[1] 赵益

导师姓名：闫循华 

中文题目：美国最高法院大法官任命内在之争：关键行为者之间的协商游戏 

英文题目：The Built-in Competition of U.S. Supreme Court Appointments: A Bargaining Game Between Pivots

摘要 

任命政治表明，最高法院大法官的任命需要经过一段漫长而审慎的协商过程。在协商的背景下，那些对任命过程有重要影响力的关键行为者将会进行合作，根据他们自己对决策结果的期待或者是偏好彼此协商和妥协，从而使决策结果令所有参与者都感到满意。通常情况下，在司法选举中，这些关键行为者包括总统以及参议院中的重要决策人。当这些关键行为者遇到对他们的协商效用造成极大损失（或者说是极不满足其协商偏好）的选项时，他们将会毫无疑问地拒绝。因此，当关键行为者被提供了不同的选择时，他们如何评估以及交易他们的协商效用（或协商偏好）将影响最后协商的结果。协商偏好作为协商理论中最重要的动力因素，对关键行为者的决策过程产生了至关重要的影响，因此在最高法院大法官的任命中，关键行为者们就根据其对“最合适继任者”的协商偏好来决定任命的结果。 

司法任命的制度安排规定了司法任命将经历什么过程以及关键行为者将在该过程中采取何种行动，制度安排为关键行为者提供了“寄居”的场所，因此，寻找关键行为者就需要获悉具体的制度有哪些，不同的制度又对关键行为者有怎样的规定。本文将最高法院的任命分解为相应的多个制度，并试图根据关键政治理论来捕捉不同制度中的关键行为者。此外，基于协商理论和政治任命模型，不同制度中相互竞争的关键行为者们根据自己的偏好进行协商，而偏好之间的差异又将会对司法任命的结果产生影响，包括成功率、持续时间以及法院中间意识形态的变化。本文希望通过定量研究的方式了解到任命偏好的差异如何影响这些任命结果，进一步揭示关键行为者在影响任命结果方面的不同表现，从而揭示制度安排对司法任命的潜在影响。最后，研究结果认为美国最高法院任命的结果与关键行为者的协商偏好之间的差异具有显著相关性；同时，决定谁是关键行为者的任命制度安排对政治协商本身也具有重要的意义。 

关键词：最高法院任命，任命结果，政治协商，政治协商，关键行为者，定量分析 

Abstract 

The appointment politics suggest that the Supreme Court justices would only be confirmed after the dragging and deliberative bargaining process. Under the bargaining context, pivotal actors who have critical sayings over the process would cooperate on the final consequences. Based on their expectations or preferences, they would compromise over the decision process so that all pivotal actors find the results satisfying. Generally, in the judicial appointments, those pivotal actors include the presidents and critical decision-makers in the Senate. Pivotal actors would reject choices at the great loss of their bargaining utilities, or to say bargaining preferences. Therefore, how the pivotal actors assess and trade their bargaining utilities (or bargaining preferences) when provided with different choices would affect the bargaining outcomes. As the most crucial dynamic factor in the bargaining theory, “bargaining preferences” significantly affect pivots’ decision-making. Thus, in the appointment of Supreme Court justices, pivots decide over the appointment outcomes in terms of their bargaining preferences for “the most appropriate successor.” 

The institutional arrangement of judicial appointments specifies what processes it would undergo and what pivotal players would act on them. The institutional arrangement provides the “habitats” for those pivotal actors. Finding the pivots needs to know the arrangement: what are the particular institutions, and how do different institutions stipulate their pivotal actors? This paper anatomizes the Supreme Court appointments into several institutions and attempts to capture pivotal actors in different institutions based on the theory of pivotal politics. Besides, based on the bargaining theory and appointment politics models, it is expected to know how the difference of competing pivots’ bargaining preferences in those institutions would influence the bargaining outcomes of judicial appointment, including the success rate, duration, and the change of the median ideology in the Court. And through the method of quantitative comparisons, it would also reveal how differently pivots would perform in influencing the appointment consequences, therefore exposing the potential impact of the institutional set-up of judicial appointments. The research results of this paper confirm that the outcomes of the U.S. Supreme Court appointments have prominent correlations with the difference of competing pivots’ bargaining preferences; meanwhile, the institutional arrangement of political appointment which determines who are competing pivots exerts a significant impact on political bargaining. 

Keywords: the Supreme Court Appointments; Appointment Outcomes; Political Bargaining; Pivotal Actors; Quantitative Analyses 

[2] 储子牛 

导师姓名：闫循华 

中文题目：特朗普政府“退群”外交的动因分析——基于唐纳德·特朗普成本收益视角 

英文题目：US Retrenchment from International Institutions under Donald Trump: A Personality-Based Cost-Benefit Analysis

 

摘要 

唐纳德特朗普上任以后频繁退出国际组织以及条约，而这在美国历史上是十分罕见的，甚至有学者将 特朗普的外交政策概括为退出主义。领导人利益偏好的差异会导致国家对具体制度的态度发生转变，而特朗 普正是一位有着强烈个人特色的总统。 

本文构建起美国制度性退出的逻辑，结合领导人个性分析，从特朗普的人格特点出发，将影响其做出 收益计算的层面纳入考量，从而解释推动特朗普退群的原因。经过研究发现，特朗普的人格特点极大影响了 他对待国际组织与条约的态度。第一，特朗普极度在乎“公平”。他希望利用美国的霸权地位来维护美国在各 个组织中的地位，从而获得非中性收益，谋求领导权。第二，特朗普渴望选民的支持。作为美国政治极化的 代表，特朗普需要找到能够动员共和党选民的政治议题，包括扩大就业，移民问题等。而他当选之后，想要 继续获得这部分选民的支持就必须做出行动，而退出某些国际组织与条约正是出于这个目的。第三，特朗普 有着非黑即白的世界观。相比于维护美国的利益，他更致力于对抗对于美国的敌人，让对方承担损失。而有 些国际组织与条约则成为了他眼中的“敌人”，或是阻碍他打击“敌人”的绊脚石。该分析框架可以很好地解释 美国的国际制度策略自特朗普上任以来的转变过程。 

关键词：唐纳德·特朗普；“退出主义”；成本收益分析；制度收缩 

Abstract 

Since Donald Trump took office, he has frequently withdrawn from international organizations and treaties, which is very rare in the history of the United States. Trump's foreign policy is sometimes described as a withdrawal doctrine. A leader’s personality can influence a state’s attitude toward specific institutions, and Trump is such an individual with strong personal characteristics. 

