的权力的主要来源。在这种权力的支持下,决策者积极地参与到一系列围绕具体事件展开的辩论中,这些辩论最终会导向美国在后塔利班时代的阿富汗战场采取轻脚印战略这一重要战略性决策。关于权力的来源,值得注意的另一点是,决策者们自身是否有意愿充分利用他们具有的谈判优势和他人是否认为决策者具有谈判优势并有意愿充分利用该优势也会影响到决策者主导议题的实际权力。在所有相关的辩论中,本文特别关注与两个事件相关的辩论,它们分别是2002年初国际安全援助部队扩张的可能性探讨和同年春帕查··扎德兰挑战卡尔扎伊临时政府权威。决策者针对这两个事件美国所应采取的反应展开的辩论及结果促成了轻脚印战略的定型。决定采取轻脚印战略很大程度上符合拉姆斯菲尔德的期待。这主要由于拉姆斯菲尔德拥有更好的谈判筹码并且他本身是个坚持己见的用权者。然而,即使是拉姆斯菲尔德也需要做出让步以达成协议。在整个过程中,个人因素如性格、经历、观念,与系统因素如部门偏好和博弈规则,对最终决策的产生发挥同样重要的作用。

通过从官僚政治理论的角度去理解美国布什政府2002年在阿富汗战场采取轻脚印战略的决策,本文希望能第一,通过突出个体能动性在决策过程中起的作用以提高官僚政治理论对外交决策的解释力;第二,提供一个新的视角去理解阿富汗战争和美国外交决策机制。

 

关键词:阿富汗战争;轻脚印战略;官僚政治研究;个体能动性;美国外交决策

Abstract

The Afghanistan war has been dragging on for more than 18 years. The light footprint approach the US initially adopted in Afghanistan after removing the Taliban from power is sometimes blamed for resulting in the current state of the war, yet the reason why the approach was adopted has not received adequate attention. Actually, even if this decision was not partially responsible for the current state of the war, merely being the earliest strategic decision the US made for its role in the post-Taliban Afghanistan war is enough to make it a topic worthy of exploring, as it sheds light on the decision-making mechanism inside the Bush administration regarding the Afghanistan war.

The limited scholarship that touches upon the topic generally explains it away as a means to an enda reasonably choice to achieve certain objective. Apparently those explanations were structured under the framework of the rational actor theory of decision-making. The author found those explanations far from satisfactory as they leave questions unanswered. Therefore, the author decided to approach the issue from another angle.

In order to understand the US decision to go light footprint in Afghanistan in 2002, the paper looks at the issue through a bureaucratic politics lens. The bureaucratic politics model the paper establishes inherits the analytical framework of Allisons bureaucratic politics model which revolves around four focuses: decision-makers in the decision-making process, their stances, their power, and how the process unfolds that leads to the final decision. It also retains Allisons models emphasis on parochialism. However, it rejects the institutional determinism that is easily associated with the bureaucratic politics analysis and instead highlights the human element at work in the decision-making process, specifically the individual agency decision-makers possess in making the decision. Whats more, it also refines the bureaucratic politics analysis by incorporating president-advisor analysis into the bureaucratic politics framework.

From the perspective of the bureaucratic politics, the paper finds that the US decision to adopt the light footprint approach as its strategy in the post-Taliban Afghanistan in 2002 was more of the result of the bureaucratic bargaining games that happened inside the Bush administration than a value-maximizing alternative as the rational actor theory suggests; and that personal factors play a role as significant as systemic factors in delivering the result. Under the influence of both institutional preference and personal preference resulting from past experience and personal beliefs, the respective stance key decision-makers, namely Powell, Rumsfeld, and Rice, picked was to be expected, though the degree of each decision-makers autonomy varies, and depends on the (non-)existence of institutional consensus and their personality. Backed by their power mainly endowed on them by their positions, they were engaged in a series of case-oriented debates that would eventually lead to the determination of the light footprint approach as the US strategy in the post-Taliban Afghanistan. It should be noted that their power can also be influenced by their willingness to make the best use of their bargaining advantage and their counterparts perception of their advantage and the effectiveness of their usage of advantage. Among all related debates, the paper specifically examines the debates about the US response to the ISAF expansion and the Pacha Khan Challenge. The light footprint approach was largely decided in favor of Rumsfeld, mainly because he possessed better bargaining chips and he was a willful power wielder. But even Rumsfeld had to make concessions to reach the deal. In the whole process, personal factors like personality, past experience and personal beliefs are as important as systemic factors like institutional preference and the rules of the game in delivering the decision.

Hopefully the paper would first, by highlighting the individual agency in the analysis, develop the bureaucratic politics analysis in a way that it could better explain the decision-making process; and second, provide a fresh perspective to understand the Afghanistan war and the US foreign policy decision-making mechanism.

 

Key words: the Afghanistan war; the light footprint approach; bureaucratic politics analysis; individual agency; the US foreign policy decision-making

 

[7] 苏协怡

导师姓名:李莉文

中文题目:美国对于《巴黎协定》的气候决策:基于双层博弈视角的分析

英文题目:Analysis of U.S. Policy on the Paris Agreement Based on the Two-Level Game Theory

摘要

美国总统奥巴马在其任期内始终公开表示积极应对气候变化,并在第二任期内签署《巴黎协定》,这一成就也被视为奥巴马政府的主要气候遗产。然而接任的特朗普总统在美国气候政策上开倒车,在上任的半年内即宣布退出《巴黎协定》,成功瓦解奥巴马政府的国际气候成果,体现了奥巴马政府气候遗产的脆弱性。本文围绕以下问题展开研究:奥巴马政府和特朗普政府在《巴黎协定》上的两次决策是如何促成的?

