2018级美国研究硕士论文摘要
[1] 陈升凯
导师姓名：李期铿
中文题目：华裔美国众议员对华态度研究，2009-2020
英文题目： Chinese-American House Representatives’ Attitudes towards China, 2009-2020
摘要
中美关系是世界上最重要的双边关系之一。随着中国崛起，与美国国会打好交道搞活国会外交是必不可少的，从而推动构建不冲突、不对抗、相互尊重、合作共赢的中美新型大国关系。国会通过立法活动对美国对华政策施加影响，而影响对华政策的立法活动皆始于议员的提案。进入21世纪以来，共有六位华裔当选进入国会，而学术界对这群华裔国会议员的研究仍有不足。现有研究主要关注了华人在美国联邦、州和县级政府的参政情况，但鲜有涉猎华裔国会议员。鉴于此，本文致力于探索2009至2020年间华裔美国国会议员的对华立场和态度。
本文运用了定量和定性话语分析研究方法对华裔国会议员三方面的数据进行统计，包括华裔国会议员发起和共同发起的涉华法案、参与唱名表决的涉华法案以及其社交媒体发文和公开言论，进而分析华裔国会议员在经贸、安全、南海、台湾、香港、西藏和新疆六个重要涉华议题上对华态度。具体而言，本文开展了如下三个步骤：（1）分主题统计汇编华裔国会议员所发起和共同发起过的涉华法案，并将议案本身的涉华态度标记为“积极”、“消极”或“中立”，同时与党内其他议员涉华法案发起情况进行对比；（2）将华裔国会议员的唱名表决投票行为与党内其他议员进行对比；（3）对华裔国会议员的涉华推特和脸书推文及涉华国会发言进行话语分析。
基于对涉华法案和推文的分析，本文有以下七点研究发现：华裔国会议员（1）整体上对华倾注较少关注，而是将更多精力置于国内事务；（2）对六个方面的中国议题基本上均持负面态度，而这与他们党派的对华立场是一致的；（3）一致认同维持中美关系良好发展的局面；（4）对有关中国文化、华裔美国人历史和新冠病毒的议题，一致表现出对华中立态度，这在一定程度上有利于中国；（5）在意识形态方面，一致对中国的政治制度、人权问题和中国共产党持负面、批评态度；（6）对各个涉华议题的关注程度有所不同，倾向于更关注台湾问题且有亲台反中的趋势；（7）群体内部各个议员的涉华态度也有所差异，其中议员刘云平和吴振伟对华态度更加消极负面，而议员赵美心、孟昭文和考克斯对华关注度很低且较为温和中立一些。
此外，基于理性选择制度主义的理论框架，本文尝试对影响华裔国会议员涉华立场和态度的因素进行剖析，主要从以下三个因素着手：（1）议员自身的偏好，涉及华裔国会议员的意识形态、党派忠诚、资历和移民经历；（2）制度因素，聚焦于华裔国会议员是否加入了针对中国的国会委员会组织；（3）选民利益，落脚于华裔国会议员的选区对华出口贸易情况。
本文最终寄希望于能为学术界在华裔美国人在美参政研究方面的研究空白添砖加瓦，也呼吁中国能团结华裔美国议员推动国会外交，进而为建立中美新型大国关系保驾护航。
关键词：华裔国会议员，涉华态度，涉华法案，社交媒体推文，理性选择制度主义
Abstract
The US-China relationship is arguably one of the most significant bilateral relations round the world, and with the emergence of China in the global community it is indispensable to deal well with Congress, i.e., congressional diplomacy so as to build a new model of major-country relationship based on the principles of non-conflict and non-confrontation, mutual understanding and win-win cooperation. Congress impacts the China policy through legislation, while each legislation is conducted by congressional legislators. Since 2000s, six Chinese-American Congresspersons have been elected to the Capital Hill, yet academic researches are still inadequate and concentrate more on Chinese-American political participation in federal, state and county government but no Congress. Thus, this thesis is set to explore Chinese-American Representatives’ positions and attitudes towards China from 2009 to 2020.
This thesis adopts discourse analysis method both quantitatively and qualitatively to analyze how Chinese-Americans perceive China and what attitudes they hold towards six vital China issues: trade and economy, security, South China Sea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Tibet and Xinjiang, based on statistics from three sources: sponsorship and co-sponsorship, congressional roll call votes, and social media posts and statements related to China. More precisely, this thesis (a) compiles China bills both sponsored and cosponsored by Chinese-American Congresspersons, marks out the attitude （as “positive”, “negative”, “neutral”）of each bill on a topic classification basis, and makes comparison with their fellow party members; (b) compares Chinese-American Congresspersons’ behavior of roll call votes on China bills with their party members; and (c) makes a discourse analysis on the Twitter and Facebook posts and floor speeches pertaining to China.
Based on the analysis of bills and posts concerning China, it has been found that Chinese-American Congresspersons (a) generally pour less attention to China, and focus more on domestic affairs; (b) basically hold negative position-taking towards the six China issues, which is in line with their party positions; (c) unanimously expect to maintain a good relationship between China and the United States, especially trade ties; (d) unanimously take neutral positions towards China on issue of Chinese culture, Chinese-American history, and COVID-19, which in a sense does good to China; (e) ideologically hold negative and critical views towards China’s political system, human rights issue and Chinese Communist Party; (f) spare different degree of attention towards China issues among which they concern more about Taiwan, presenting a pro-Taiwan gesture; and (g) appear differences among their separate attentions to China with Lieu and Wu being more negative towards China while Judy Chu, Grace Meng and TJ Cox attach less importance on China issues and are more neutral.
Moreover, under the theoretical structure of Rational Choice Institutionalism (RCI), this research seeks to provide an explanation of the potential factors behind Chinese-American Representatives’ position-takings and attitudes towards China from three perspectives: (a) Representatives’ preference, characterized by ideology, partisanship, seniority and immigrant experience; (b) institution, mainly focusing on the Representatives’ membership of congressional commissions and caucuses targeting China; and (c) constituency interests, featuring the districts’ trade ties with China.
This thesis is expected to shed some lights into the research of Chinese-American political participation in the United States by bridging the gap of Representative research, and practically this thesis appeals for invigorating congressional diplomacy by uniting Chinese-American Representatives, contributing to the building of a new model of major-country relationship between the US and China.
Key Words: Chinese-American Congresspersons, China attitudes, China bills, social media posts, Rational Choice Institutionalism
[2] 刘洋
导师姓名：闫循华
中文题目：美国对《伊朗核协议》的政策——基于双层博弈论视角的分析
英文题目：U.S. Policy Towards the Iran Nuclear Deal: A Two-level Game Analysis
摘要
《伊朗核协议》是奥巴马总统任期的一项重要政治遗产，表明他积极致力于解决伊朗核问题并有改善美伊关系的可能。然而继任的特朗普总统在上任之初就宣称要对这一协议进行重新谈判，甚至威胁退出该协议。在2018年5月，特朗普最终确定美国退出《伊朗核协议》。特朗普对于该协议的决策与奥巴马大相径庭，重新对伊朗进行施压，也令美伊关系再次降入冰点。基于此，本文提出以下研究问题：国际上的谈判和国内政治行为体的博弈是如何促成美国对该协议做出两次不同的决策的？美国为什么会对伊朗和《伊朗核协议》采取不同的立场？
本文优化了双层博弈理论，用以分析奥巴马和特朗普对于《伊朗核协议》的不同政策。得出国际上的谈判和国内政治行为体分别在这两次政策上起到不同作用的结论。
在奥巴马政府期间，国际层面上，美国在伊核协议的谈判中发挥了重要作用。首先，奥巴马强调美国在防止核扩散议题上的国际领导力，并指出伊核协议符合美国的国家利益，能够解决伊朗核威胁，并和其他谈判国达成共识，扩大了利益集合的重叠范围。其次在国内层面，该协议受到共和党占多数的国会和利益集团AIPAC的强烈反对，奥巴马转而寻求民主党议员的支持，并对国会做出妥协。最后奥巴马运用了“重新定义问题”的策略，来增大协议通过的概率。
在特朗普政府期间，国际层面上，美国是促使自身退出《伊朗核协议》的最大原因。特朗普多次提出重新谈判和对伊朗重新施加制裁的要求，这与其他主要谈判者的观念相悖。由于在国际谈判中与其他谈判者的偏好不能达成一致，美国威胁要退出该协议。国内层面上，特朗普政府与国会多数党和利益集团AIPAC的偏好一致，一致支持退出协议。最后，由于特朗普意图退出，因此没有积极使用谈判策略，而是消极退出该协议。
本文的贡献在于，弥补了前人研究中没有注意到国际层面和国内层面相互联系的漏洞，希望能为双层博弈理论研究做出贡献，并且能够为美国对伊朗和伊核协议的政策研究做出贡献。
关键词：双层博弈 《伊朗核协议》 伊朗核问题
Abstract
The Iran Nuclear Deal is part of Obama’s political legacy, indicating that he is actively committed to resolving the Iranian nuclear issue and to mending the U.S.-Iran relations. However, Trump declared after he came into office that he would renegotiate the agreement and even threatened to withdraw from it. In May 2018, Trump made the decision to withdraw. Trump’s policy on the agreement differs a lot from Obama’s and brought the U.S.-Iran relations to a very low point. This thesis will answer the following questions: How did international negotiations and domestic bargaining contribute to the U.S. commitment to the Iran Nuclear Deal under the Obama administration? Why did the U.S. take a different position towards Iran and the Iran Nuclear Deal? How did international negotiations and domestic bargaining prevent the U.S. from continuing commitment to the deal under the Trump administration?