By combining analysis of the leadership style with Trump's traits, this thesis explains the rationale of Trump's withdrawal doctrine by taking into account the factors that influence the cost-benefit calculation of Trump. After research, it was found that Trump’s personal traits shaped his attitude towards international organizations and treaties. To begin with, Trump is extremely concerned about “fairness”: he hopes to maintain the hegemonic position of the United States in various organizations in order to obtain non-neutral benefits and maintain its leadership. Trump's second goal is to win voter support. With the polarization of American politics, Trump needs to find political agendas that can mobilize Republican voters, such as creating more jobs and implementing stricter immigration laws. To maintain the support of this part of electorate, he must act after he is elected, and withdrawing from certain international organizations and treaties is out of this need. Third, Trump has a black-and-white view of the world. He is more committed to confronting the enemy of the United States and forcing them to bear losses than to safeguarding the interests of the United States. Moreover, some international organizations and treaties have become “enemies” in his eyes, or obstacles to defeating his enemies. This analytical framework can well explain the institutional retrenchment of US since Trump took office. 

Keywords: Donald Trump; withdrawal doctrine; cost-benefit analysis; institutional retrenchment 

[3] 夏凡 

导师姓名：齐皓 

中文题目：探究美国拉美裔宗教信仰对总统选举的影响 

英文题目：The link between religion and vote choices of Latino American: presidential election result, 2008-2020 

摘要 

随着美国拉美裔选民的影响力不断扩大，拉美裔群体也成为研究美国政治选举的关注重点之一。宗教是拉美裔社会身份组成中的重要部分，而拉美裔的宗教信仰也对投票结果产生关键影响。本研究旨在探究拉美裔的宗教信仰和总统选举投票选择之间的相关性关系。 

本文的研究问题在于探究拉美裔宗教信仰是否对总统选举中的票选产生影响。研究假设为拉美裔选民宗教信仰影响其总统选举投票；拉美裔天主教徒更倾向于选择民主党候选人，而拉美裔新教徒更倾向于选择共和党候选人。本文使用量化研究方法，研究数据来源于 2008 年至 2020 年四次美国国家选举研究 （American National Election Studies）。研究设计主要分为两步。第一，将拉美裔群体和白人群体的宗教信仰情况和总统选举投票情况进行对比研究，表明拉美裔群体比白人群体的总统投票情况更容易受到宗教因素的 影响，以此作为研究基础，开展第二步研究，使用卡方独立性检验，将宗教、国籍、性别、收入、教育和出身六个因素作为独立变量，探讨与选举结果的相关性。数据结果显示，宗教因素在四次选举结果的检验结果中均具有强相关性，其余五个因素均无出现持续相关性，并且数据分析表明，拉美裔天主教徒选民倾向于支持民主党候选人，拉美裔新教徒倾向于支持共和党候选人。 

本文讨论部分试图探讨拉美裔宗教因素与其在总统选举中的两党候选人的选择之间相关性的运作机制，利用社会认同理论的分析框架，在四个方面作出分析和探讨。第一，拉美裔天主教徒和新教徒具有趋异的政治参与观念与表现。第二，拉美裔天主教徒和新教徒的由于移民观念和经济状况而产生不同的投票倾向。第三，教堂具有参与政治决策的功能，为拉美裔移民提供增加社会认同、政治参与程度的场所和机会。 第四，拉美裔移民的来源国的政治观念和传统在美国拉美裔移民的身份认同中得以延续，并影响新教拉美裔选民支持共和党候选人。 

因此，本文得出的结论为，拉美裔的宗教信仰可以被看作为影响其票选的主要因素；同时，出身情况、收入高低和来源国家等其它因素在影响机制中作为重要环节推进了拉美裔选民在总统大选时的决策行为。 

关键词：美国政治；拉美裔；宗教；总统选举；社会认同 

Abstract 

Latino Americans have become increasingly important in American politics due to the growing number of Latino voters and their expanding influence. Religion is considered as an essential constitutive part of Latino identity that influences the political preferences of Latino American. This research aims to explore the correlation between Latinos’ religious belief and their vote choices in reference to the presidential election result from 2008 to 2020. 

Given the research question focuses on whether religion influences Latino vote choices and research hypothesis comprising the significant relationship between Latino religious preferences and vote choices and Catholic Latinos’ tendency to vote for Democratic Party and the Protestant Latinos’ pro-Republican trend. The research design is divided into two steps in a quantitative approach. The first step introduces a comparative analysis of voting choices of Anglo and Latino American, revealing stronger impacts of religious preferences on Latinos’ voting choices. The following part of calculation presents a Chi-Square Test of Independence to test the correlation between six independent variables and the vote choices of Latino voters with data acquired from American National Election Studies (ANES). The results show that there is a significant relationship between religion and vote outcome consistently in four elections from 2008 to 2020. Besides, the other five variables of origin, income, nativity, gender and education also demonstrates the irregular significant association with vote choices, showing the less relevance in comparison to the variable of religion. It is also found the Protestants are more likely to vote for the Republican candidates while the Catholic the Democratic candidates, which supports the research hypothesis. 

In the discussion section, this research, by applying social identity theoretical framework, attempts to explain the relationship between Latinos’ religious preferences and their vote choices in four aspects. First, the inherent divergent values and tendencies of Hispanic Catholic and Protestant adherents. The second aspect introduces how the immigration and economic factors propel various vote choices of Latino Catholics and Protestants. In the third aspect, the functions of religious agencies about the interactive mechanism of political decision-making are introduced to reveal the role and impacts of church presence. The final aspect tends to underscore the effects of the political culture and convention of origin country that unfolds the rationale of Latinos’ fear towards socialism and political conservatives’ links to the evangelicals. 

The conclusion of this research is twofold. First, religion is the strongest indicator that determines the vote choices of Latino Americans. Second, other social elements encompassing economic status, origin and immigration constitute the segments of the correlative mechanism, motivating Latino voters with religious preferences to decide their vote choices. 

Keywords: U.S. politics; Latino American; religion; presidential election; social identity. 

[4] 胡庆花 

导师姓名：贾宁 

中文题目：新冠肺炎疫情成为总统竞选必争之地：关于特朗普新冠肺炎推文的批评性话语分析 

英文题目：Covid-19 as a Campaign Battleground: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Trump’s Coronavirus Tweets 

摘要 

新冠肺炎疫情在特殊的政治背景下于美国爆发:一方面，美国的政治极化达到顶点；另一方面，民主党和共和党都面临着 2020 年总统竞选的压力。许多学者表示，在双重压力下，前总统唐纳德·特朗普拒绝将新冠病毒视为公共健康问题，并将新冠病毒政治化 (哈尔彭 2020；贝尔森 & 帕姆 2020；哈特，钦恩和索洛卡 2020）。新冠肺炎疫情本质是公共健康问题和社会问题，却逐渐被政治化，最终成为了总统竞选的关键战场。 

为了弄清特朗普对新冠疫情的政治化过程，本文选取了特朗普在 2020 年 1 月 24 日至 2020 年 11 月 3 日期间的 564 条推特。时间框架从 2020 年 1 月 24 日特朗普总统发表第一条新冠病毒推文开始到选举日结束。首先，本文以政治、社会和经济效应为参照，划分了疫情的四个阶段。在每个阶段，推文根据主题被进一步分为不同的类别，以发现特朗普的议程设置。最后，本文基于批评性话语分析方法对推文进行分析，以找出话语背后的意识形态以及构建意识形态的话语策略。 