本文试图利用双层博弈理论解释奥巴马和特朗普两任美国总统在《巴黎协定》上所做出的截然相反的决定,从美国政府的视角分析其在国际和国内层面上的双层博弈,并且得出结论:双层博弈理论对美国在《巴黎协定》上的两次决策具有良好的解释力,且国际因素、国内因素和主要谈判者在两次决策中发挥了不同程度的作用。

双层博弈理论对奥巴马政府的气候决策具有良好解释力,且国际因素、国内因素和主要谈判者都在政府决策过程中发挥了重要作用。在国际层面上,奥巴马政府追求重塑美国在全球气候治理上的领导力,通过宣布《中美联合气候宣言》和承诺向绿色气候基金出资30亿美元释放积极信号,扩大与欧盟及发展中国家等主要参与国达成协议的可能性。在国内层面,奥巴马政府宣布《清洁电力计划》与国际气候行动相呼应,科技产业、清洁能源产业和环保团体的支持也在一定程度上促成了政府的国际行动。然而共和党控制的国会和传统能源行业对此持反对态度。面对国内阻力,作为主要谈判者,奥巴马采取问题重新界定协同问题联动的策略来扩大国内的获胜集合,然而获胜集合仍不足以赢得国内批准。这也迫使奥巴马政府决定通过行政命令的方式加入《巴黎协定》,并未将该协定递交参议院批准。这一决定同时简化了退出程序,加强了这一成果的脆弱性。传统能源行业在反对无效之后,在2016年总统大选中转而支持共和党候选人,也为该协定的前景增加了不确定性。

双层博弈理论对于特朗普政府的退出决定同样具有良好的解释力。在这一决策过程中,国际因素发挥了次要作用,而国内因素和主要谈判者发挥了重要作用。在国际层面上,特朗普政府认为《巴黎协定》本身存在缺陷,并且在国际气候谈判中表现消极。后续的马拉喀什气候大会、波恩气候大会和G7峰会使得特朗普政府认识到该协定的根本性缺陷难以改变,重新谈判的可能性也微乎其微。特朗普政府的这一决定更大程度上反映了美国国内的博弈。特朗普政府的内阁组成成员多为气候怀疑论者,为了巩固基层选民的支持,重振美国经济和就业,特朗普政府逆转了上届政府的气候政策;国会的主流声音也敦促特朗普政府退出该协定。然而利益集团中支持留在该协定的声音占了上风,石油天然气行业与煤碳行业巨头逆转先前的态度,为了保留在全球未来能源行业的谈判话语权,加入科技产业、清洁能源产业和环保团体,共同呼吁特朗普政府留在《巴黎协定》。然而,作为主要谈判者,特朗普出于政治利益的考量,采取问题重新界定的策略缩小国内的获胜集合,并最终使用否决权退出了该协定。

此次退群并非美国政府第一次违背国际气候承诺,美国政府在未来的国际气候谈判中的行动和决策也可能再生变数。本文利用双层博弈理论试图研究两任政府在《巴黎协定》上的决策,并且分析两任政府决策背后国际和国内层面的复杂博弈和政治考量,而非将退群决定单纯归结于特朗普总统的不确定性,以期为美国政府在《巴黎协定》中的气候政策研究做出些许贡献,并为美国政府未来的国际气候行动提供借鉴。

 

关键词:美国气候政策 巴黎协定 双层博弈

Abstract

Since taking office, the U.S. President Barack Obama had been publicly active in tackling climate change, and reached the Paris Agreement in his second term, which is also seen as a major climate legacy of his administration. However, the successor President Trump reversed the U.S. climate policy and announced to dump this agreement within half a year of taking office. This exit successfully unraveled the international climate achievement of the Obama administration, demonstrating the fragility of the Obama administration’s climate legacy. This paper focuses on the following question: how did international and domestic factors contribute to the acceptance of the Paris Agreement under the Obama administration and the withdrawal from it under the Trump administration?

This paper tries to use two-level game theory to explain these two different decisions on this agreement and analyze the international and domestic bargains of the U.S in the two periods. This paper draws the conclusion that the two-level game theory demonstrates strong explanatory power for these two decisions, and domestic factors, international factors and the chief negotiators play roles in different degrees in two cases.

The two-level game theory shows strong explanatory power for President Obama’s decision to join the Paris Deal, and international factors, domestic factors and the chief negotiators all play important roles in the government decision-making process. At the international level, the Obama administration sought to restore the U.S. leadership in global climate governance, and sent positive signals to the international community by reaching the historic joint announcement with China and committing $3 billion to the Green Climate Fund, expanding the possibility of reaching agreements with other major participants such as the European Union and developing countries. At the domestic level, the Obama administrations proposed the Clean Power Plan, echoing its international climate action, and the support from the high-tech industry, the clean energy industry and environmental groups also pushed the progress of the U.S. international climate efforts. However, the Republican-controlled Congress and the traditional energy industries were opposed to the U.S involvement in the Paris Agreement. Facing domestic resistance, as the chief negotiator, President Obama adopted the strategy of “issue redefinition” and “synergistic issue linkage” to expand domestic win-sets. However, domestic win-sets were still not large enough to win the ratification from the Congress, forcing the Obama administration to join this agreement by executive order without submitting it to the Senate for approval. This decision also simplified the exit process and increased the vulnerability of this outcome. Moreover, after the opposing efforts turned in vain, the traditional energy industries switched to the Republican candidates in the 2016 presidential election, adding the uncertainty of the future of this agreement.