This thesis adapts the two-level game theory to analyze the different policies of Obama and Trump on the Iran Nuclear Deal. It concludes that international negotiations and domestic political actors play different roles in these two policies.
Under the Obama administration, at the international level, the U.S. played an important role in the international negotiations. First of all, Obama emphasized the U.S. leadership on the non-proliferation issues, and pointed out that the deal was in the U.S. national security interests and could resolve the Iranian nuclear threat. He also reached consensus with other countries at the negotiating table to expand the overlapping area of win-sets. Secondly, at the domestic level, the agreement was strongly opposed by the Republic majority in Congress and the pro-Israel interest group AIPAC. Therefore Obama turned to seek the support of Democrats and made his compromise to Congress. Finally, Obama used the strategy of “issue redefinition” to increase the possibility of a successful deal.
Under the Trump administration, at the international level, the U.S. was the major force for its withdrawal from the Iran Nuclear Deal. Trump repeatedly demanded agreement renegotiation and the imposition of sanctions against Iran, which contradicted the preferences of other major negotiators. Seeing the bleak hope to renegotiate and opposing preferences of other negotiators in international negotiations, the U.S. threatened to withdraw from the agreement. At the domestic level, the Trump administration shared the preferences with Congress and the AIPAC, which unanimously supported the decision to withdraw from the agreement. Finally, given Trump’s intention was to drop out, he did not actively adopt any negotiating strategy, leading to the passive withdrawal from the agreement.
The contribution of this thesis is that by using the two-level game theory to analyze the different U.S. policies under Obama and Trump, it has sought to fill the gap in previous studies that pay little attention to the interconnection between the international and domestic levels. It has made useful addition to the two-level game theoretical research and the U.S. policy research on Iran as well as the Iran Nuclear Deal.
Key words: two-level game theory Iran Nuclear Deal Iranian nuclear issue
[3] 蔡梦竹
导师姓名：李莉文
中文题目：对特朗普在2016年总统选举中移民问题的危机制造研究
英文题目：An Analysis of President Trump’s Performance of Crisis on Immigration Issue during 2016 Presidential Campaign
摘要
在2016年美国总统大选中，唐纳德·特朗普（Donald Trump）的选举是在美国民粹政治力量增长的重要体现。许多学者认为，特朗普关于美国移民政策的主张是他赢得总统选举的重要原因之一。鉴于移民问题对特朗普当选美国总统的重要性，深入研究特朗普在2016年竞选期间关于移民问题的态度是非常有必要的。
本文借用本杰明·莫菲特（Benjamin Moffitt）的危机制造（performance of crisis）概念作为理论框架，从特朗普加剧美国民众在移民方面危机感的角度来深入分析特朗普在2016年大选中有关移民的演讲。为了对特朗普关于移民的态度有更深入的了解，本文首先利用特朗普在2016年大选期间关于移民问题的11篇演讲并筛选了140条特朗普关于移民的推特建立了语料库，并结合批评性话语分析法中费尔克劳（Fairclough）的三维分析模型和语料库语言学对语料库进行了分析。三维分析模型分为描述，阐释和解释。在描述阶段，通过编码发现了特朗普演讲中在移民问题上的话语策略以及所使用的修辞手段。阐释阶段研究特朗普语言所发挥的作用。解释阶段分析了特朗普演讲中的社会背景和美国民众对演讲的反应。并且为了让研究结果更加客观更有说服力，本研究用语料库语言学的方法对语料库数据再次做了分析。
经过分析得出：唐纳德·特朗普的演讲和推特企图操纵民众的情感，其中包括激起人们对希拉里·克林顿（Hillary Clinton）和奥巴马（Barack Obama）为代表的政客的愤怒和对移民的恐惧，并提高自己的可信性。为了实现这一目的，他使用了重复，夸大，排比，比喻这些极具个人特色的修辞技巧。他有效制造了关于美国移民问题的心理危机感，企图使人们在他制造的焦虑和恐惧中选择相信他，从而为自己赢得大选获胜的筹码。那他是如何制造移民危机以获取巨大政治利益的呢？首先他成功地找到了民主党很大程度上忽略的竞选问题，即移民问题。然后，他将希拉里和奥巴马为代表的政治家，“可怕的”非法移民与“诚实勤劳”的美国人民对立起来。他向选民保证，要把美国还给美国人，保证他对这一问题有简单有效的解决方案。他利用了人们寻求本体安全感的需求，制造了移民危机感，让人们选择他“强有力的领导”。
本研究用危机制造的概念分析特朗普关于移民的演讲，挑战了特朗普当选是因为他回应了民众亟待解决的问题（包括经济，安全和文化问题）这一论点，也提醒读者作为政治演讲的受众要保持独立的思考和自我意识。
关键词： 特朗普；2016年大选；移民问题；危机制造；三维分析模型
Abstract
In the 2016 American presidential election, Donald Trump’s election is an important manifestation of the growing power of populist politics in the US. Many scholars argue that it is his stance on the then-current immigration policy in the United States that wins him the leverage in the election. Given the importance of the immigration issue to Trump’s election, a more detailed study on Trump’s stance on migration issue during the 2016 campaign is very necessary.
Borrowing the theoretical concept—performance of crisis, this paper attempts to analyze Trump’s rhetoric on immigration in the 2016 election from the perspective of Trump’s elevation of peoples’ sense of immigration crisis. To generate a deeper understanding of Trump’s election stance on immigration, this paper builds a corpus using his 11 immigration speeches and 140 immigration tweets during the 2016 campaign about the immigration issue. This paper analyzes the corpus using the method of Fairclough’s three-dimension analysis and corpus linguistics. Three-dimension analysis is an analytical method from critical discourse analysis, which comprises three stages—description, interpretation, and explanation. In the description stage, through coding, this thesis discovers the discourse strategy and rhetoric devices used in Trump’s speech on immigration issues. The interpretation stage studies the role played by Trump’s language. The explanation stage analyzes the social background of Trump’s speech and the American public’s response to the speech. And to make the research results more objective and convincing, this research uses the method of corpus linguistics to analyze the same data.
It is concluded that Donald Trump’s speeches manipulated people’s emotions including appealing to anger at politicians represented by Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, appealing to fear of immigrants, and showing his credibility. He used repetition, exaggeration, parallelism, contrast, and metaphors to achieve the goal. The speech effectively manufactured a psychological crisis on the US immigration issue. So how did he create an immigration crisis to obtain huge political benefits? It is found that he successfully located the campaign issue that has largely been the Democrats’ oversight—the immigration issue. Then he pitted politicians represented by Hillary Clinton and the “terrible” immigrants against the American people and assured his voters that he has a simple and effective solution to this problem. He took advantage of the public’s search for ontological security to convince the voters to believe his rhetoric and support his “strong leadership”.
This paper uses the theoretical concept of performance of crisis to analyze Trump’s stance on immigration issues during the 2016 campaign, challenging the argument that Trump won the election because he responded to the economic, security and cultural problems that American people urgently needed to solve, which were caused by the then-current immigration policy. This thesis reminds us that the audience of political speeches should maintain independent thinking and self-awareness.
Keywords: Donald Trump, 2016 election, immigration, three-dimension -analysis model, the performance of crisis
[4] 何晶
导师姓名：闫循华
中文题目：唐纳德·特朗普的个性特质对其外交政策和声望策略的影响
英文题目：The Impact of Donald Trump’s Personality Traits on His Foreign Policies and Prestige Strategies
摘要
自唐纳德·特朗普上任以来，很多人认为，他是一位性格反复无常的总统，且其外交行为也是不可预测，前后不一。但是，有一件事在他从政前后却始终如一：对于美国国际关系中的象征性意义的高度关注。例如，自1980年特朗普首次发表对于美国外交政策的公开评论以来，他已经明确表示，在他看来，美国外交政策的主要问题在于，他国对于美国世界第一地位的不尊重，而尊重是国际关系中最重要的元素。同样地，自特朗普赢得2016年美国总统大选以来，他后来的公开讲话也是如此，在各种场合都宣布要让美国再次受到尊重。然而，当前仍然缺乏对于特朗普政府地位和声望外交政策的研究解释。此外，对于从领导人政治个性出发，研究守成国的地位声望这一重要理论视角，当前研究也同样没有给予相应的关注。
因此，本研究通过玛格丽特·赫尔曼的领导人个性分析的理论框架，和相应的研究方法：远距离自动化内容分析法（分析大约50篇特朗普整个任期内的采访稿）和多案例分析法（特朗普眼中的两类声望挑战者），研究唐纳德·特朗普的个性特质在其旨在恢复美国国际地位和声望的外交政策中的作用，弥补了当前研究的不足。研究问题包括：根据远距离内容分析的结果，特朗普的政治个性特质有哪些？这些个性特质如何影响特朗普时期的美国外交政策，以及他对于恢复美国地位和声望的策略选取？
经过研究分析，本文作者发现特朗普的个性特质极大地影响了美国外交政策的目的和策略。具体而言，第一，与284位世界领导人这一标准参照群体相比，特朗普在五个个性特征上表现出与众不同：他在相信自我掌控事态的能力、权力和影响力动机、自信以及不信任他人四个方面得分很高，而在任务动机方面的得分却很低。
第二，特朗普政府许多外交政策的目标和声望策略在很大程度上都受到了特朗普特质主导的取向和偏好的影响。就对美国外交行为目的的影响而言，特朗普政府的很多外交政策（例如退出伊朗核协议和贸易政策）都是受地位和声望因素驱动，而这在很大程度上是由于特朗普个性特质的影响（高权力动机，低任务动机和高度不信任他人所致的对于社会尊重，地位和声望的痴迷）。至于对他的声望策略选取倾向的影响，本研究发现，在应对特朗普眼中的两类声望挑战者时，比如桀骜不驯的伊朗和那些搭便车的国家：由于特朗普具有高度自信（自恋的脆弱性）的个性，他喜欢利用自我受害和推卸责任的言语策略来避免羞辱和声望损失，这一策略也为他随后针对那些声望挑战者采取的报复性的行动辩护，使其变得理所当然；此外，由于特朗普在自信和权力动机方面得分很高，他也喜欢通过自夸成功和公开宣告胜利的言语策略来巩固自身地位和声望；同时，因为特朗普在相信自我掌控事态的能力，权力动机以及不信任他人四个方面得分很高，特朗普倾向于采取单边主义的行为方式来重获尊重和声望。
最后但同样重要的一点是，除了上述提到过的学术价值（弥补了当前研究的不足；以及提供一个新的视角去理解特朗普时期的美国外交政策）外，本研究还具有重要的现实意义：在美国外交政策分析中，重新强调了个人因素的重要性。这一理论视角非常重要，但自从冷战后期结构现实主义开始主导国际关系研究后，似乎就被边缘化了，因此在不盲目排斥其他理论解释的情况下，重新强调个人层面的理论视角也很有必要。
关键词：特朗普的地位和声望外交政策；声望策略；领导人个性分析；声望挑战者
Abstract
Since Donald Trump took office, he has been widely labeled as a capricious President with unpredictable foreign policy behavior. However, one thing has been constant throughout his life: his great attention to the intangible and symbolic aspect of U.S. international relations. To illustrate, since his first public comments on U.S. foreign policy in 1980, Trump has made it clear that he perceives disrespect for America as the country’s key foreign policy problem and respect as the most important thing in international relations. The same has been true of his later public statements since he won the 2016 presidential election, proclaiming on various occasions to restore respect for America. Nevertheless, existing explanations for the Trump administration’s foreign policies and strategies out of status and prestige concern remain deficient. Moreover, the important theoretical perspective of the agent specific factor, the leader’s personality traits in studying the dominant power’s prestige concern, has also been neglected in existing literature.