通过对 564 条推文的分析，本文指出特朗普用了三个步骤将新冠疫情政治化。首先，他无视新冠病毒作为一种传染病的本质特征，并在新冠疫情话语中设置新议程以促进他的政治利益。特朗普设置了 7 个贯穿整个阶段的议程。这 7 个议程包括“宣布抗疫安排”“催促疫苗和治疗方法的使用”“强调经济”“夸奖自身政府”“攻击民主党”“批评左翼媒体”“指责中国”。然而，在 7 个议程中，只有“抗疫安排”和“疫苗和治疗方法”与新冠疫情防控和治理直接相关，其余 5 个议程是特朗普为了促进自己的政治利益而添加的。 

特朗普采取了一种“平衡”策略，在不同阶段分配各议程的比重时，既考虑公众关注又考虑选情发展，因此他既可以吸引观众，又同时促进他的政治利益。此外，在各议程内部，特朗普也采用了有利于他的策略：随着大选临近，特朗普逐步将夸奖和批判的中心锁定在自己和民主党候选人拜登上面。具体表现为，在“夸奖自身政府”议程中特朗普逐渐将表扬的对象从众多工作人员转移到他自身上面，而在“攻击民主党”议程中，攻击对象逐渐从民主党整体转向代表性人物如奥巴马，佩洛西，特别是拜登身上，最后锁定到拜登身上。对于阻碍他竞选的另一反对阵营“左翼媒体”，特朗普则逐渐将对各个媒体机构的点名攻击逐渐聚拢到对于整个“假新闻”群体的攻击。特朗普对于左翼媒体的笼统化处理扩大了他对左翼媒体的攻击范围，与此同时，帮助他把精力集中到与拜登的竞争上。 

第三，特朗普在新冠疫情中使用了一系列话语策略，通过运用分类、重复、数字、对比、民族颂扬、预设等话语策略，构建了“积极的自我群体”和“消极的他者群体”意识形态。值得注意的是，特朗普并没有将“自我群体”和“他者群体”之间的界限固化，而是做出了有利于他政治利益的灵活调整。每当联合“他者群体”对他更有利时，他也绝不会吝啬他对“他者群体”的赞美，这从他早期对中国的赞美和对民主党的偶尔称赞上面都可以清晰体现出来。 

特朗普对新冠病毒的处理，为未来“社会问题的政治化”的研究提供了一个绝佳范例。通过对特朗普新冠疫情政治化的分析，本文对未来“社会问题的政治化”这一主题的研究有以下启发，政治化的过程经历了三个阶段：剥夺社会问题的根本属性，用偏好的议程重建社会问题，用偏好的策略和意识形态包装新议程。 

关键词：新冠疫情；特朗普；政治化；推特；批评性话语分析 

Abstract 

The pandemic arrived in the United States under a special political context: on one hand, political polarization was at an apex, on the other hand, both the Democratic party and the Republican party were facing the pressure of the 2020 presidential campaign. Scholars suggested, under double pressure, the former President Donald Trump refused to regard coronavirus as a public health issue and politicized coronavirus (Halpern 2020; Bolsen & Palm 2020; Hart, Chinn and Soroka 2020). Coronavirus pandemic, as a public health issue and a social issue, was continuously politicized, and finally became the crucial battleground in the presidential campaign. 

To figure out Trump’s politicization process of the pandemic, the thesis selected Trump’s 564 tweets observed from January 24, 2020, to November 3, 2020. The time frame was defined from the date when ex-president Trump published his first tweet related to coronavirus on January 24, 2020, to the election day. Firstly, the pandemic was divided into four phases as the analysis frame based on the political, social, and economic effects. In each phase, the tweets were further divided into different sections based on their themes, to figure out the agenda-setting of Trump. Finally, the tweets were analyzed based on the critical discourse analysis approach to reveal the ideologies behind Trump’s discourse, the discursive strategies Trump used to construct the ideologies. 

Through the analysis of the 564 tweets, the thesis figured out that Trump used three steps to politicize the coronavirus. Firstly, he neglected the essential features of coronavirus as an infectious disease and set agendas in his coronavirus discourse that favored his political interest. There were 7 agendas existing in all of the four phases, including “announcing anti-coronavirus arrangements” “urging vaccine and cure” “emphasizing on economy” “glorifying Trump’s administration” “attacking the democrats” “criticizing media” and “blaming China”. However, only 2 agendas “anti-coronavirus arrangements” and “vaccine and cure” were directly related to the prevention and containment of coronavirus pandemic, and the rest 5 agendas were added by Trump to promote his political interest. 

Secondly, Trump has taken a “balanced” strategy in distributing the percentage of different agendas in each phase by taking both the public’s concern and the progress of the election into consideration, thus he can attract audiences and promote his political interest at the same time. Besides, the thesis figured out that Trump also adopted strategies beneficial to himself within each agenda: as the election approached, Trump gradually located the subjects of appreciation and of criticism on himself and on Joe Biden, the candidate of democratic party. Specifically, in the agenda “appreciating his administration”, Trump firstly appraised many officials in his administration, then, he gradually transferred the appreciation to himself. The same pattern happened in the agenda “attacking the democrats”. The democratic party was the main subjects of Trump’s attack at first, then the subjects became the representative figure such as Nancy Pelosi, Barack Obama, in particular Joe Biden, finally Trump concentrated his fire on Biden in final phase. As for the other opposition camp “left-wing media”, Trump firstly criticized the specific left media agencies and he shifted to attack the whole “fake news” media group in the end. Trump’s general criticism on the media group expanded the range of targets, and at the same time, helped him concentrate on his competition with Biden. 

Thirdly, Trump constructed the “positive us-group” and “negative other-group” ideology with the use of a set of discursive strategies, such as categorization, repetition, comparison, the number game, national self-glorification and presupposition in his coronavirus discourse. It is noteworthy that the boundary between the “self group” and “other group” was not fixed, but was flexibly adjusted according to Trump’s political interest. Whenever it is beneficial for him to unite with the “other group”, he was never stingy with his praise for the “other group”. Such flexibility was reflected from his appreciation to China in the first phase and his occasional praise to the democrats. 

Trump’s response to the coronavirus provided an excellent case for future studies of “the politicization of social issues”. Through the analysis of Trump’s politicization of coronavirus, this thesis has the following inspirations for future studies on the topic “the politicization of social issue”. The process of politicization endured three steps: deprivation of the essential features of a social issue, reconstruction of the social issue with the favored agendas, packaging the new-added agendas with favored strategies and ideologies. 