Moreover, the two-level game theory also shows strong explanatory power for President Trump’s repudiation of the deal. In this case, international factors play a minor role in the decision-making process, while domestic factors and the chief negotiators play important roles in contributing to the decision. At the international level, the Trump administration believed that the Paris agreement is flawed in essence and performed passively in international climate talks. Subsequent climate talks in Marrakesh, Bonn and the G7 summit have made the Trump administration realize that the fundamental flaws in the agreement are hard to change and that renegotiation is highly unlikely. This decision reflects more of a domestic game. The Trump administration, which has a cabinet of mostly climate skeptics, has reversed the previous administration’s climate policies in an effort to shore up support among grassroots voters and revive the U.S. economy and employment. The mainstream voices in Congress have also urged the Trump administration to pull out of the deal. Yet, supportive interest groups standing on the “staying” side had the upper hand. In order to maintain the negotiating power in global energy matrix, the oil and gas industry and coal industry giants reversed their attitudes and joined the high-tech industry, clean energy industry and environmental groups, calling for the government to remain in the Paris Agreement. However, the chief negotiator, namely President Trump, adopted the strategy of “issue redefinition” to reduce domestic win-sets and eventually used the veto power to dump the agreement with the consideration of political interests.

This withdrawal is not the first time for the U.S. government to renege on international climate commitments, and its actions and decisions in future international climate negotiations can be thrown into doubt. This paper analyzes two government decisions on the Paris agreement with two-level game theory and digs out complicated game and political considerations, rather than put all blame for this exit on the “unpredictability” of President Trump. This paper hopes to make some contribution to the climate policy study of the U.S. government on the Paris Agreement and offer reference for the future U.S. international climate action.

 

Key words: U.S. climate policy  Paris Agreement  two-level game theory


 

[8] 谭婧

导师姓名:宋颖

中文题目:性骚扰议题在《纽约时报》上的媒体呈现:1991Hill-Thomas听证会与2018Ford-Kavanaugh听证会的比较研究

英文题目:Media Representation of Sexual Harassment in The New York Times: A Comparative Study of the 1991 Hill-Thomas Hearings and the 2018 Ford-Kavanaugh Hearings

摘要

201710月,#MeToo运动在全球社交媒体引发了巨大反响,在该运动的强大影响下,新闻界对性骚扰议题的关注度持续升温,性骚扰和女性权益相关的议题在公共领域获得了前所未有的重视和讨论。在众多关于控诉性骚扰的事件中,2018年加州帕罗奥图大学临床心理学教授Christine Blasey Ford对特朗普提名的大法官Brett Kavanaugh的性骚扰指控引起了轩然大波,其曝光节点和广泛的政治社会影响引起了全美媒体的高度关注。无独有偶,相似的事件在20世纪90年代也有发生,1991年,布什总统提名的大法官Clarence Thomas在任命前夕被俄克拉荷马州立大学法学教授Anita Hill指控对其性骚扰,这一案例此后一直是美国性骚扰案件里的经典案例。

众多研究著述已经从理论和实证的角度探讨了美国社会与公众对待性骚扰议题的态度及其转变,但仍缺乏基于性骚扰案件的媒体呈现,分析能够体现公众态度转变的具体案例。上述两起性骚扰指控案件有许多惊人的相似,是分析单个性骚扰案件媒体呈现的绝佳素材。同时,由于两起指控发生的时间相隔29年,对两个事件报道的研究也能纵向反映出美国媒体对性骚扰议题态度的转变。因此,本文通过对比美国主流媒体对Kavanaugh大法官性骚扰案件和Thomas大法官性骚扰案件的报道建构和形象塑造,尝试阐释美国公众对性骚扰态度的转变在媒体报道中的呈现。

本文旨在研究以《纽约时报》为代表的美国主流新闻媒体对两个事件的报道策略以及对其中涉及的利益相关方的形象刻画。为实现研究目的,本文基于新闻的框架建构理论,对从《纽约时报》上采集的文字进行内容分析,从对比分析的视角得出了以下四个主要结论:第一,从主要报道框架来看,《纽约时报》对两起事件的报道框架呈现出较为明显的转变,即从构建个人化、戏剧化为主的戏剧框架变为构建主题鲜明、性别态度明确的性骚扰与性别平等主题框架;第二,从报道态度来看,《纽约时报》从质疑女性的态度转变为支持与共情女性的态度;第三,从记者性别来看,更多女性记者参与了2018年的报道,并倾向于使用共情女性的框架;第四,本文通过对四位当事人的媒体形象分析得出,与1991年事件报道相比,2018年事件的报道淡化了指控人和被指控人的个人形象,强化了背后的得利于父权社会的男性精英群体与逐渐觉醒的女性群体的集体形象,这种形象塑造策略体现了《纽约时报》对性骚扰问题的认知,由个人层面上升到权力结构层面。

基于这些发现,本文进一步推断,《纽约时报》对2018年事件的报道体现出了该报直面性骚扰作为一个普遍存在的社会议题的积极态度,为公众打造了一个揭露、讨论、批判性骚扰现象的平台,呼吁了性别平等。然而,由于2017年的#MeToo运动,《纽约时报》做出这种转变可能并非是自愿与主动的,而是被迫于回应社会呼声与大环境。但不论如何,《纽约时报》在报道框架和形象塑造方面的转变,都释放了一个积极的信号,即性骚扰议题是一个集真相、性别、权力于一体的普遍存在的社会问题。

 

关键词:性骚扰,《纽约时报》,框架理论,媒体形象

Abstract

In October 2017, the #MeToo movement triggered a huge reaction on social media around the world. Under such background, news press paid unprecedented attention to the issue of sexual harassment. Together with other women’s rights, sexual harassment has been heated discussed in the public domain. Among the many complaints of sexual harassment cases, the one that brought by Christine Blasey Ford, a clinical psychology professor at the University of Palo Alto in California, caused an uproar when she accused Brett Kavanaugh, a Trump nominee for Supreme Court justice, of sexual harassment. The case received intense media attention due to the timing of the exposure and the political and social influence it carries. Coincidentally, similar plot happened in 1991 when Clarence Thomas, a Bush nominee for Supreme Court justice, was accused by Anita Hill, a professor at Oklahoma University, of sexual harassment. And it has been a landmark case of sexual harassment in American history ever since.