Therefore, this current research fills the research gap by investigating the role of Trump’s personality traits in his foreign policies aimed at restoring American international status and prestige, by utilizing Margaret G. Hermann’s theoretical framework of leadership trait analysis and her suggested methods of at-a-distance automated content analysis (of about 50 Trump’s interviews across his term) and multiple case studies (the two types of Trump’s perceived prestige challengers). And the research questions include: What are Trump’s politically-relevant personality traits according to the automated content analysis? How do such personality traits influence American foreign policies and Trump’s strategies to restore status and prestige to America?
After the analysis, the present author argues Trump’s personality traits have a great impact on the purpose and strategies of American foreign policies. To be more specific, first, Trump is found to be distinctive in five traits compared to the standard reference group of 284 world leaders: high in his belief in the ability to control events (BACE), need for power and influence (PWR), self-confidence (SC) and distrust of others (DIS), while low on the task orientation measure (TASK).
Second, both the goal of many of Trump’s foreign policies and prestige strategies are largely influenced by Trump’s trait-led orientations and preferences. As for the former, many of the Trump administration’s foreign policies (such as the termination of Iran nuclear deal and trade policies) are largely driven by status and prestige concern, which is significantly influenced by Trump’s trait-led (high PWR, low TASK and high DIS) personal obsession with social respect, status and prestige. And as for the latter, this study finds that in dealing with the two types of perceived prestige challengers like the recalcitrant Iran and those free-riding states, due to high SC, Trump prefers to utilize verbal strategies of self-victimization and other-blaming to avoid shame and prestige loss and to justify his ensuing retaliatory actions towards those prestige challengers; owing to high SC and high PWR, he prefers such verbal tactics of self-praise and public demonstration of victory; and with high BACE, high PWR and high DIS, Trump is inclined to adopting unilateral approaches in a behavior sense to restore respect and prestige for America.
Last but not least, in addition to the above-mentioned academic value (filling the research gap and providing a fresh perspective for understanding American foreign policies in the Trump era), this research also makes a practical contribution by reemphasizing the significance of individual level (actor specific) factors in American foreign policy analysis, which is rather important but seems to have been marginalized since structural realism began to dominate IR studies during the later stages of the Cold War. Therefore, it is fairly indispensable to urge a renewed emphasis on the individual-level theoretical analysis while not blindly excluding other theoretical explanations.
Key words: Trump’s status and prestige-driven foreign policies; prestige strategies; Leadership Trait Analysis; prestige challengers.
[5] 齐艺青
导师姓名：马丽媛
中文题目：强烈的主体性色彩：《纽约客》资深记者彼得·海斯勒的新闻风格探究
英文题目：Signature Subjectivity: A Study of New Yorker Senior Journalist Peter Hessler
摘要
彼得·海斯勒（Peter Hessler）是《纽约客》最受欢迎的记者之一，也是麦克阿瑟“天才奖”得主。本研究在对海斯勒的最新著作《埃及的革命考古学》（The Buried: An Archaeology of the Egyptian Revolution）进行文本分析的基础上，探讨了海斯勒的新闻风格中的主体性色彩。此书是基于海斯勒在埃及进行了五年的报道写成。本研究介绍了《纽约客》标志性的文学性新闻风格，并借用其中的一些概念来探讨海斯勒新闻写作中的主体性。研究发现，海斯勒的新闻报道的主体性主要体现在他的文学性描写、浸入式报道和跨文化意识。海斯勒的新闻写作带有强烈的文学色彩。他沉浸在采访对象的生活中，与他们朝夕相处，交流思想，并真切地关心他们。他的跨文化视角使他能够了解异国文化中的埃及人，并启发了《埃及革命考古学》一书的人物塑造。 本研究还发现，彼得·海斯勒的新闻写作中强烈的主体性色彩使他成为了《纽约客》文学记者的典范。记者的主体性是《纽约客》优秀新闻报道的关键，而海斯勒的主体性体现了优秀新闻报道的原则。他选择埃及作为报道地，选择文学性新闻的形式进行埃及报道，体现了优秀新闻的第一条原则——努力提升自己。沉浸式的报道和文学性的叙述，是第二条原则——精进技艺的体现。他尊重并努力理解异国文化时展现的跨文化意识，展示了优秀新闻的第三条原则——革新故事框架。
关键词：彼得·海斯勒，《纽约客》，文学性新闻，主体性，跨文化意识，美国新闻
Abstract
Peter Hessler is one of the most popular journalists of The New Yorker and MacArthur ‘Genius’ Grant winner. This study explores Hessler’s subjectivity of his literary journalism based on a textual analysis of his most recent book The Buried: An Archaeology of the Egyptian Revolution—a collection of his five-year Egyptian coverage. It introduces the tenets of The New Yorker’s literary journalism and borrows some of the concepts to examine Hessler’s subjectivity. The research finds Peter Hessler’s literary journalism characterizes the subjectivity of literary sketches, immersion reporting, and an intercultural lens. He writes his journalistic pieces with a literary touch. He immerses physically, intellectually, and emotionally in his subjects’ life by spending time with them, exchanging ideas, and genuinely caring about them. His intercultural perspective enables him to understand Egyptian people and inspires the characterization of his Egyptian reportage. This research also finds Peter Hessler’s subjectivity makes him an exemplary literary journalist at The New Yorker. Journalists’ subjectivity is key to New Yorker’s excellent journalism and Hessler’s subjectivity exemplifies the principles of excellent journalism. His selection of Egypt as the place to cover and literary journalism as the format to carry out the Egyptian report demonstrates his efforts to improve himself. Immersion reporting and literary narration manifest his endeavors to elevate the craft of communication and writing. His subjectivity of an intercultural sensibility shows his efforts to refresh story frames.