Keywords: coronavirus; Trump; politicization; critical discourse analysis 

[5] 董子瑞 

导师姓名：马丽媛 

中文题目：宇文所安从杜甫眼中看到了什么？-一个文本分析 

英文题目：What does Stephen Owen See in Du Fu? –A Textual Analysis 

摘要 

宇文所安是一位汉学家，也是中国前现代文学的领军学者。在他的诸多出版物中，宇文所安对唐代文学传统以及这些传统的细致变化有独到的见解。最重要的是，宇文重新审视了李白和杜甫这些长期以来被平面化经典化的诗人。这篇论文探讨了宇文所安对杜甫的正面评价，并进一步展示了他的整体审美观念。本文以《盛唐诗》的相关章节为文本，通过考证宇文所安对杜甫的论述，总结出了宇文所安眼中杜甫的杰出特征。他笔下的杜甫有两个最突出的维度：风格的多样性和自然主义者的诗歌身份。杜甫是盛唐真正的大诗人，他能够完美驾驭几乎所有风格的诗歌。杜甫的成就源于他从传统中创新和创造新诗歌风格的能力。此外，这位大诗人也因其自然主义的笔触而引起宇文所安的注目。宇文发现自然主义的杜甫体现在两个层面：宿命论和忠实的写作特征。这篇论文进一步得出结论，认为宇文对杜甫的欣赏来源于他对中国诗人的整体审美。宇文的美学由匠心和真实度组成，而前者的重要性高于后者。此外，本文认为宇文的诗歌审美是以现实为基础的，这与西方文学传统一脉相承。而中国审美是超现实的，因此能够欣赏李白的飘逸。这就决定了杜甫是宇文心目中中国最伟大的诗人，而非李白。 

关键词：宇文所安；杜甫；写作风格；自然主义；诗歌审美 

Abstract 

Stephen Owen is a sinologist who distinguishes himself as a leading scholar in premodern Chinese literature. His voluminous publications provide fascinating insights into T’ang’s underlying literary conventions and the nuanced changes of such conventions. Most importantly, Owen re-examines poets that were for long been reduced to canonized images like Li Bai and Du Fu. 

This thesis explores Owen’s categorically positive review on Du Fu to exhibit his overall aesthetic values. Through a textual analysis of Owen’s remarks on Du Fu that centres on the chapter in The Great Age of Chinese Poetry: The High T’ang, this study discovers an ideal Du Fu in Owen’s eyes. Owen’s Du Fu has two distinctive dimensions: stylistic versatility and poetic identity of a naturalist. Du Fu was a true master of approximately every style visible in High T’ang, for the great poet was capable of innovating from traditions and create new poetic styles. Besides, the outstanding poet was also remarkable for his naturalistic touch. Owen finds that the naturalist Du Fu was illustrated in two levels: determinism and fidelity. This thesis further concludes that Owen’s appreciation of Du Fu stems from his comprehensive aesthetics on Chinese poets. Owen’s aesthetics consists of craftsmanship and authenticity, with the former eclipse the latter. The thesis also claims that Owen’s aesthetics is reality-based, which is closely in line with Western literary tradition. However, China has suprareality-based aesthetics which is able to applaud poems deviating from the real world. Therefore, it is reasonable for Owen to regard Du Fu as the single greatest poet in Chinese literary history. 

Keywords: Stephen Owen; Du Fu; Stylist; Naturalist; poetic aesthetics 

[6] 刘诗谦 

导师姓名：陈崛斌 

中文题目：历史的扭曲与对扭曲历史的接收：三部白人主角历史电影里的政治正确 

英文题目：Distortion of History and its Reception: Political Correctness in Three White-Protagonist Historical Films 

摘要 

本文以《汉密尔顿》、《芝加哥七君子审判》、《林肯》三部白人历史电影为研究对象，试图研究以下两个问题：一、在白人为主角的历史电影中，电影语言的使用是怎么帮助电影呈现与史实不符、但具有种族政治正确性的“历史”，二、这些具有种族政治正确性的改编性历史呈现，如何被观众接受，从而进一步推动政治正确文化的发展。 

本文将采用案例分析的方法研究第一个问题。基于罗伯特·包若柏（Robert Burgoyne）对历史电影的分类，本文选出了三部代表不同分类的历史电影作为研究对象：传记历史电影《汉密尔顿》、史诗历史电影《林肯》、具体事件历史电影《芝加哥七君子审判》。在电影分析过程中，本文将关注电影文本与参考的历史文本之间的政治正确性改编，以及以下几类电影语言在电影中的运用：镜头语言、音效语言、光影语言、剪辑语言、场景／舞台布置语言、人物移动语言，及由此产生的、对历史呈现的效果。对第二个问题的研究将基于对观众评论的分析。通过对影评网站烂番茄上用户对电影中改编性历史呈现的相关评论的收集与分析，本文将关注评论区的相关讨论与政治正确文化之间的互动机制。

经过分析，本文得出以下结论：一、在电影中，电影语言的使用主要通过影响人物塑造从而完成历史的改编性呈现、达到种族政治正确性效果；二、用户对电影中改编性历史呈现的讨论能激发更多的关于政治正确文化的讨论，从而保持这个话题的活跃度，进而促进该文化的发展。本研究为政治正确文化研究提供了 白人历史电影视角。 

关键词：政治正确文化；电影语言；电影里的历史呈现；电影符号学理论 

Abstract 

Focusing on three white-narrated historical films: Hamilton, The Trail of the Chicago 7, and Lincoln, this paper seeks to analyze the following two questions: 

How histories are distorted in white-narrated historical films with the help of film languages to reach a politically correct effect? 

How these racially politically correct distortions, when picked up by audiences, further compel the development of political correctness culture. 

Following Burgoyne’s classification of historical films, this paper selects three films under each sub-category for analysis: biographical film-Hamilton directed by Thomas Kail, epic film-Lincoln directed by Steven Spielberg, and topical film-The Trail of the Chicago 7 directed by Aaron Sorkin. In the analysis of them, this paper will focus on the distortion made to historical records reflected through the presented filmic contents, and the use of film languages working to construct meanings that are a distortion to the history as recorded in the books, based on which these films are adapted. Briefly, this paper will examine the following aspects of language films used in the three films: camera use, lighting, sound and music, focus and movement, editing, and stage arrangement, and how the use of them in the particular filmic context distorts history in a politically correct way. After that, this paper will look into audiences’ reception of these racially politically correct distortions in the films by collecting and examining relevant comments on Rotten Tomatoes, to see how their reception of these distortions generates further discussions that help propel the development of political correctness culture. 

After the analysis, this paper has reached the following conclusions: 

The use of film languages serves as a key tool in character portrayal, which is the major source of racially politically correct historical distortion in films. 

People’s reception of the historical distortions generates politically correct-or-incorrect issues of debate, as they take their stand and share their views on the topic, they contribute to keep this topic alive, propelling the development of political correctness culture. 

This research has offered a filmic perspective to study the culture of political correctness in white-narrated historical films. 