Previous studies have explored the attitude of American society and the public toward sexual harassment. But there is still a lack of media representation of sexual harassment that is based on a specific case. The striking similarities between the above two cases provide an excellent opportunity for analyzing media representation of sexual harassment cases. Meanwhile, a 29-year time span enables this study to examine it from a historical perspective. Thus, by conducting a comparative study of the U.S. mainstream media coverage of the two cases, this thesis attempts to explain the changing attitude towards sexual harassment in American society.

This thesis attempts to examine the reporting strategies of American mainstream news media, represented by The New York Times, on the two sexual harassment cases, as well as its construction of key personas’ media image. Using framing theory, this thesis conducts content analysis on articles from The New York Times, and the comparative study has yield three major findings: first, the basic framing strategies of the news coverage of the two cases experienced a noticeable change, namely from personalized and dramatized “drama frame” to becoming more thematically meaningful and gender-aware “sexual harassment and gender equality frame.” Second, The New York Times shifted it attitude from questioning female accuser to supporting and empathizing with them. Third, there are more female journalists covering 2018 Ford-Kavanaugh hearings. Their participation in journalism brought about female perspective which divert readers to a more empathetic position. Fourth, compared with 1991 coverage, 2018 coverage is characterized by a downplayed personal trait of both the accused and the accuser but a highlighted collective image of male elite group and the empowering women group.

Based on these findings, this thesis draws inference that The New York Times displayed a positive sign to face up to the issue of sexual harassment, creating a platform to expose, discuss, and criticize sexual harassment. However, due to the occurrence of the #MeToo movement, these changes might be driven by a passive response to social context rather than voluntary choice. Yet nevertheless, The New York Times’s shift on framing strategy and image construction conveys a positive message, that sexual harassment is a social problem with truth, gender, and power intertwined.

 

Key words: sexual harassment, The New York Times, framing theory, media image

 

[9] 耿聪

导师姓名:贾宁

中文题目:教育对女性解放的影响在大众文化中的呈现:以漫威影业超级英雄电影中的高知女性形象为例

英文题目:Representation of the Influence of Education on the Liberation of Female in the Popular Culture: Taking Highly Educated Female Characters in Marvel Superhero Movies as Examples

摘要

本文试图回答当今大众文化反映出人们是如何看待教育对女性解放的影响的研究问题。尽管教育对女性的影响一直是学术界的讨论热点,但有关当前大众是如何理解这一影响研究较为匮乏。漫威影业出品的超级英雄商业电影在当今时代极为成功地吸引了大批票房以及公众的注意力,可以作为大众文化的重要代表

因此,本文以漫威影业超级英雄电影中的高知女性人物为研究对象从个人阶级与自信、恋爱关系以及政治社会三个方面分析了教育对女性的影响。由此本研究得出,教育对各个方面的影响皆有不同。以此为基础本文探讨了研究结果所揭示出的社会文化。本文认为电影中反映出的教育对女性的影响既非全盘的教育即自由思想,也非全盘的教育即复制思想,而是在多重社会现实的影响一种复杂结果。当今社会教育对女性阶级流动性影响较小,且在恐惧不安的背景下社会普遍渴望男权权威的回归。但与此同时越来越多的女性正在获得越来越高的教育水平,女性的政治话语权也有所上升在这样的社会现实背景下大众文化描绘出一种折衷的解决方案允许教育给予女性一定的权力,但权力不能多到威胁到男权统治

关键词女性解放教育大众文化,超级英雄

Abstract

This paper is an attempt to answer the question of how education is perceived to influence female liberation in the popular culture. While the influence of education on females remains a heated topic in the academia, insufficient research is conducted on the current, popular understanding by the public. This paper thus draws research subjects from the highly educated female characters in the superhero commercial blockbusters by the Marvel Studios, which are extremely successful in gathering viewers and public attention in the current era and thus worthy research of attention when investigating the popular culture. After an analysis of the depictions of education’s influence on the female characters in terms of individual class status and self-esteem, experience of the romantic relationships as well as relationship with the political society, this paper draws a complex picture, arguing that education influences each aspect differently and intricately. This paper then investigates on the social landscape that the findings reveals. This paper argues that what is reflected by the portrayal in the movies is neither an all-round liberating or reproduction picture. Instead, multiple social forces are at play to shape the influence of education on females into a mix picture. The movies mirror a culture that to an extent guards against female mobility and calls for the masculine hegemony while females are also ascending in educational level and political significance. Therefore, the popular culture has offered it compromise solution, depicting the females as powerful by their education but not too powerful that it threatens the males.