Keywords: Peter Hessler, The New Yorker, literary journalism, subjectivity, intercultural sensibility, American journalism
[6] 邢玉红
导师姓名：王镇平
中文题目：探究索菲亚·科波拉电影中女性角色的主体性：基于“处女之死”、“迷失东京”和“绝代艳后”
英文题目：An Exploration of Female Protagonists’ Subjectivity in Sofia Coppola’s The Virgin Suicides, Lost in Translation and Marie Antoinette
摘要
美国社会中，如何公平客观地看待女性一直是深受人们关注的问题。作为文化表达的重要渠道，由男性导演主导的好莱坞影片中一直存在着一种色情化的男性凝视，在这种凝视下女性被过分展示身体，塑造成没有主动欲望的被看对象。这样的刻画引导了一种物化女性的观念，忽视了女性的主体性，不利于提高女性的社会地位。作为女性导演，索菲亚·科波拉在她的电影中表现出了对女性内心世界和主体性的关注，其中《处女之死》《迷失东京》和《绝代艳后》，以女性为主角，聚焦了三个不同类型的女性追逐理想生活的故事，引发了女性观众对于女主角的同情与认同。可以说，这三部电影让我们看到了一种不同于男性凝视的视角，这种视角是女性化的，展现女性故事，凸显女性的主体性。因此，本文选择“女性凝视”作为研究视角。鉴于劳拉·穆尔维 “好奇心驱使的欲望”学者丽莎·弗伦奇和导演吉尔·索洛韦对于“女性凝视”的定义, 建构出“女性凝视”的三大核心要素来深入分析女性的主体性。首先，女性凝视通过情绪、声音、视角等展现女性的欲望，身体拍摄是为了抒发情感；其次，观众能够体会到女性角色作为客体被凝视时的感觉；最后，女性能作为主体回视，在凝视中彰显自己的主体性，当她们凝视别人时这种凝视并非是反向控制性的。
通过对索菲亚·科波拉导演前三部女性相关电影进行以上三个方面的分析，本文发现了女性角色在家庭、社会、制度层面表现出来的主体性。从女性凝视研究视角聚焦女性的经历与情感，揭示了女性作为主体的欲望与自由，为我们理解女性、客观而尊重的看待女性提供了途径。《处女之死》中的勒克斯希望能够逃离天主教父母的管制，表现出了对男性以及自然的向往，但男孩们物化的目光以及家中母亲的监视令其失望与悲伤，最终她用自由的性爱和死亡宣告着她的主体性，《迷失东京》中的夏洛特希望同时当好妻子与职场女性，但来自丈夫的不断指责和自身的职场失利让她焦虑而困惑，最终她开启了狂野、自由的自我探索征途并带着希望回归。《绝代艳后》中的玛丽王后希望过与异化女性不同的生活，政治制度和严厉规则的约束令其痛苦，最终，通过建立处身自由的女性乐园并追求真爱，玛丽成功挑战了当时的制度。
关键词：主体性；女性凝视；索菲亚·科波拉
Abstract
In American society, how to view women objectively and equally is always a problem that arouses people’s attention. As a significant outlet for culture, Hollywood films dominated by male directors feature a sexualized “male gaze” for a long time, under which female bodies are over-displayed and female is portrayed as “to-be-looked-at-ness”. Spreading a notion of objectifying women and ignoring female subjectivity, such a depiction does harm to improving women’s social status. As a woman director, Sofia Coppola shows her attention to the female inner world and subjectivity in her directed films. Among her six films, The Virgin Suicides, Lost in Translation and Marie Antoinette that are featured with female protagonists present three different women’s pursuit of independent life, and trigger the female audience’s sympathy and identification. In that sense, the three films give us a glimpse of an alternative perspective that differs from the male gaze. The perspective is female, showing female stuff and highlighting female subjectivity. Accordingly, the thesis takes the perspective of the “female gaze”. Getting inspiration from Laura Mulvey’s “desire driven by curiosity”, and referring to Lisa French’s and Jill Soloway’s definition of “female gaze”, the thesis frames “female gaze” from three dimensions to explore women’s subjectivity in detail. Firstly, the female gaze is to express women’s desire by presenting emotions, voices, and perspectives. Body portrayal is to convey emotions. Secondly, the audience could feel what women as objects of gazers feel. Last but not the least, women can return gaze as subject, showing subjectivity. To be specific, their returning gaze is not a power reversal.
Based on analysis of Sofia Coppola’s first three films from the above three dimensions, the author explores female protagonists’ subjectivity on family, social and institutional levels. Focusing on women’s experiences and emotions from the perspective of the “female gaze” exposes women’s desire and independence as subjects, which offers us a way of understanding women and viewing women objectively and respectively. Lux in The Virgin Suicides hopes to get rid of Catholic parents’ control by showing desire for male attention and nature, but boys’ objectifying look and mother’s surveillance make her disappointed and sorrowful. As a subject, she finally declares her subjectivity by having free sex and committing suicide. Charlotte in Lost in Translation desires a balance between marriage and career, but she is confused and upset due to her husband's continual critique and failure to have a successful career. She finally starts a crazy and free journey of self-exploration and returns with hope as well as courage. Marie in Marie Antoinette aims to live an individual life differing from alienated women. Meanwhile, she suffers from constraints of political institutions and strict rituals. In the end, she successfully challenges institutions at that time by building a paradise of womanhood where she is free and pursues true love.
Key Words: Subjectivity, Female Gaze, Sofia Coppola
[7] 黄薇
导师姓名：付美榕
中文题目：从“旁观者”到“参与者”：陶行知在杜威哲学、教育、伦理学思想影响下的工学团实验
英文题目：From “Spectator” to “Participant”: Tao Xingzhi’s Labor Science Union Experiment Influenced by John Dewey’s Philosophical, Educational and Ethical Ideas
摘要
陶行知（1891-1946）是民国时期杰出的教育家，曾于1914-1917年间留学美国，在哥伦比亚大学教师学院就读期间师从实用主义哲学家、教育家约翰.杜威（1859-1952）并深受其影响。陶行知在留美归国后近30年（1917-1946）的教育生涯中，参加并发起了一系列教育运动，形成了一套“生活教育”理论体系。而工学团运动和工学团思想则属于这一系列运动和思想中的重要组成部分。陶行知教育生涯的各个阶段都有现存研究，但工学团研究最少，工学团思想和杜威理论的内在关联从未被充分探讨，而陶行知通过工学团教育力图使中国人从“旁观者”转变为“参与者”这一点则是完全的学术空白。
本研究将探讨陶行知如何在杜威的哲学思想、教育思想、伦理学思想的综合影响下，通过工学团实验来培养负责任的“参与者”。其研究意义有四个层面：第一，基于杜威和陶行知文本的细致阅读，能更深入地挖掘两者的理论关联；第二，由于综合了历史、哲学、教育和伦理因素，研究视角比以往研究更广阔多面；第三，陶行知工学团教育一向被忽视，本研究展现了工学团研究具有很重要的学术价值；第四，陶行知在工学团期间尝试通过教育将中国人从“旁观者”转变为“参与者”，本研究证明了这不管在学术方面还是现实方面都值得探究。最后这一点和本文的现实意义最为相关：现代的中国教育培养的是“旁观者”还是“参与者”？一些学生在毕业后，既不能为自己作决定，也不能很好的为社会作贡献。这是否说明了要培养出既能对自己负责又能对社会负责的“参与者”，我们的学校还有很长的路要走？
陶行知自己作为“参与者”，作为教育家，通过运用杜威的理论，设计出了适合的教育方案来培养“参与者”。这一点值得现代教育者们借鉴。
关键词：陶行知；工学团； 杜威；实用主义哲学； 参与者
Abstract
Tao Xingzhi (1891-1946) was an outstanding Chinese educator in Republican China period. Studied in America in 1914-1917, Tao became a student of John Dewey (1859-1952), a pragmatic philosopher and educator in Teacher’s College, Columbia University, and was profoundly influenced by the latter. After he returned from America, Tao Xingzhi, in his 30-year educational career (1917-1946), participated in and initiated a series of educational movements, developed a systematic “Life Education” Theory, and Labor Science Union (LSU) idea and movement is a branch of it. Each period of Tao Xingzhi’s educational career has been studied academically, but the LSU period was studied the least. The theoretical connections between LSU idea and Deweyan theory have never been fully investigated, and Tao Xingzhi’s effort to transform Chinese people from “spectators” to “participants” through LSU education remains a total research gap.
This study aims to investigate how Tao Xingzhi, influenced by John Dewey's philosophical, educational, and ethical ideas, cultivated responsible “participants” through the Labor Science Union experiment. Its academic significances are of four layers: first, based on close reading of John Dewey and Tao Xingzhi's primary texts, the theoretical connections between the two are more deeply excavated; second, since the historical, philosophical, educational, and ethical elements are integrated, the perspectives of this study are more comprehensive than existing research; third, the LSU period of Tao Xingzhi has long been neglected, and this study shows how academically valuable this period is; fourth, it proves that Tao Xingzhi’s educational effort to transform Chinese people from “spectators” to “participants” in LSU period is worth investigating, not only for academic purpose but also for practical purpose. The last point is closely related to the practical significance of this study: Is modern Chinese education cultivating “spectators” or “participants”? Some students, after graduation, are neither able to make decisions for themselves nor contribute to society properly. Does that mean our schools still have a long way to go before they can cultivate “participants” who could be both responsible for themselves and society?
Tao Xingzhi, as a “participant” and an educator, applied the theories of John Dewey and designed a suitable educational plan to cultivate “participants”. This is worth learning from by modern educators.