Keywords: political correctness culture; film languages; historical presentation in film; semiotics film theory 

[7] 王金瑀 

导师姓名：马丽媛 

中文题目：探索赛珍珠与归属感:以《同胞:一部中国的小说》为例 

英文题目：Exploring Pearl Buck and Belonging: In the Case of Kinfolk: A Novel of China 

摘要 

赛珍珠是第一位获得普利策小说奖的女性，她的获奖小说是 1932 年出版的《大地》。本论文重点研究赛珍珠的另一部小说《同胞:一部中国的小说》，讲述了四个二代华裔美国人去中国寻根的故事。

运用马尔科·安东西奇的归属感理论，本研究发现赛珍珠的归属感包括两个层面:空间归属感和政治归属感。通过对中国小说《同胞:一部中国的小说》的文本细读，研究发现了四种归属模式:玛丽呈现强烈的空间和政治归属，而詹姆斯则保持中等的政治归属感和后天发展的中等政治归属；彼得拥有对中国较弱的空间归属感和无政治归属感，而路易丝对中国两种归属感都没有。

基于上述发现，本文得出的结论是：赛珍珠一定程度上将自己对中国和美国的双重归属感投射到她的 四个角色上。她在中国的经历投射于对玛丽和彼得的描写上，而她在美国的归属感可以在彼得和路易丝身上看到。此外，赛珍珠的四种归属感模式可归纳为先天归属、后天归属、失败归属和反向归属，其中，四种模式所涵盖的空间和政治归属感程度降序排列。最后，在赛珍珠描绘的四种归属模式中，文化因素在空间归属中占主导作用，而政治关注在政治归属中最有影响力。 

关键词：赛珍珠；归属理论；《同胞:一部中国小说》；空间归属；政治归属 

Abstract 

Pearl S. Buck is the first woman to win the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction, with her novel The Good Earth in 1932. Instead of highlighting the importance of her award-winning work, particular attention of this thesis is placed on her another novel Kinfolk: A Novel of China, which is the story of four second-generation Chinese Americans’ search for their roots and belonging in China. The study of her work on cross-cultural theme is aimed to shed light on Buck’s belonging view and the sophisticated issue of dual belonging. 

Using Marco Antonsich’s belonging theory which expounds on place belonging and political belonging, the study adopts content analysis to investigate the extent to which the four figures in Kinfolk were belonged to China and America. The results illustrate four patterns of belonging: Mary presented strong place and political belonging while James maintained moderate political and improved place belonging; Peter possessed low-level place and political belonging while Louise had neither belonging. 

In all, this thesis argues that Buck’s personal experiences of dual belonging are vital sources of her novel characterization and her belonging view even outstrips all her characters. First, Buck’s unique lived experiences are projected onto her foul roles in Kinfolk. Buck potentially casts her affection and regret for China over Mary and Peter, while Peter and Louise were supposed to be the mirror of her comfort and confusion in the United States. Second, the paper concludes that Buck’s belonging view followed four patterns that respectively are genetic, acquired, failed, and reverse belonging, in a descending order of place and political belonging. To examine the weights of belonging factors, the results suggest that place belonging is granted greater importance than political belonging in in Buck’s works. Buck also portrays four patterns of belonging, with the primacy of cultural factor on place belonging while political concern on political belonging. 

Keywords: Pearl Buck; Belonging Theory; Kinfolk: A Novel of China; Place Belonging; Political belonging 

[8] 王雪茹 

导师姓名：伊蕊 

中文题目：玛格丽特·富勒的超验主义女性主义思想研究 

英文题目：A Study on Margaret Fuller’s Transcendental Feminism 

摘要 

玛格丽特·富勒（1810-1850）是一位美国记者、文学评论家、哲学家和女权倡导者，她的作品大多以女性主义主张而闻名。此外，她还是美国超验主义运动的成员，与爱默生等其他超验主义思想家有密切联系和共享观点。作为十九世纪将超验主义思想运用于女权运动实践的杰出人物，富勒对美国女性主义的贡献是独特的，她的思想具有研究价值。

本研究的重点是玛格丽特·富勒的超验主义女性主义思想。本文通过对富勒最著名的作品《十九世纪妇女》的文本分析和历史分析，探讨玛格丽特·富勒如何将超验主义思想融入女性主义思想，从而建构起自己独 特的女性主义思想体系。本文发现，富勒的超验主义女性主义思想包括三个方面：自立、自我培养、自我与上帝的联系。首先，富勒扩大了超验主义个人主义的范围，她明确指出，超验主义的个人包含女性，女性作为人类的一半，需要被视为一个能够实现自身潜力的个体，并提出保持一段时间的独身是女性实现自立的必要手段。其次，女性需要在自立基础上实现自我培养和成长，富勒认为，这种成长的基础在于超验主义的个体具有类似雌雄同体的性质，即个体同时具有“女性化”的直觉力和“男性化”的智力。富勒认为女性个体具有以上两点，并更具有超验主义所提倡的直觉力，因此超验主义的女性具有自我成长的能力。此外，富勒认为，女性的灵魂是超验主义思想中“超灵”的一部分，女性的灵魂具有救赎力量，它在两性关系中通过纯洁的爱和神圣的婚姻拯救彼此，这使女性得以与上帝建立更紧密的精神联系。通过以上三层面中超验主义思想与女性主义思想的融合，富勒建构了一个自立、自强、与上帝紧密相连的女性自我。

富勒对超验主义和美国女性主义都做出了创造性的贡献。她将女性角色纳入了超验主义自我完善的视野，丰富和拓宽了超验主义的范围。同时，富勒对自己与爱默生在观点上的分歧保持着内心的信念，践行着她所坚信的超验主义准则。富勒对美国女性主义的贡献也是独一无二的。她在性别平等问题上的坚定立场，以及她对性别刻板印象的解构，远远超前于她的时代。此外，她还力图改变同时代人的婚姻观念，帮助女性在理想的婚姻中找到自我实现的途径。作为一名十九世纪的女性主义者，富勒将自己的思想付诸行动，以实现真正的社会变革，她激励了一代又一代的美国女性主义者。 

关键词：超验主义；女性主义；玛格丽特·富勒；十九世纪美国 

Abstract 

Margaret Fuller (1810-1850), an American journalist, literary critic, philosopher and woman’s rights advocate, is mostly known for her feminist claims in her writings. Besides, she is a member of the American transcendental movement, associating closely and sharing intellectual ideas with other transcendentalists such as Emerson. As a remarkable figure that bridges the gap between transcendental ideal and feminist reform in the nineteenth century, Fuller’s contribution to American feminism is unique and her thoughts remain valuable for research. 