Key words: female, education, liberation, popular culture, superhero

 

[10] 张艺

导师姓名:刘杨

中文题目:美国华人移民身份认同的重构:基于萨克拉门托郡华裔一代移民的案例研究

英文题目:U.S.-Educated Chinese Immigrants’ Reconstructed Cultural Identity Rising from Differential Adaptation: The Case of Mainland Chinese Immigrants in Sacramento

摘要

本文运用质性研究方法,探索了受过美国教育的第一代华人移民在跨文化适应过程中的文化定位及文化身份认同重建。十四位居住在加利福尼亚州萨克拉门托郡的第一代华人移民参与了本研究,分享了他们从赴美留学到在美定居的经历,为探究跨文化定位和身份认同重构提供了主体性解读。以差异性适应理论和社会身份理论为指导,通过主题分析,本文发现受过美国教育的第一代华人移民在跨文化适应过程中运用主观策略,在中国文化和美国文化之间有策略地进行跨文化磋商,从而完成文化定位和文化身份认同重构。从受访移民的叙述中,本研究发现三种文化定位结果,即双重边缘型,二元文化型,心理同化型;同时,受访者分别将自己的文化身份定义为本质上的中国人华裔美国人/美国华人/亚裔美国人,以及有中国族裔基因的美国人。华裔移民的跨文化经历在本质上复杂多元并且异质,在文化定位的过程中,移民一致地运用个人的个体策略去抵抗来自主体文化的压力。除此之外,阶级意识也是影响移民重构文化身份认同的一个因素。因此,本文认为,探究华裔移民的跨文化经历,移民自身的主体性解读以及移民的阶级意识是两个重要的研究维度。最后,本文指出研究的局限性和未来研究方向。

关键词:差异性适应,受过美国教育的华人移民,跨文化传播,文化身份认同,

主体性解读

Abstract

Using qualitative research methods, this study examines U.S.-educated Chinese immigrants’ cultural situatedness and reconstructed cultural identity formulated in and through intercultural adaptation. Fourteen U.S.-educated first-generation Chinese immigrants from Sacramento, CA shared their experiences of crossing the Pacific border, which provide a subjective interpretation of their cultural situatedness and cultural identity. My investigation draws upon two major theoretical approaches, namely, differential adaptation theory and social identity theory. Guided by thematic analysis, this research finds that U.S.-educated Chinese immigrants reconstructed their cultural identity during their strategic negotiation between Chinese culture and American culture. Three types of cultural situatedness were found in the immigrants’ intercultural encounters, namely, double marginalization, bicultural, and psychological assimilation. Meanwhile, the participants identified themselves as essentially Chinese, Chinese American/American Chinese/Asian American, and essentially American with Chinese ethnicity respectively. Close examination of the respondents’ narratives suggests that Chinese immigrants’ intercultural experience is intrinsically diverse and that subjective tactics are consistently developed to resist pressures from the host society during intercultural self-positioning. In addition, intra-ethnic class awareness stands salient in the participants’ identity reconstruction. Therefore, this thesis argues that individual subjectivity and class consciousness are indispensable dimensions to consider in scholarly discussion of Chinese immigrants’ intercultural adaptation. Finally, I stress the limitations of sample feature and my female-role’s influence on the results in this research and call for further exploration on the gender discrepancy between man and woman immigrants in intercultural adaptation.

Key words: differential adaptation, U.S.-educated Chinese immigrants, intercultural

communication, cultural identity, individual subjectivity

 

[11] 吴彦颖

导师姓名:李今朝

中文题目:从阶级斗争到身份政治:美国华裔革命家李玉平(Grace Lee Boggs)对马克思列宁主义革命的美国本土化

英文题目:From Class Struggle to Identity Politics: Grace Lee Boggs’ Americanization of Marxist-Leninist Revolution

 

摘要

李玉平(Grace Lee Boggs(1915-2015) 作为一位华裔美国革命家,一生致力于从事黑人运动和底特律的社区建设。她的革命生涯始于马克思主义,后逐渐偏离欧洲传统的马克思主义,并表现出与美国六十年代产生的身份政治运动类似的特征,但又始终不同于两者。然而,她的独特性未能引来足够的学术关注,且以往的多数研究都带有一定的传记色彩,以介绍李玉平的革命实践为主,少数着重讨论李玉平思想的文章,也因未能覆盖完整脉络或未能将其思想与其他相关思想进行辨析而存在不足。因此,她独特的思想轨迹并未得到充分的解释。鉴于她著作的一个核心主题是试图塑造美国革命的蓝图,为此,本文尝试从思想史的角度,用跨学科的研究方法,以美国化来解释她的思想发展,即李玉平的革命思想是将欧洲的马克思列宁主义革命思想进行美国本土化的一种独特尝试。

为了勾勒出李玉平对欧洲传统马克思主义进行美国化的特殊形态,本文首先梳理了她自身的思想内容,再将其与欧洲的马克思列宁主义阶级斗争和后来发展起来的美国身份政治相比较。本文认为李玉平较早的美国革命构想可以归纳为有色的、人文主义的、且对教条倍加谨慎的阶级斗争。尽管重构革命概念以后,她更加认同身份政治运动中的非暴力手段,但仍然保留了马克思主义的底色,因为她最终关注的还是全人类如何从资本主义体制中得以解放,而非某个身份群体的利益。此外,她后期提倡基于地理位置的小规模、去中心的社区运动,且强调个人在运动中的自我改造,而非围绕静态身份发起的针对他人或外在制度的集体行动。

本文进一步指出,李玉平对欧洲马列主义革命思想的改造,以及其与身份政治的差异是由她对美国在人类文明发展中位置的判定、美国自身特点的认识和美国特有问题的关注所导致的。由此,本文找到了李玉平的思想在更广泛的思潮背景中的位置,并揭示了其思想对变革当今美国政治和社会环境的参考价值。

 