Key Words: Tao Xingzhi, Labor Science Union, Dewey, pragmatic philosophy, participant
[8] 张雪松
导师姓名：马丽媛
中文题目：史景迁历史叙述研究——以《太平天国》为例
英文题目：Jonathan D. Spence’s Historical Narrative: A Study of God’s Chinese Son
摘要
史景迁是耶鲁大学的一名出色的汉学家。他的研究领域是中国历史，特别是包括明清在内的近代史。史景迁著述颇丰，关于中国历史的著作多达十五六本，其中大部分都已经被翻译为中文引入中国。无论在美国还是在中国，史景迁都拥有大批读者，其中有历史学领域的专家学者，也不乏普通的民众，这是因为其作品既是严谨的学术著作，也是语言流畅的通俗读物。史景迁作品的主题包罗万象，有帝王将相，亦有普通民众；有的着笔于中西方的交流和碰撞，有的则着力刻画整体的中国社会画卷。其作品《大汉之国》是中国近代史叙述的典范，被美国各大高校列为历史学本科生必读书目。研究这样一位学术大家的历史叙述风格的意义毋庸置疑。然而，当前的学术研究在这一方面十分欠缺。因此本文试图弥补这方面的不足，用文本细读的方法研读《太平天国》，一探史公的叙述风格。具体而言，本文试图回答两个问题：其一，《天平天国》一书反映了史公什么叙述风格？其二，这种叙述风格进而揭示了史公何种史观？
本位以著名历史学家海登·怀特的历史叙述理论为框架，通过文本分析，发现史景迁的历史叙述风格主要表现为三种叙述模式。在历史事件的叙述方面，他运用大环境模式和讽刺模式，在历史人物叙述方面，他运用了现实主义模式。这三种模式共同指向了史景迁的史观，那就是悲悯。本文进一步讨论了史景迁的这种悲悯史观与希腊悲剧中勾勒的世界观不谋而合。
本文主要分为两个主要部分。第一部分运用海登·怀特的历史叙述理论框架，大致勾勒史景迁在《太平天国》中表现出的历史叙述风格。通过文本细读，特别是史景迁在书中的遣词造句，分给各个事件的篇幅和顺序，和各事件之间的关系等，本文认为史公在事件叙述中，一方面用大环境模式建立事件的因果关系，着重分析事件为什么发生；另一方面用讽刺模式，深入揭示各历史行为之间关联的偶然性，着重发掘事件如何发生。在历史人物叙述方面，本文认为怀特的理论框架不再适用，并提出史景迁的人物叙述风格属于现实主义，即给予小人物尽可能饱满的形象，而对大人物则揭示他们尽可能多面的人性。基于第一部分的数据挖掘和分析，第二部分讨论这三个维度的历史叙述共同揭示了史景迁悲悯史观。而这种史观与希腊悲剧所体现出来的哲学思考一脉相承。
关键词：史景迁，历史叙述，《太平天国》
Abstract
Jonathan D. Spence is one of the most eminent sinologists in the USA. A prolific historian and writer at Yale, Spence writes more than a dozen books about Chinese history that reach a wide range of readers from scholars and students to the general public. His focus is mainly on the Ch’ing Dynasty. The themes of Spence’s works range from important figures, obscure people, significant events, cross-cultural encounters to general depictions of Chinese society and politics. His works reach a large audience both in China and overseas with The Chan’s Great Continent being the official textbook on modern China for many American undergraduate courses. It is necessary, therefore, to examine the historical narrative of a historian of such significance but the current literature on the topic is scarce. This paper attempts to fill the gap by examining Spence’s historical narrative through a close reading of God’s Chinese Son. Specifically, this research aims to answer to two questions: first, what are the features of Spence’s historical narrative as is demonstrated in God’s Chinese Son? and second, what is his historical philosophy demonstrated through his narrative?
Employing Hayden White’s theory on historiography, this research maintains that Spence’s historical narrative falls into three modes. He uses a Contextualist mode and a Satirical mode to narrate historical events and a Realist mode to portray historical figures. Together, these three modes point to his historical philosophy as Compassionism, a term this paper terms. This paper further discusses the origin of Spence’s philosophical vision by comparing it with the spirits of Greek tragedy and concludes that Spence’s historical vision shares the main philosophical elements of Greek tragedy.
This thesis mainly consists of two parts. In the first part, it attempts to outline Spence’s narrative features by using White’s historiographical modes. Through a close reading of the text of God’s Chinese Son with focus on Spence’s narrative strategies including his choice of words, his arrangements of the events, the comparative length of words he devotes to different parts as well as the interrelationships he establishes, this thesis argues that Spence tends to turn to a three-layered Contextualist cause-effect relationship to explain why certain historical events happened. In an attempt to answer how events happened exactly as they did, Spence also uses a Satirical mode to reveal the karmatic links among historical agents and their actions and explore how the fortuitous connection among actions could lead to unexpected outcomes. In addition, this thesis argues that Spence’s narrative on historical figures cannot be grouped under any of White’s theoretical framework. As a result, this paper terms his narrative on people as Realist. In the second part, based on the three features of Spence’s narrative, this thesis attempts to explores Spence’s historical vision. It argues that Spence’s historical philosophy as is demonstrated through the three modes is Compassionism and it shares with spirits of Greek tragedy.
Key words: Jonathan Spence, Historical Narrative, God’s Chinese Son
[9] 李萌 2017级
导师姓名：贾宁
中文题目：定义和重塑—女性角色、身份、自我意识和独立的呈现：2015-2018年美国《时尚》杂志的话语分析
英文题目：Define & Reconstruct: Representation of Women’s Role, Identity, Self-Awareness & Independence, A Discursive Analysis of U.S. Vogue Magazine, 2015-2018
摘要
本文以美国《时尚》杂志女性作者的文章为依托，探讨了21世纪美国女性角色、身份、自我意识和独立的定义与重塑。
本文以话语分析作为理论框架，分析和讨论了女性身份与自我意识和独立的关系，并特别关注了以下问题：1. 在美国《时尚》杂志话语下，女性作者的故事与讲述反映了什么样的女性形象？2.当今女性的角色和身份与以往相比，在什么方面以及在何种程度上有所不同？ 3. 在《时尚》杂志倡导的 “独立，勇敢，坚强”的女性标签身后，表现了什么样的女性概念？反映了何种性别关系？
本文发现，即使在当今美国，女性仍被社会所定义，这在某种程度上限制了女性的自我探索与自我实现。美国《时尚》杂志对女性的刻画反映出，在恋爱关系与家庭中的女性更容易受限于社会标准且承受更多道德压力, 更脆弱且缺乏独立性,这方面与之前相比没有较大改变。相比之下，内核稳定的女性则在人生选择和想法方面较为灵活，显示出新时代女性较强的自我意识与独立意识。尽管《时尚》杂志的描写展现了女性的自我觉醒与独立，但距离女性彻底解放自我仍有很长的路要走。
关键词：女性角色，身份，自我觉醒，独立，定义
Abstract
This thesis examines female authors’ articles in the U.S. Vogue magazine as base and texts to explore women’s definition and reconstruction of their role, identity, self-awareness and independence in the 21st-century United States. This thesis uses discourse analysis as the theoretical framework to analyze and discuss the relationship between women’s identity and their self-recognition and independence, with special attention to the following questions: 1. In the context of Vogue U.S. magazine, what image of women—their roles, identity, self-awareness, and independence are represented under the narratives and stories written by female authors? 2. In what way and to what extent has American women’s roles and identities evolved from previous times? 3. What conceptualizations of womanhood and its implications for gender relations stand behind the Vogue magazine’s advocacy for labels like “independent, brave, strong”?
This paper finds that even in today’s America, Vogue’s illustration of women reflects that women are still constrained and affected by social construction—which, to some extent, prevents women’s self-exploring and self-realization. Women in love relationships or family are more easily constrained by social standards and bear more moral pressure, thus women under such circumstances tend to be more vulnerable and dependent, which has not changed a lot from previous times. Women with a stable core, compared to women mentioned above, are more flexible and show clearer self-awareness and independence on their thoughts and personal choices in a new age. Although self-awareness and independence of women appear according to Vogue’s depiction, there is still a long way for women to fully free themselves.
Keywords: women’s role, identity, self-awareness, independence, definition
[10] 代诗眸
导师姓名：宋颖
中文题目：“被女性阅读的男性”：美国杂志Vogue对男士身份建构的批判性话语分析
英文题目：“Men for Women”: A Critical Discourse Analysis on How American Vogue Constructs Men’s Identity
摘要
“性别呈现“的议题在近些年来一直备受关注。早在20世纪70年代初的美国，《花花公子》掀起社会热潮-- 作为一本美国男人生活方式及娱乐指南的杂志，因其大胆刊登裸体和半裸体女性和性用品而声名大噪；美国女性运动却由此受到冲击。一些学者（如Zillmann和Bryant）及大多数的女性主义者（如Brownmiller）曾公开谴责《花花公子》中将女性呈现为“玩伴”和“兔女郎”的做法是将女性物化，且十分侮辱女性。随着时代的变迁，女性时尚杂志不断走进公众视野且备受欢迎，但同时被指责其内容也出现将男性物化的现象。因此，本文将谈论作为极受追捧的女性时尚杂志，《Vogue时尚》美国版，是如何为其女性读者呈现男性形象，并又是如何误导读者的。
为揭示美国女性流行时尚杂志《Vogue时尚》建构了怎样的男性身份、又是怎样建构的，本文将首先对2010年至2019年共120本的《Vogue时尚》美国版进行内容分析，且通过进一步对12份样本文章及其中的16个男性形象的批判性话语分析，以弥补文献空白；同时透过话语分析来窥探该杂志所映射的意识形态及权力关系。
通过对近10年来美国杂志《Vogue时尚》的研究，本文发现其呈现的男性形象与之前研究所得出的“新小伙”形象并不相符：“新小伙”们只关心体育、酒精、与女性乱搞；而杂志中的男性大多十分自律、自信，有着一份成功的事业、且关心社会及文化话题而非家庭或两性相关的话题。不过男性形象比以往更加多元化，即更多有着不同性取向、不同种族的男性也被呈现出来，但其中男性刻板印象仍不断再现，传统的两性关系与两性身份也同样如此。此外，美国杂志《Vogue时尚》在文本生产中运用了“平衡”的战略，即在为了赢得更多读者的同时，仍保持了其在时尚和文化届权威的地位。
关键词：男性身份；美国《Vogue》；批判性话语分
Abstract
The portrayal of gender has been a major topic of discussion in recent decades. Women’s movement would come to blows by the early 1970s along with Playboy, an American men's lifestyle and entertainment magazine known for its nude and semi-nude female models and sexual materials. Some researchers (e.g., Zillmann & Bryant) and a majority of feminists (e.g., Brownmiller) decried Playboy's "playmates" and bunnies, the female presentations, as objectifying and degrading. With the change of time, women’s fashion magazines have gained great attention of the public, where men are also presented and criticized as objectifying. Therefore, this thesis will examine how American Vogue, a popular women’s fashion magazine, portrays men for its women readers and how it may mislead the audience.