The focus of this study is the transcendental feminist thoughts of Margaret Fuller. Through textual analysis and historical analysis of Fuller’s most well-known work, Woman in the Nineteenth Century, the thesis explores how Margaret Fuller incorporates transcendental ideas into feminist thoughts and constructs her own feminist views. The thesis finds that Fuller’s transcendental feminism consists of three aspects: self-reliance, self-cultivation and connection with God. First of all, Fuller expands the scope of transcendental individualism, pointing out clearly that the transcendental individual includes woman. Fuller holds that woman as the other half of mankind needs to be recognized as an individual who can realize her potential, proposing temporary celibacy as a necessary means for women to become self-reliant. Second, woman needs to realize self-cultivation and growth based on self-reliance. Fuller thinks the foundation for this growth lies in the individual’s feature similar to “androgyny”, which means the individual has both the “feminine” intuition and the “masculine” intellect. Fuller believes that the two traits coexist in the female individual who is especially capable of intuition which is valued by transcendentalism. Therefore, the transcendental female has the ability to develop herself. Furthermore, Fuller contends that the female soul is part of the transcendental Over-Soul, suggesting that the redemptive power of the female soul can save the mankind through pure love and holy marriage between the two sexes, which enables women to establish a closer spiritual connection with God. Through the fusion of transcendental ideas and feminist thoughts from the aforementioned three levels, Fuller constructs a female self that is self-reliant, self-cultivated, and closely connected with God. 

Fuller contributed innovatively to both transcendentalism and American feminism. She added woman’s role into the transcendental vision for self-perfection, enriching and broadening the scope of transcendentalism. In the meantime, Fuller maintained true to her inner faith regarding her divergence with Emerson in views, practicing the transcendental principles that she believed in. Fuller’s contribution to American feminism is also unique. Her firm stand on the issue of sexual equality and her deconstruction of gender stereotypes were way ahead of her time. Besides, she aimed to rectify marriage, helping women find a way to self-realization in an ideal form of marriage. As a feminist who put her thoughts into action to effect real social change in the nineteenth century, Fuller has inspired generations of American feminists. 

Keywords: Transcendentalism; Feminism; Margaret Fuller; 19th-Century America 

[9] 谯烟雨 

导师姓名：贾宁 

中文题目：自我和他者：探究《纽约时报》和《今日美国》对奥普拉采访中梅根种族主义指控的批判性话语分析 

英文题目：US versus Them: A Critical Discourse Analysis of the New York Times and the USA Today’s Coverage of Meghan’s Allegation of Racism Made on Oprah’s Interview 

摘要 

近年来，自“黑人的命也是命”运动以来，种族和种族歧视的话题变得越来越引人注目。作为非裔美国人，梅根在接受奥普拉采访时的种族歧视指控具有特殊意义，因为这是英国皇室第一次被其皇室成员指控种族歧视，也是第一次大规模讨论种族歧视议题时，美国不是其被指控的中心。美国媒体对梅根对英国皇室和英国媒体的种族歧视指控反应及其迅速和热烈，一些新闻报道甚至将这一事件称为跨越大西洋的“文化战争”。 

本文旨在分析《纽约时报》和《今日美国》对此事件的报道，并旨在回答以下两个问题：1）《纽约时报》和《今日美国》在报道梅根在奥普拉的采访中提出的种族主义指控时运用了哪些报道策略？ 2）通过这些话语策略，在种族问题上这两家媒体构建了英国和美国什么样的形象？

为了回答这些问题，本文对 31 篇文章进行了批判性话语分析。分析表明，《纽约时报》和《今日美国》在其报道中采用了两种主要的策略：积极的自我呈现和消极的他人呈现以及其他话语策略，包括选词、情态、合法化、数字、夸张、受害者形象塑造、及物性、例证、对比、假定、以及回避的策略。通过这些话语策略，《纽约时报》和《今日美国》全方位、多层次、多维度呈现了英国糟糕的种族问题现状以及美国积极促进种族多样化和种族平等的形象。

通过深刻揭露英国的种族不平等问题，《纽约时报》和《今日美国》能够推动人们对英国的种族歧视问题进行反思。这种关注和讨论有利于推动全球的种族平等，这是在“黑人的命也是命”之后全球所迫切需要的。然而，与此同时，美国两家媒体通过将英国推向种族讨论的中心舞台，并向大众宣布英国是全球反黑人种族主义的罪魁祸首的方式，有意的降低了世界长期以来对美国种族不平等问题的关注和讨论度，这可能会阻碍推动美国本国内的种族平等。

值得注意的是，虽然在整个报道中，《纽约时报》和《今日美国》都致力于揭露和批判英国的种族歧视问题，但也有三篇文章讨论了美国自身的种族歧视问题。然而，在揭露美国的种族歧视问题时，《纽约时报》和《今日美国》通过选择跨种族婚姻和家庭内部种族歧视的温和话题以及采用私人叙事写作风格的方式，避免了更深刻的讨论和更尖刻的批评。 

关键词：梅根采访；种族歧视；美国媒体报道；批判性话语分析 

Abstract 

In recent times, the topic of race and racism is becoming ever more conspicuous since the Black Lives Movement. As an African American people, Meghan’s allegation of racism in the interview with Oprah holds particular significance since it is the first time that the top institution in the UK has been accused of racism by its own member and it is the first time that the accusation of racism has not been leveled at the United States as it has always been the case. The US media is quick to respond to this abnormity with some news stories even labelled this event as a “culture war” across the Atlantic. 

This paper aims to examine the New York Times and The USA Today’s coverage of Meghan’s allegation of racism made during the interview with Oprah Winfrey and intends to address the following questions: 1) What discursive strategies do the New York Times and the USA Today apply when reporting Meghan’s allegation of racism made on Oprah’s interview? 2) Through these discursive strategies, what kind of images of the UK as well as the US are constructed with respect to the issue of race? 

To answer the questions, this paper has conducted a critical discourse analysis and a number of 31 articles are analyzed. The analysis shows that the New York Times and The USA Today have adopted two major strategies in its reports: positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation with other discursive tactics including victimization, presupposition, authorization, number game, topicalization, modality, evidentiality, comparison, lexicalization, transitivity, hyperbole, disclaimer, and the avoidance technique. Through these various discursive strategies, the New York Times and The USA Today have constructed an all-around multi-level multi-dimensional backward and atrocious image of the UK with respect to the issue of race and a progressive racial image of the US. 

By exposing Britain’s racism in such a profound way, the New York Times and The USA Today could propel people to have an examination of the racial inequity in the United Kingdom. This kind of attention and discussion would promote global racial progress which is desperately needed at a time of global racial reckoning after the Black Lives Matter. However, at the same time, by intentionally pushing Britain onto the center stage of racial discussion, and by disseminating the idea to the public that Britain is mainly culpable for the global anti-Black racism, the two US media outlets intend to decrease the attention and scrutiny that the world has long cast toward America’s race relations, which would potentially impede the racial progress in the United States. 