关键词:李玉平(Grace Lee Boggs);革命思想;阶级斗争;身份政治;美国化

Abstract

Grace Lee Boggs (1915 - 2015) is a Chinese American revolutionary who devoted her entire life to the black movements and the community building of Detroit. Starting off as a Marxist, she drifted away from traditional Marxism and grew closer to American-born identity politics but remained different from the both. Despite her uniqueness, she has drawn limited academic attention, and relatively more of the existing studies are biographical accounts. Within the restricted amount of studies on Grace’s thoughts, there is still room for a complete review of her philosophical development and a systematic comparison of her ideas with other related theories. Hence, Grace’s distinct trajectory of thoughts has not been explained sufficiently. Given that enabling an American revolution is a central theme of her publications, this thesis adopts an interdisciplinary approach of intellectual history to examine a plausible explanation: Grace’s philosophy of revolution is an outcome of the Americanization of the European-born Marxist-Leninist revolution.

In order to discern Grace’s special way of Americanizing Marxism, this thesis first reviews Grace’s thoughts from 1940 to 2015, then compares them with both the logic of Marxist-Leninist class struggle and that of identity politics. It contends that Grace’s earlier idea of the American revolution can be summarized as a “colored” humanistic class struggle that guards against dogmatism. Although, in her redefinition of revolution, she sided with identity politics on the advocacy of non-violence, she maintained the principle of traditional Marxism because her concern for the whole humanity transcends that of an identity group, and her ultimate pursuit was to fight against capitalism. Besides, instead of collective actions against the “other” based on a static identity, Grace proposes self-transformation in small-scale and decentralized movements in local communities.

This thesis further concludes that Grace’s modification of Marist-Leninist revolution and differences from identity politics are due to the assessment of America’s temporal position in the development of human civilization, the awareness of American characteristics, and the attempt to solve American problems. It locates Grace’s thoughts in the larger intellectual background and reveals her insights for the transformation of the political and social environment in today’s America.

 

Key Words: Grace Lee Boggs, philosophy of revolution, class struggle, identity politics, Americanization

 

[12] 黄其卉

导师姓名:王镇平

中文题目:韦斯·安德森的未成年主角在社会空间中的权力探究

英文题目:An Examination of Wes Anderson’s Children Protagonists’ Power in Social Spaces

摘要

美国社会长久以来流传着一种童年的纯真的迷思,好莱坞的电影作为文化表达的重要渠道也十分擅长于将童年浪漫化,并将未成年人刻画成无忧无虑、 没有主见的他者,作为一种怀旧的投射。这会伤害到我们的孩子已经成为一种道德与政治的口号,但在这种保护的话语之下,孩子们的主体性以及他们对爱情、政治等事业的追求遭到矮化,在权力议题中孩子几乎和女性、性少数群体 甚至黑人群体一样是被剥夺了自己的声音的少数群体。作为一个个人特色鲜明且受众极为广泛的新生代作者导演,韦斯·安德森在九部长篇作品中表现出了一贯的对孩子和童年议题的关照,其中《青春年少》(1998),《月升王国》(2012 与《犬之岛》(2018)以人类孩子为主角,聚焦了三个未成年人积极为自己想要的生活抗争的故事。未成年人无法在法律意义上拥有属于自己的空间,他们可以占有空间、使用空间与空间发生种种互动,但是改变不了这些空间属于成年人也被成年人控制着的事实。因此空间成为了一个研究未成年人与成年人权力斗争的极佳视角,而以上三部电影的英文名称也都是空间名称,所以本文选择了列斐伏尔有关所有空间都是社会创造的视角,在他定义的空间实践的基础上进一步借用阿尔诸塞对社会空间作为意识形态国家机器(ISA)和强制性国家机器(RSA)的划分,从片中未成年主角一方面与家庭、学校等意识形态国家机器,另一方面与警察局、孤儿福利机构、政府等强制性国家机器之间的斗争,深入分析未成人在社会空间中的权力。

《青春年少》的主角麦克斯在追求爱情和理想的生活状态时,不得不面对中下层的家庭背景对他在私立贵族中学的发展与交际带来的掣肘,同时他因在追求爱情的过程中挑战了校园的规则而遭到开除,甚至在于情敌的斗争中被警察带走,但最终痛定思痛学会了真正的无私的爱,以自己撰写、排演戏剧的天分创造了机会,与过去的敌人都达成了和解。《月升王国》的女主角苏茜与男主角萨姆分别从各自充满着异化氛围和强调一致性服从的无爱家庭中出走,一同私奔至隐蔽的海湾并将其建造成属于他们的月升王国,被海岛警察与孤儿福利机构追踪时甚至宁愿共赴死亡也不愿与彼此分离,对成人主导的国家机器展现了彻底的不服从。《犬之岛》的主角翠丝对现任政府为治理狗流感紧急实行的犬类隔离政策深深怀疑,连夜在熄灯的卧室跟进时政、仔细分析,逐渐梳理出政府何以针对犬类的阴谋论,也说服校报同僚加入她的反抗斗争。翠丝查明整个公共卫生危机事件其实是现任市长灭绝犬类并赢得连任的政治手段后,取得了治愈狗流感的血清,最终推翻了现任政府的统治,也拯救了所有无辜的犬类,这集中体现了未成年人对成人主导的国家机器的最大反抗。从麦克斯的和解,到苏茜与萨姆的不服从,再到翠丝的主动推翻,安德森赋予了这些未成年人越来越大的权力和极度鲜明的个性,而我们也能从未成年人的角度一瞥美国文化中的各种社会问题,比如阶级固化的问题,婚姻与家教的问题,社会对人的异化的问题,等等。