In order to explore the construction of men’s identity in American Vogue and how, a content analysis of all 120 issues of American Vogue from the year 2010 to 2019 will be conducted first, and this paper intends to fill the research gap by further providing a critical discourse analysis on 12 sample texts of 16 males, which will detect ideology and the power exertion through linguistic analysis.
Through the examination of the American Vogue in the recent decade, this thesis finds that, unlike “New Lad” who is only concerned with sports, drinking and shagging women, the man image presented by American Vogue is a disciplined, confident man with a successful career, who shows great concerns on social and cultural issues yet less concerns about family or sexual relationships. Though the presented male images are more diversified in terms of their sexuality and skin tone, some of the male stereotypes keep being reproduced, and so do traditional sexual relation and identities. Besides, text producers from American Vogue use “balancing” as a strategy for winning more readers at the same time maintaining its the power and authority in fashion and culture.
Key words: men’s identity; American Vogue; critical discourse analysis
[11] 黄滢姿
导师姓名：罗鸣
中文题目：利他与赋权：跨国代孕议题中的美国媒体新闻框架及公共话语
英文题目：Outsourcing the Womb: U.S Media Framings and Public Discourses on Transnational Surrogacy
摘要
生育是人类永恒的话题。辅助生殖技术的迅速发展赋予了饱受不孕不育困扰的夫妇们新的希望，他们开始在全球范围内寻找代孕机构和代孕母亲来实现自己的生育愿望。在全球范围内，美国和印度是代孕服务最受欢迎的两大目的地，但是美国媒体在跨国生育议题上的报道却呈现出了不同的框架和公共话语。本文旨在厘清不同框架的结构，呈现不同框架所蕴含的种族、性别与阶层内涵，并尝试探讨不同框架的形成原因。
在本研究中，作者使用内容分析与文本分析的方法，对从美国新闻流数据库当中检索得到的、2006年至2020年间、与研究问题相关的663篇文章（其中有关美国代孕产业报道211篇，印度代孕行业报道452篇，重点分析了其中48篇报道）进行编码与分析。
基于Erving Goffman 的框架理论，作者分别从挑选标准，因果解释，道德评判三个维度分析了美国代孕妈妈和印度代孕妈妈相关新闻报道的不同框架话语的建构。作者进一步得出结论，由于美国媒体对代孕妈妈的挑选标准，因果解释，道德评判的不同呈现才得以建构了不同的话语理论框架。即尽管为家庭建设贡献力量是一个共同的特征，但当涉及不同的国家背景时，其内涵却有所不同。对于美国代孕妈妈而言，美国媒体采用了利他主义框架，因为她们帮助了不孕不育夫妇实现了为人父母的愿望。但与此同时，只有当她们的代孕动机是出于想要帮助他人而非受金钱的诱惑时才被社会所认可。而对于印度的代孕母亲，美国媒体采用的是性别赋权框架，即处于贫困生活状态的印度妈妈们通过提供代孕服务改善了自己家庭的生活，为自家的发展建设贡献了力量。
而后，对于美国媒体在跨国生育议题上的报道所呈现的不同框架和公共话语，作者发现它们在一定程度上存在偏见。对于美国代孕妈妈而言，动机并非纯粹是无私的。对于印度代孕者而言，代孕工作并没有为她们实现性别赋权，反而带来了耻辱与污名；并且还加强了对印度女性的性别等级观念与性别成见。这种对来自不同地域的代孕妈妈的偏见性报道揭示了美国媒体通过殖民视角试图巩固和强化跨国生育领域中既有的社会关系和权力结构。
关键词：商业代孕 跨国生育 代孕妈妈
Abstract
Due to various reasons, people have started stepping outside of their own national bounds in pursuit of assisted reproductive technology globally. The U.S and India are the two most popular destination for providing the surrogacy service. In this study the researcher analyzes how surrogacy practice in the U.S and India are framed on American news media respectively. The author applied purposive sampling to collect news pieces, which were retrieved from U.S Newsstream database. The time frame was set between 2006-2020, among the 663 pieces of article that is relevant to research question, 48 articles were coded carefully as they were core to the research being studied. The author has found that there are two opposing framings America media has constructed for surrogacy in India: exploitation and opportunities.
Based upon the framing theory put forth by Erving Goffman, the author analyzed the construction of different framings and discourses in news reports related to surrogate mothers in the United States and India from three dimensions: selection criteria, causal interpretation as well as moral evaluation. The author further concluded that due to the American media's different selection criteria for surrogate mothers, causal interpretation, and different presentations of moral evaluation, different framings and discourses are thus constructed. That is although family-building is a shared characteristic but its connotation differs when it comes to different national background. For American surrogates, the altruism frame was applied for they have helped infertile couple fulfill their parenthood dream. Yet it is only acceptable if they do it out of love and not for money. For India surrogates, the gendered empowerment framing was constructed for women in dire poverty to better the life of their own family through the means of surrogacy.
The author then closely examines the different rules of decency and found that it is biased to some extent. For American surrogates, the motivation is not so purely altruistic; and for Indian surrogates, instead of gendered empowerment, working as surrogates actually brings about stigma and helps reinforcing the gender hierarchy and gender stereotyping. Such biased portrayal of surrogates located differently reveals the colonial lens American media has utilized in an attempt to perpetuate and preserve the existing social relations and power structures in the field of transnational reproduction.
Keywords: commercial surrogacy, global reproduction, surrogate motherhood
[12] 玉荣
导师姓名：张春波
中文题目：大国博弈：运用批判性话语分析解读《福克斯新闻》在中美贸易战期间对中美知识产权争端的报道
英文题目：Great Power Competition: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Fox News Reports on the U.S.-China IP Dispute during the Trade War
摘要
特朗普总统上任后不但以知识产权保护为由重启了对华“301调查”还要求美国贸易代表办公室依据“301调查”对中国出口美国的商品征收惩罚性关税。这一系列举措引发了学术界和政界的忧思，认为中美两国已然进入了全面对抗阶段。虽然有关权力博弈的既有文献将关注点多放在了硬实力的抗衡上，但软实力领域内的博弈在新形势下的发展也同样值得关注。
媒体传播是当下软实力领域博弈的一个核心说段，而与政府立场最接近的主流媒体新闻报道显然是意识形态博弈的一个典型的场所。微观层面的媒体话语研究可以从两个层面进一步考察所谓大国博弈的现象：一是看意识形态的对抗是否随着其他权力对抗而升级；二是看具体的意识形态建构策略，从而更好的理解这种新型大国关系形成的过程。因此，为了更加深入了解以《福克斯新闻》为代表的美国保守派媒体对这场博弈的话语意义建构，本文主要围绕以下问题展开研究：1）福克斯新闻主要运用了哪些话语策略来建构大众观点？2）福克斯新闻如何通过联合、排斥或转换来建立新形势、新领域中的思维范式？
第一个研究问题旨在考察媒体如何建构大众观点，其核心涉及社会认知，因此范迪克社会认知论下的批判话语分析恰好可以再现意义建构的过程和策略。第二个研究问题主要关注了话语类型和话语策略的“继承和发展”， 而费尔克劳夫对互文性的讨论实则是在考察话语类型的延续和变化，因此费尔克劳夫的路径显示出了更好的解释力。在《福克斯新闻》官方网站上爬取并筛选出的58篇新闻报道中，本文只对其中核心的20篇进行了全文本分析。其余38篇则作为参照物，旨在考察新文本的增加是否会给本文的研究带来新的发现。
通过分析新闻报道所建构的核心主题和次级主体，本文发现《福克斯新闻》主要运用了选词、指代、合法化、数字、比喻、反复修辞、正面的自我和负面的他者、拒绝承认明显的否定、对持反对意见者的回应等策略为中美知识产权争端建构了一个情景上的图景。其中值得关注的是对持反对意见者的回应这一策略在议论文中出现的频率要远高于在传统新闻写作中出现的频率。在话语类型的延续和变化方面，福克斯新闻延续了既有话语类型，以冷战话语为主，民族主义、东方主义、民主自由、娱乐性话语、西方历史上的霸权争夺话语等为辅，建构了全方位、多层次的中国威胁论。其中尤其值得关注的是，《福克斯新闻》在报道当中不但排除了种族主义话语类型，还将知识产权争端的意义建构升级到了个人层面，宣称中国威胁到了每一个美国公民。这种下放至公民层面的中国威胁论显然代表的是新的话语类型的出现，因为即便是在20世纪80年代美国对日本进行贸易制裁时美国媒体也未曾宣称日本威胁到了每一个美国公民。
最后，通过分析《福克斯新闻》为中美知识产权争端建构的情景上的图景，本文发现《福克斯新闻》将对知识产权争端的讨论放在了大国博弈的情境中。通过在中国梦和中国技术偷窃以及在中国技术偷窃的后果和关税战之间建立因果关系，一方面将中国建构为力图取代美国全球霸主地位的崛起国，另一方面将关税战建构为保护美国全球霸主地位的预防性战争。
关键词：大国博弈；中美知识产权争端；《福克斯新闻》；认知话语分析；互文性
Abstract
President Trump’s initiation of Section 301 investigation into China’s intellectual property and technology transfer policies, together with his imposition of punitive tariffs on Chinese goods convinces scholars and politicians that the U.S.-China confrontation has escalated on all fronts in the Trump era. While past research on power competition has paid close attention to the hard dimension of power, the contribution of soft power to great power competition is also worth noticing under the new circumstance.