It is worth noting that though throughout the coverage, the New York Times and The USA Today devoted to revealing and exposing Britain’s racism problem, there are indeed three articles that dedicated to revealing America’s own racial problem. However, they have done it in a much milder way by choosing the mild topic of interracial marriage and racism within family and the adoption of narrative writing style. As a result, a more profound and systemic reflection of America’s racial problem is avoided. 

Keywords: Meghan and Harry’s Oprah interview; racism; US media coverage; Critical discourse analysis 

[10] 聂巧仪 

导师姓名：付美榕 

中文题目：当代美国华裔青年的社会资本和政治参与的相关性研究 

英文题目：Social Capital and Political Participation of Contemporary Chinese American Youth 

摘要 

亚裔美国人投票率向来惨淡，政治参与热情不高,长久以来被称为“经济上的巨人，政治上的矮子”。自有记载以来，亚裔美国人在每届总统大选中的投票率远低于全国平均水平，实际参与登记投票的人数从未达到过合格选民人数的一半。自 21 世纪初以来，亚裔群体跃升为美国选民中增长最快的族群。随着新增合格选民的数量一路攀升，亚裔美国人的政治参与度不断提高，该群体在竞选中（特别是摇摆州）也逐渐发挥着关键的作用。而亚裔美国人作为唯一以移民为主的多元群体，其下属的子群体在投票和政治观点方面可能截然不同。华裔作为亚裔中人口占比最大的群体，其政治参与度也在逐步上升，政治和社会的影响力不容小觑。与此同时，相较于同时代其他年龄层的群体，美国青年也更加“远离政治”，投票率较为低迷。据统计，年龄处于 18-44 岁的美国人在 1972 年以来的大选中的投票率均低于其他年龄层的选民。然而，在近几次大选和中期选举中，美国华裔和青年群体的投票率不断增长，更是在最近一次 2020 总统大选中突破以往表现，投票率出现新高。 

究其缘由，新冠疫情暴发、种族仇恨犯罪频发、投票障碍减少以及社区联系紧密、组织动员增多等因素都不同程度地激发了他们参与政治的热情。近二十年来，作为社会网络、信任和关系总和的社会资本概念被广泛应用于社会科学研究中，美国华裔社会学家周敏将其用于研究纽约市唐人街内华人的社会流动性。而作为研究社会资本与公民政治参与相关性的集大成者，美国政治学家罗伯特·普特南认为，社会资本能帮助解决集体行动的困境，群体内部更容易出现自愿合作参与的行为，从而提高政府绩效和社会效率。而少数族裔及弱势群体的政治参与亦能扩大其发言权和代表性，有助于塑造一个包容、多元和有凝聚力的社会。因此，探寻美籍华裔青年的社会资本与政治参与之间的关系对于增强美国华人社会的凝聚力，提升该群体的参政议政能力，降低仇恨犯罪事件的发生概率以及塑造美国社会的包容性和多元性具有重要意义。 

基于此，本文将对于当代美国华裔青年的社会资本、政治参与进行实证研究，在明确现状的基础上，重点探讨该群体的社会资本对其政治参与的影响。研究设计如下。首先是变量设计，本研究基于以往文献将美国华裔青年的社会资本划分为“社会网络”、“社会信任”和“互惠规范”三个维度；将美国华裔青年的政治参与划分为“线上政治参与”和“线下政治参与”两个维度。其次是问卷收集与整理，研究人员通过美国主流问卷平台 SurveyMonkey 进行跨时四个月的问卷发布和收集并将整理好的数据录入 SPSS26.0 软件。随后借助统计分析、相关性分析和多元回归分析，对美国华裔青年社会资本拥有情况和政治参与现状进行解读，并对社会资本对该群体政治参与的影响进行深入分析。研究结果表明，美国华裔青年的社会资本对该群体的政治参与行为有明显的促进作用。具体而言，社会网络、社会信任和互惠规范都有助于华裔青年群体在线上开展与政治的活动；而对于该群体的线下参政行为，只有社会网络、互惠规范在起作用。探究社会信任对于美国华裔青年群体线上和线下政治参与不同影响的原因，一种解释是因为许多线上参与行为（听新闻、浏览候选人网站和账号和发布相关帖子）都是独立和单向的，不需要与他人打交道，因此对社会个人和组织广泛的不信任对于其在线上参政影响不大。但是由于大多数线下参政行为（参加听证会、游行示威，当面联系选区代表和为竞选提供志愿服务）都是以集体为主，需要面对面与他人交流。而肆虐的新冠疫情和诸多针对亚裔的仇恨犯罪案件则更可能加剧了美国华裔青年对社会的不信任，阻止了其线下政治参与的脚步。

本文的研究贡献有二。第一，理论视角的创新。以往研究华裔政治参与很少使用跨学科视角，而美国社会学界对唐人街研究所采用的族裔资本概念也主要用于分析华裔的社会流动、商业成功和教育发展方面,未曾应用于政治参与领域。因此，本文将社会资本理论与政治参与理论相结合，以期能对美国华裔群体的政治 参与相关研究带来新的分析视角。第二，研究范畴的创新。以往研究少数族裔政治的文献缺乏对少数族裔青年群体的关注。而随着华裔人口不断激增，华裔青年群体的政治意识不断觉醒，其政治积极性不容小视：他们不仅将成为新一代美国选民群体的主力，更意味着未来的华裔将以怎样的姿态参与到美国政治中。因此本文将研究对象锁定为美国华裔中 18 至 34 岁的群体，希望能通过此项研究提升公众对美国华裔青年参与政治的关注。 

关键词：美国华裔；青年；社会资本；政治参与 

Abstract 

Asian Americans have long been recognized as the “economic giant and political dwarf” due to their all-time low voter turnout and lack of political enthusiasm, compared with other racial and ethnic groups in America. According to the record, their voting rate turned out well below the national average in every presidential election, and the actual number of registered voters has never reached half the number of eligible voters. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Asian Americans have been the fastest-growing ethnic group in the U.S. and the most rapidly rising electorate compared with other races and ethnicities. It follows that Asian Americans have become more politically involved and played a more critical role in political campaigns, particularly those in swing states. While Asian Americans are the only multi-racial group that is majority immigrant, its subgroups’ political attitudes and voting patterns may be entirely different. With the largest share of the Asian American population, Chinese Americans political influence escalates and shall not be underestimated anymore. Compared with other contemporary age groups, American youth are also widely thought to be more “apart from politics,” and their voting rate is relatively low. Statistics show that American voters aged 18-44 voted less than voters of other age groups in general elections since 1972. Nonetheless, in the most recent general elections, the turnout of Chinese Americans and American youth has enjoyed sustainable growth. It has even broken the previous voting record and gained a new high voter turnout in the latest 2020 presidential election. 