通过对安德森影片中未成人在社会空间中的权力探究,本文发现了安德森对未成年人越来越大胆的刻画方式,从社会空间这一较新的研究视角揭示了这些未成年人为了各自的理想与渴望向由成年人控制的社会争取权力的斗争,也从孩子的角度为我们究竟应该构建怎样的社会提供了反思的窗口。

关键词:韦斯·安德森;未成年人的刻画;社会空间;权力;异化

Abstract

The popular myth of “childhood innocence” has been prevalent in the American society. As a significant outlet for cultural attitudes, the Hollywood films plays a fairly active role in romanticizing childhood, and in portraying children or non-adults as the carefree Other lacking their own will, only as a way to project the adults’ nostalgia. “This is bad for the children” has become a moral and political slogan, but under the shadow of this protective discourse, the children’s subjectivity and their pursuit for the cause of love and of politics are diminished, thus, in terms of power, children become a minority like the female, the LGBTQ, or even the black, who have been stripped of their own voices. As a widely acclaimed young “auteur director” with highly distinctive style, Wes Anderson have exhibited consistent partiality for the issues of children and childhood. Among his nine films, Rushmore (1998), Moonrise Kingdom (2012), and Isle of Dogs (2018) are featured with children protagonists, and present three narrations of the children actively fighting for their own aspirations. Children are not entitled to own any space legally, and they can occupy, appropriate space or carry out other forms of interaction with space, but still this would not change the fact that space are owned and controlled by adults. This makes space a proper perspective to examine the power struggle between the children and the adults. Also, all three films are titled with names of spaces. Thus, this thesis takes the theory from Lefebvre that all spaces are socially produced; grounded on Henri Lefebvre’s definition of spatial practice, the social spaces are further categorized into Ideological State Apparatus (ISA) and Repressive State Apparatus (RSA) with the terms borrowed from Louis Althusser. The examination of children’s power in social spaces is carried out from the children protagonists’ struggle with the ISAs of family, school and with the RSAs of police station, social services for orphans, and government, etc.

In his pursuit for love and ideal life, Max in Rushmore has to face the predicament coming from his lower-class family background when he tries to expand his developments and interrelationship at an elite high school. He even gets expelled from school for breaking the rules of the school in a courtship, and taken to the police station for sabotage of his rival suitor’s property. But finally after a painstaking effort to learn about true, selfless love, Max successfully makes peace with all previous enemies with the chances he creates with his talent in writing and staging incredible plays. Suzy and Sam in Moonrise Kingdom run away respectively from their own loveless families imbued with alienation and uniformity, and elope together to a secret cove which they architect into “Moonrise Kingdom” belonging only to themselves. When they are chased by the island police and Social Services, they would rather die together than return to the life without each other, and exhibit thorough noncompliance towards the state apparatuses dominated by adults. Tracy in Isle of Dogs is deeply suspicious of the current government’s emergent dog quarantine to battle “Dog-flu”, and carries out her reasoning with self-made conspiracy wall in her bedroom every night even when the light is off. Gradually, she combs out a conspiracy theory and persuades her fellow colleagues at school newspaper to join her protest. When she attains both the curing serum and the truth to prove that the whole public health crisis is the mayor’s political intrigue for dog annihilation and his re-election, she finally manages to overturn the current government and save all the innocent dogs. Tracy has demonstrated the most powerful rebellion against the state apparatuses run by adults. From Max’s compromise, to Suzy and Sam’s noncompliance and to Tracy’s overturn, Anderson has empowered the children protagonists each with more power and strong individuality, meanwhile, we can also catch a glimpse of the social problems of the America, like the issue of social stratification, of marriage and parenthood, of the society’s alienation, etc., from the intensifying clashes between the children and the adults, and from the perspective of the children.

Through the examination of the children’s power in social spaces in Anderson’s films, this thesis finds that his portrayal of children exhibits the tendency of getting bolder. Adopting a relatively new research perspective of social spaces, it reveals how the children have fought with the adults-run society for their own power to pursue their own ideals and aspirations. Also, from the perspective the children, it provides a window for us to reflect on the problem regarding how we should better construct the society.

Keywords: Wes Anderson, Portrayal of Children, Social Space, Power, Alienation

 

[13] 魏思思

导师姓名:马丽媛

中文题目:信⼰之思:试论爱默⽣思想中的天才

英文题目:To Believe Your Own Thought: The Genius in Emersonian Thought

 

摘要

本⽂旨在讨论爱默⽣思想中的天才概念。通过阅读拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默⽣的随笔,本⽂发现天才有三个基本特质:⾃⽴、灵性和创造⼒。少了这三个特质中的任何⼀个,天才就⽆法诞⽣。第⼆章⽂献综述部分结合了西⽅部分代表性的学者对于天才的研究,试展现与爱默⽣同时代的西⽅学者对于天才的论述,以便突出爱默⽣对于天才的理解的独特性。就研究⽅法⽽⾔,本⽂采⽤⽂本分析法分析爱默⽣的随笔,尤其是针对有随笔中含有天才这⼀词的⽂本进⾏分析,总结出了天才所必需具备的三个品质。前⼈的研究对于爱默⽣思想中的天才概念研究明显不⾜,本⽂的这项研究将填补爱默⽣思想在研究天才⽅⾯的学术空⽩。爱默⽣始终强调⼈的发展,⽽天才作为实现⾃我的⼈能较好地诠释⼈的发展,更能较好地诠释爱默⽣的思想。