With media being a source of soft power, the mainstream media that prompt the government’s position undoubtedly become a site of ideological power competition. In this regard, media discourse analysis enables this paper to discern the U.S.-China power competition from two dimensions. Firstly, it allows this paper to examine whether the ideological confrontation has been upgraded under the new circumstance. Secondly, it helps disclose the formation of the new type of major power relationship by analyzing the strategies of ideological meaning construction.
It is against this background that this paper intends to address the following questions: 1) What discursive strategies does Fox News apply to construct public opinion toward the IP dispute? 2) How does Fox News construct new ideologies amid the power competition between the existing hegemon (the U.S.) and the rising power (China)?
To answer the first question, this paper has adopted Van Dijk’s sociocognitive approach to CDA since public opinion is closely related to social cognition. To answer the second question, this paper has applied Norman Fairclough’s interdiscursivity to disclose changes and continuities of discursive strategies and discourse types. Among the 58 news articles sifted out from the official Fox News website, this paper only analyzes 20 of them line by line. The rest of 38 articles serve as a point of reference, which helps examine whether the addition of research subjects adds anything new to the analysis.
The analysis of macro (headlines) and local (news body part) propositions indicates that Fox News has constructed a contextual spectacle to the U.S.-China IP dispute. More specifically, it has constructed an all-round multi-level China threat by using lexical choice, pronouns, authorization, the number game, metaphors, rhetorical repetition, positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation, disclaimers, and the response to opposing views. Among the above discursive strategies, it is noteworthy that the response to opposing views is much frequently used in argumentative writing than in conventional news articles.
When it comes to changes and continuities of discourse types, Fox News has frequently referred to the discourse pertained to the Cold War, nationalism, Orientalism, the liberty and freedom, the mixture of news and entertainment, and great power competition in Western history. What is noteworthy is that Fox News has excluded the discourse of racism in its accusation of tech theft against China and has projected China as a threat to each and every American citizen. The projection of the China threat at the micro-level is the emergence of new discourse type in that U.S. media has never portrayed an enemy state as a threat to American citizens even during the 1980s when the U.S. had initiated the trade war with Japan for much of the same reason that it initiated the recent one with China.
More importantly, the analysis of the contextual spectacle shows that Fox News has placed the IP dispute in the context of great power competition. By establishing causal relationships between the China Dream and China’s tech theft and between the consequences of China’s tech theft and the tariff war, it presents China as an ascending power that strives to replace the U.S. dominance and justifies the tariff war as a preventive war that aims to prolong U.S. dominance in the international system.
Key words: power competition; the U.S.-China IP dispute; Fox News; sociocognitive approach to CDA; interdiscursivity
[13] 周沈佳
导师姓名：李今朝
中文题目：探究新后女性主义与女性中心视角：女性杀戮在《杀死伊芙》中的表征
英文题目：Exploring New Post-Feminism and Gynocentric Perspective：The Representation of Women Who Kill in Killing Eve
摘要
从美狄亚到朱迪斯，从黑色电影里面的致命女人到动作片中的女特工，女性杀戮的叙事从未停歇，永不过时。直至今日，观众依旧对影视作品中女性杀戮的主题饶有兴致，比如自2018年起大火且好评如潮的电视剧《杀死伊芙》。作为一部在“MeToo”运动背景下的产生的影视作品，《杀死伊芙》整个三季中的女性杀戮呈现出一种具有突破性意义的女性主义荧幕表征，极大地区别于以往物化和色情化女性的表征手法。本文意图在后女性主义的理论框架下研究女性杀戮在该作品中的表征方式，主要基于罗萨琳·吉尔(Rosalind Gill)提出的后女性主义理论，并提出了一种可以化解长期以来盘踞在影视作品中的男性凝视的女性中心视角。
为了更好地理解女性暴力和杀戮，本文首先在外貌、性格、行为和人际关系四个维度，对该剧三季中涉及到杀戮的女性角色的形象刻画进行了文本分析。该剧以褒义且细腻的笔触描绘了一群复杂多面却又讨人喜爱的女性形象，她们不仅仅是杀手，也是职业女性，有着母亲，妻子，爱人等诸多身份。她们的为人处世方面有着后女性主义的特征，充分体现了自主性和主体性。同时，她们也知道如何施展自己的性魅力而达成目的，这点与吉尔所提的后女性主义中主动色情化的特征不谋而合。
本论文的重点在于，通过分析女性杀戮的动机、方式和结果，以详细呈现这些 出于自利而极具个人特色，且免于法律制裁，不受男权限制的杀戮。在独特的女性中心视角下，该剧表现出一种更具有独立性、自由度、及女性力量的杀戮。另外，该剧的突破性在于它引入了一个从编剧到叙事、从角色到镜头都偏向于女性中心的新视角。尽管它也有一些后女性主义的通病，例如沉迷于女权主义已取得的功绩，但它的进步意义是远大于不足的，它通过独特的女性口吻和全新的性别角色观去解构了传统的男性凝视和男权叙事。希望对这部极具进步意义的作品的研究能激发更多在女性杀戮这一议题中关于女性主义、女性气质以及权力关系的讨论，也希望本文能够对未来采用女性中心视角甚至是性别中立视角的影视作品有一定的参考价值。
关键词：《杀死伊芙》；女性杀戮；主体性；后女性主义；女性中心视角;表征
Abstract
From Medea to Judith, from femme fatale in film noir to professional agents in action flicks, the narratives of women who kill never fade or become obsolete. Even today, the audience still highly welcome the motif of murderous women in television and filmic productions, giving considerable attention and credits to the recent television series Killing Eve ((BBC America, 2018,2019&2020-). As a work produced in and after the #Metoo movement, Killing Eve has displayed a ground-breaking feminist representation of female killing onscreen, distinguished from previous sexualizing and objectifying ways to represent women who kill. The thesis aims at studying the visual representation of female killing in this television production under the theoretical framework of post-feminism. It borrows the notion of Rosalind Gill’s postfeminist sentiment and introduces a gynocentric perspective to counterbalance the long-standing male gaze as defined by Laura Mulvey.
The thesis will first conduct a textual analysis of women killers, in terms of their appearance, personality, behavior, and interpersonal relations, as a prelude to better understand their violence and killing. The portrayal of women who kill in the show is positive and detailed, building many nuanced and likable female characters who are more than a killer, but a career woman, a mother, a wife, a lover, and so on. They act in a postfeminist way—by exerting their agency and subjectivity. They also know well how to exercise their sexual power to achieve their goals, which manifests the subjective sexualization in Gill’s rendition of post-feminism.
Through an analysis of the motives, methods, and consequences of female killing, the bulk of the thesis displays homicides that hold self-interested motivations, personalized killing methods, yet no legal punishments and patriarchal constraints. With a gynocentric perspective, the television production represents female killing with more individuality, more freedom, and more empowerment. In fact, the breakthroughs of the production lie in its construction of a gynocentric perspective from producers to narratives, from characters to camera. Although it has some typical failings of post-feminism that over celebrates the victory of women’s power and achievement, its progressive aspects outweigh its regressive ones in that it provides a new angle for the spectators and filmmakers to deconstruct the traditional male gaze and patriarchal narratives by incorporating special female voice and a new gender ideology. Hopefully, the study of this ground-breaking television production can provoke further discussion of feminism, femininity, and power relations in female killing and shed some light on future exploration of cinematic and television productions with gynocentric perspectives or even nonsexual angles.
Keywords: Killing Eve, female killing, subjectivity, post-feminism, gynocentric perspective, representation
[14] 赵茜
导师姓名：付美榕
中文题目：走通美国商界的迷宫——关于女性企业领袖职业生涯的四层次分析
英文题目：Through the Labyrinth in Corporate America: A Four-level Analysis of the Professional Trajectory of Women Business Leaders
摘要
女性领导力缺失一直是困扰媒体和学界的难题，而美国女性的商业领导力则是其中的一个重要议题。单从获得高等教育文凭的人数来看，如今美国女性已经在教育水平上赶超男性，她们只占据商业领导力的一小部分，男女在领导力上仍存在明显差异。针对这一现象，本文拟研究那些突破职业障碍、在美国商业领域取得杰出成就的女性企业领袖，希望能为消除职场障碍、性别歧视以及改善人才环境提供启示。
本研究选取2015年到2019年之间财富杂志“商业领域最具影响力女性”榜单上美国商界的女性企业领袖作为研究对象，从不同渠道收集她们的个人专访、公众演讲以及新闻报道等作为研究材料。通过从社会、公司、人际关系以及个人四个层面论述男女在公司权力存在差别的原因，Ragins和Sundstrom揭示了女性在职业晋升中面临来自这四个层面的种种困难。本文拟借用Ragins和Sundstrom的分析模型，运用扎根理论和内容分析的研究方法、多维度地来分析这些女性企业领袖是怎样走通商界迷宫、最终实现领导地位。通过回溯她们的职业生涯，本文研究她们所面临的职业障碍以及她们是如何运用策略打破重重困境。同时，本文运用“交叉性”的视角，从阶级、种族以及行业三个方面来探讨这些企业女性领袖在职业困境和晋升方式上的差异。最后，本文透过她们的亲身经历来呈现个人职业路径与宏观社会分层、人口结构和经济体系的互动。
本文发现，四个因素在帮助女性企业领袖打破职业障碍上起到了重要作用。首先，高等教育有助于突破来自社会层面的阻碍。大学教育让她们掌握了专业知识，塑造了她们重视自身能力而非男女差异的思维模式。其次，针对公司在初级和高级管理职位不同的评价标准，她们相应地调整关注重点去适应变化、实现晋升。同时，在职场中妥善处理与上司和下属的关系对打破固有的男性团体、获得支持至关重要。最后，她们独特的女性领导力有助于她们克服个人层面的困难。本文还发现，阶级或社会经济地位不再是影响女性职业晋升的重要因素；少数族裔企业女性领袖遭受“双重少数群体身份”的职场偏见；教育背景、经验或者专业知识是准备进军科技领域的女性的必要条件。此外，这些女性企业领袖的个人经历也和美国的制度文化紧密联系起来。公司设立有利于提高员工结构多样性的项目和美国历史上成立的黑人大学为女性和少数族裔的职业晋升创造了有利条件，而20世纪90年代新经济的热潮是推动一些女性从科技领域涌现出来的重要原因。
基于上述发现，本文得出的结论是：美国企业女性领袖走通商界迷宫的经历体现了个人和社会因素的互动，即她们运用各种策略去应对来自社会、公司、人际关系以及个人等层面的职业困难，同时她们也擅于抓住机会、利用有利的社会条件。最后，女性在实现男女在领导力上的平等上还有很长的路要走，而公司领导力在种族上的分层也表明相比男性和白人女性，少数族裔女性在职场上面临更大的困境。
关键词：美国企业女性领袖；四层次分析；策略；社会背景
Abstract
The under-representation of women in top leadership has long beset the press and academia, and a key issue is women leadership in corporate America. Despite that women have increasingly outperformed men in educational attainment, as measured by percentage of recipients of advanced degrees, they are still disproportionately underrepresented in American business leadership overall. This phenomenon of gender inequality has prompted the study of those women who break barriers in career path and rise to prominence in business, which is aimed to shed lights on public policies on gender equality and value realization of human capital.
The study focuses on a cohort of American business leaders (hereinafter referred to as AWBLs or WBLs) from Fortune’s “The Most Powerful Women in Business” (MPW) list (2015-2019) and draws data from their accounts in personal interviews, public speeches, and news releases. Using Ragins-Sundstrom’s theoretical approach of four-level analysis, which expounds on gender differences in power on the societal, organizational, interpersonal, and individual levels, the study adopts grounded theory and content analysis to examine how these AWBLs navigated the labyrinth to corporate leadership. Specifically, the study investigates the barriers these women faced and strategies they employed to overcome obstacles by tracing their career paths. Meanwhile, it explores how they vary in rising to prominence concerning class, race, and industries. Besides, the study links their lived experiences with institutional and cultural contexts of the United States.
The study finds that four factors in helping AWBLs successfully navigate the labyrinth of corporate leadership. First, on the societal level, educational attainment instilled professional knowledge into them while training their mindset to emphasize their abilities instead of gender differences. Second, the organization shifted its focus of the evaluation system from the entry to the senior management level, so the AWBLs accommodate those changes to rise through the ranks. Third, interactions with superiors and subordinates were crucial to break the old boys’ network and garner support. Last, their unique female leadership styles are effective to address barriers related to individual factors. Meanwhile, the study also finds three major changes. As women from disadvantaged backgrounds became business leaders, class or socioeconomic status is no longer a dominant factor in affecting women’s career advancement. Minority women executives suffered from the “double minority biases”. Also, education, experience, and expertise are important if women strive for a career in the technology world. Furthermore, institutional and cultural factors are closely related to their prominence in business. The organization’s diversity programs and Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) provided opportunities to women and minorities for career development. The new economy in the 1990s also prompted some women to enter the technology world.
Based on the findings of how the WBLs navigated through the labyrinth to corporate leadership, the thesis concludes that their career advancement is a result of personal initiative and social contexts, i.e., they developed strategies to break career barriers while taking full advantage of favorable social conditions on their road to C-suite. Meanwhile, women still have a long road before achieving gender equality in leadership and the corporate leadership is stratified as minority women fare worst, compared with white women and men.
Key Words: American Women Business Leaders, the Four-level Analysis, Strategies, Social Context
[15] 谭冰怡
导师姓名：李莉文
中文题目：亚裔美国人文化身份建构
英文题目：Chinese Americans’ Cultural Identity Construction: A Case Study of Three Chinese American Writers
摘要
该论文通过传记研究方法研究三位亚裔美国作家的文化身份及其构建。作者运用统一的理论框架对Maxine Hong Kingston, Amy Tan, Iris Chang的文化身份是什么及其是如何构建的进行了分析和阐述。该理论框架由Jacques Lacan的镜像理论、Stuart Hall的文化身份理论以及 Homi Bhabha的文化揉杂理论组成。通过上述研究方法和理论框架的分析，作者认为这三位作家在经历了文化困惑、文化认同以及跨文化身份建构这三个阶段后最终构建了跨文化的文化身份。
关键词：亚裔美国作家，文化身份建构，传记研究方法，镜像理论，文化身份理论，文化揉杂理论
Abstract
This paper studies three Chinese American writers’ cultural identity and its construction through biographical research methodology. The author employs a unified theoretical framework to analyze and illuminate the cultural identity and its construction of Maxine Hong Kingston, Amy Tan, and Iris Chang. This theoretical framework consists of Jacques Lacan’s mirror stage theory, Stuart Hall’s cultural identity theory, and Homi Bhabha’s cultural hybridity theory. Under the above-mentioned research methodology and theoretical framework, the author contends that these three writers all constructed their cross-cultural identity after experiencing three stages—cultural confusion, cultural recognition, and cross-culture identity construction.
Keywords: Chinese American writers, cultural identity construction, biographical research methodology, mirror stage theory, cultural identity theory, cultural hybridity theory
[16] 谢钰怡
导师姓名：刘杨
中文题目：文化再适应过程中的身份认同协商与重构：基于留美归国学生经历的研究
英文题目：Identity Negotiation and Reconstruction in and through Re-entry Adjustment：the Experiences of Chinese Student Returnees from the U.S.
摘要
本文探索了留美归国学生在文化再适应过程中的感知、策略定位以及身份认同重构。众多研究已经探讨了归国的中国留学生在经济和学术上的影响，但较少涉及到其在返乡过程中通过社会认知与互动带来的身份认同变化。本研究旨在解读留美归国学生文化再适应经历的多元性与流动性，以及其基于不同语境构建的身份认同。该研究建立在三个主要的理论框架之上，分别是社会身份理论，差异性适应理论和共文化理论。为了对归国学生的身份认同变化提供更为细致和深入的描述，本文采用了质性研究方法。十九位从美国归来的中国留学生在质性访谈中分享了其返乡经历。访谈中收集的数据分为两个章节进行解读。
通过主题分析，本文首先讨论了留美归国学生的移居期望，这被认为与其再适应交际和身份转变有关。受访者的返乡经历可从三个维度进行解读：偏爱母国型，与社会格格不入型，适应上的中间派。同时，本文的受访者采取不同策略来应对逆文化冲击。一方面，归国学生拒绝采取同化的方法来重新适应母国的社会环境，而是设法按照自己的意愿采取行动来进行重新调整。另一方面，其采取共文化策略，包括建立团体内部人际关系网，回避以及教育主流群体。基于复杂的文化再适应认知和实践，归国学生的身份认同协商和重构可分为三个类型：本质上的中国人，母国的少数群体，融合两种文化的综合身份认同。
本文的研究发现表明，归国学生的文化再适应经历是多样的而非线性的过程导向型。其再适应调整与身份认同重构是基于语境和情景的。在动态的再适应过程中，归国学生获得了与旅居前和旅居期间不同的身份认同。该研究拓宽了对归国学生文化再适应进行解读的视角，并为遭受逆向文化冲击的归国人员提供了建议。
关键词：归国学生，文化再适应，逆文化冲击，差异性适应，身份认同重构
AbstractThis study examines Chinese student returnees’ re-entry perception, strategic positioning, and reconstructed identities in and through re-entry adjustment. Previous studies have explored the roles of Chinese student returnees as economic and academic force, but few examining their identity changes through social perceptions and interactions upon return. This research seeks to understand their diverse and fluid re-entry experiences and contextualized construction of identities. The study builds on three major theoretical frameworks, which are social identity theory, differential adaptation theory, and co-cultural theory. To provide a more nuanced and in-depth description of Chinese student returnees’ identity changes, qualitative methodology is adopted. Nineteen Chinese students who returned from America were interviewed to share their experiences of coming back to the home country. Data garnered from the interviews are organized into two finding chapters.
Guided by thematic analysis, the study first discusses Chinese student returnees’ migration anticipation which is assumed to be relevant to their re-entry interaction and identity transformation. The participants' re-entry experiences can be explained by three dimensions: home-favored perception, social misfit, and in-between adaptation. Meanwhile, the Chinese student returnees develop strategies to cope with re-entry culture shock. On the one hand, they resist taking assimilated approach to re-adapt to the home society, but manage to act upon their own wills in re-adjustment. On the other hand, they adopt co-cultural approaches, including intragroup networking, avoiding, and educating others. Based on the complex re-entry perception and practices, the Chinese returnees negotiate and reconstruct their identities in three categories: essentially Chinese, a minority in the homeland, and an integrated identity mediated by both cultures.
These findings suggest that Chinese student returnees’ re-entry experiences are diverse rather than linear process-oriented. Their re-entry adjustment and identity reconfiguration are contextually and situationally based. In the dynamic re-entry process, they gain new identities which are different from the past selves before and during the sojourn. The study broadens the lens to interpret student returnees’ re-entry experiences and gives suggestions to those encountering reverse culture shock.
Keywords: Chinese student returnees, re-entry adjustment, re-entry culture shock, differential adaptation, identity reconstruction