第三章研究发现(Findings)部分对于爱默⽣的随笔有关天才的⽂本进⾏了细致的梳理,归纳总结出了天才的三个基本特质,即⾃⽴、灵性和创造⼒。天才的⾃⽴,其⼀,要相信⾃⼰的思想,其⼆,天才由于⾃⼰的思想不随⼤流,从⽽被世⼈排斥,但即便如此,天才依然坚信⾃⼰的思想是对的,是有利于全⼈类的,其三,被世⼈排斥的天才回归并学会依靠⾃⼰的内⼼世界,从⽽能产⽣更丰富的思想,并创造出更丰富的作品。天才的灵性,天才拥有单纯的灵魂,灵魂越单纯,思想就越单纯,也就越容易接到宇宙法则的启⽰,否则杂思太多,就会被⾃⼰的杂思阻碍,不易接到宇宙法则的启⽰。其⼀,天才顺应⾃⼰的灵魂,听从灵魂的指引去相信⾃⼰的思想,其⼆,天才顺应宇宙法则去相信⾃⼰的思想,其三,天才能感知到⾃⼰的灵魂和宇宙法则可以对接、可以合⼀,即⼈⼒和天⼒的合⼀,从⽽更确信去听从⾃⼰的思想。天才的创造⼒,其⼀,天才依托单纯的灵魂进⾏创造,将⾃⼰的思想呈现给世⼈,其⼆,天才的创作是⼀种本能,因为灵魂越单纯,接到宇宙法则的启⽰越多,就越会本能地将⾃⼰的思想通过不同的创造形式倾倒出来,其三,天才的创作⼒是⽆限的,因为借助了宇宙法则的天⼒,天⼒本就是⽆限的。

第四章研究讨论(Discussion)部分⼀⽅⾯从微观的⾓度探讨爱默⽣思想中的天才的三个特质(⾃⽴、灵性和创造⼒)内在的逻辑关系,三者相互联系,以证明三者是天才必不可少的特质。另⼀⽅⾯从宏观的⾓度探讨爱默⽣思想中的天才,试在爱默⽣的思想体系中探讨天才,论证其在爱默⽣思想体系中的重要性。这部分内容⾸先论述了爱默⽣随笔集《代表⼈物》中的第⼀个典型代表⼈物柏拉图所具备的天才的三个特质,以求澄清天才代表⼈物的区别。鉴于代表⼈物都各有⾃⼰的弱点,天才相较于代表⼈物是更完美的⼈。其次论述了爱默⽣思想中天才⼈才的区别,以求证明天才是爱默⽣相较于⼈才更为重视的概念。爱默⽣推崇⼈顺着天才的特质发展(⽐如培养⾃⼰的天才的三个基本特质),并不完全推崇⼈顺着代表⼈物⼈才的特质发展。第五章结论(Conclusion)部分总结了全⽂的论点,即爱默⽣思想中的天才具备三个基本特质,⾃⽴、灵性和创造⼒,并再次说明天才在爱默⽣思想体系中⽐代表⼈物⼈才更为重要。

关键词:爱默⽣、天才、⾃⽴、灵性、创造⼒

Abstract

This paper intends to explore what the Genius is in Emersonian thought. By reading over Ralph Waldo Emerson’s essays, it is discovered that the Genius has three essential qualities: self-reliance, spirituality and creativity, and without any of the three, the Genius cannot be made. Chapter 2 is literature review, discussing some representative European scholars’ viewpoints on the Genius that are different from Emerson’s vision of the Genius, aiming to emphasize that Emerson has fresh attitude towards the Genius. Yet, there is little literature studying on Emerson’s Genius and even fewer literature on the essential qualities of the Genius in Emersonian thought. Regarding the research method, this paper uses textual analysis to make a detailed combing of Emerson’s essays, especially the texts including “genius” and sums up to the three qualities that are indispensable to the Genius. This study will fill in the gap in Emersonian thought because there is an obvious lack of research on the concept of the Genius in Emerson’s terms. Emerson has been emphasizing the infinitude of a man, so that the Genius who approaches the state of infinitude can better interpret the

development of a man, thus better interpreting the Emersonian thought.

Chapter 3 are the research Findings from three dimensions to demonstrate the Genius: self-reliance, spirituality and creativity. Self-reliance means that, first, the Genius must believe in his own thought and second, adhere to his thought even though he is isolated from society. Third, self-reliance will lead him to return to solitude to believe in his thought again. Then spirituality shows that, first, the Genius needs to follow his simple soul because the soul best reflects what he thinks and second, the Genius also needs to follow the spiritual laws to better listen to his own thought. Third, the Genius can connect his soul with the spiritual laws to maximumly obey his thought, rather than go against his thought. Finally, creativity makes the Genius capable of presenting his thought to the world. First, the Genius creates simply by using his simple soul, second, he creates instinctively by recognizing the strong will to create in his soul, and third, he is to create inexhaustibly as his simple enables him to be inspired by the spiritual laws.

Chapter 4 is Discussion. There are two dimensional ways to analyze the Genius: both on a micro and on a macro level. On a micro level, the internal logical relationship between the three qualities are reasoned to testify they are essential to the Emersonian Genius. They supplement each other. On a macro level, the three qualities of the Genius would be further reasoned by comparing the Genius with the Representative Men and the Talent. As the three qualities reasonably exist in the worldly admitted representative men, such as Plato, so the Representative Men can be regarded as the Emersonian Geniuses. Whereas the three qualities cannot be found in the Talent, again proving they are only to be found in the Genius, rather than in the Talent. Thus, the importance of the Genius in Emersonian Thought is embodied. The Genius is a much more perfect man than the Representative Man and the Talent in Emersonian thought.

Key Words: Emerson, the Genius, Self-Reliance, Spirituality, Creativity

 

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