Factors such as the outbreak of COVID-19, frequent hate crime cases, decreased voting barriers, close community ties, and increased mobilization have all stimulated their enthusiasm for participating in politics to varying degrees. There is a large body of social science research that focuses on notion of social capital which includes social networks, social trust and social relations in recent two decades. Zhou Min, a renowned Chinese American sociologist, employs social capital (a critical component of ethnic capital) to study the Chinese American communities. As a master of research on the correlation between social capital and citizens’ political participation, American political scientist Robert Putnam points out that social capital can help solve the dilemma of collective action in society and government and voluntary cooperative participation is more likely to occur within groups, which improves government performance and social efficiency. Minority groups’ and vulnerable groups’ active engagement in politics also helps enhance their right to speak and representation, contributing to shaping a tolerant, multicultural, and cohesive society. Therefore, it is of paramount importance to examine the relationship between social capital and political participation of Chinese American youth, for it can provide insight on ways to enhance the cohesion of the Chinese American society, improve AAPI youth’s ability to participate in politics, reduce the probability of occurrence of anti-Asian hate crimes, and shape the inclusiveness and diversity of American society. 

Based on the significance and necessity of studying young Chinese Americans’ political engagement, this thesis intends to conduct empirical analyses on social capital and political participation, reveal the features of social capital and political participation, and analyze the relationship between the two aspects. The research design is as follows. First and foremost, by reviewing the past literature, this research transforms Chinese American youths’ social capital into “social network” “social trust” and “norms of reciprocity”, and categorizes Chinese American youth’s political participation into “online political participation” and “offline political participation”. The next step is collecting samples. The research relies on an American mainstream survey tool, SurveyMonkey, to release the online questionnaire and collect samples for four months. Then all the collected data are exported as the spv format and filtered in SPSS 26.0. The following step is to describe the status quo of social capital and political participation. Last, the influence of social capital on young Chinese American’s political participation and underlying reasons are discussed. 

The results show that their social capital has a significant and direct impact in promoting their political participation for Chinese American youth. Specifically, social networks, social trust, and norms of reciprocity are all helpful for young Chinese Americans to conduct online activities in politics. However, when it comes to offline political engagement, only social networks and reciprocity norms still function well. As for the different impacts on online and offline political participation of Chinese American youth, one possible explanation is that face-to-face communication may hinder their political enthusiasm. Many online political activities (listening to the political news, browsing candidates’ websites and accounts, and posting political content on one’s own social media account) are mainly independent and one-way behavior without engaging with others for most of the time. So their distrust towards individuals and institutions makes no difference to their online political participation. On the contrary, most offline political activities (attending public hearings and demonstrations, contacting representatives in person, and volunteering for political campaigns) are group-based and require having face-to-face talks n with others. Additionally, the raging corona-virus pandemic and innumerable anti-Asian hate crime cases are likely to exacerbate the social distrust among Young Chinese Americans. 

This contribution of this thesis is twofold. On the one hand, the combination and application of theories to study Chinese Americans are unprecedented. The existing scholarship on Chinese American political participation seldom used an interdisciplinary theoretical perspective. The concept of social capital adopted by American sociologists for the study on Chinatown was also mainly used to analyze the economic success and improvement of education levels rather than political participation. Therefore, this thesis combines social capital with political participation theory to bring a fresh perspective to the research on the political participation of Chinese American groups. Secondly, the research subject (Chinese American youth) is new and rarely studied in previous research. In the literature on minority politics, there is a lack of attention to minority youth groups. With the continuous population growth of Chinese Americans, the political impact of youth Chinese Americans should not be underestimated. They will become the backbone of the new generation of American voters and indicate how future Chinese Americans will be involved in U.S. politics. Thus, this thesis targets the Chinese-American youth cohort aged 18-34, hoping to raise more public awareness on this group’s participation in politics. 

Keywords: Chinese Americans; youth; social capital; political participation 

[11] 刘秀迪 

导师姓名：刘杨 

中文题目：昂贵的第二次机会？过去十年间家庭资本对于赴美留学的影响 

英文题目：An Expensive Second Chance? Family Capital and Its Effects on the Preparation, Adaptation and Future Development of Chinese Undergraduates in the United States from 2011 to 2021 

摘要 

过去十年间，中国赴美留学生数量连年增长；2014 年，自费本科生首次成为该群体的主流。庞大的中国留学生群体吸引了媒体和学界的注意，但媒体主要聚焦于富豪家庭的子女——“了不起的盖茨比一代”——大量来自普通家庭的学生被忽略了。实际上，该群体极具多样化：有沉迷跑车和购物的“疯狂亚洲富豪”，亦有家庭卖掉房产换取赴美留学的机会。针对该群体研究多从迁移角度出发，分析留学生的跨文化适应过程；对社会阶层流动的角度关注较少，仅有的研究多关注家庭决策的动机，而非出国后的经历。

因此，本研究决定聚焦此前被忽略的对象——来自普通家庭的赴美本科生，囊括出国前后两个阶段。由于年纪较小、花费较大，家庭在这个过程中起着至关重要的作用。本文在布尔迪厄的文化资本理论和斯沃茨的家庭支持研究的基础上，研究家庭资本（包含经济、文化、社会、情感四个维度）在赴美留学中的变化和影响。本文的研究问题包括：昂贵的美国高等教育吸引力何在？为何同属中等收入家庭，不同学生的赴美留学体验却天差地别——有的如鱼得水，有的深受煎熬？家庭资本在赴美留学的决策、准备、学习、未来规划等方面起着怎样的作用？家庭资本在跨国流动中经历了怎样的变化？不同的家庭资本为学生带来了什么？

本文采用了深度访谈的方法，对 22 个研究对象进行了一对一的访谈。作者运用“叙事分析”的方法解读数据，并根据家庭资本状况将家庭分为火箭型（资本充沛）、汽车型（较缺乏社会、文化资本）与马车型 （严重缺乏经济或文化资本），发现这些家庭既相似又不同。一方面，这些家庭将赴美留学视为珍贵的第二次机会，帮助孩子避免高考和国内教育的压力和孩子的短处，让他们自由探索兴趣和未来道路，享受美国教育的多样化、国际化、高认可度，助力家庭的社会再生产和向上流动。另一方面，不同的家庭资本塑造了截然不同的赴美留学体验，这种影响体现在身体、认知、情绪等方方面面，家庭资本内部也在跨国流动的过程中发生了巨大的变化，并受到性别等权力关系的影响。例如，火箭型家庭凭借其充沛资本，采用深度全球化的教育策略，培养孩子的英语水平、世界主义习性，和舒适、淡定的身体记忆。此类家庭的孩子更多地把这个世界看作没有边界的游乐场——他们可以自由地流动，选择其中最好的部分。然而，汽车型和马车型家庭的孩子通常要花费更多时间和精力适应美国的大学生活，经历生理和情绪上的双重不适（如脊柱侧弯、自责与自我怀疑），这是家庭资本的社会关系在身体上的“印记”。

如下研究成果体现了本文在理论和内容方面的创新之处。经典的布尔迪厄理论和后续实证研究通常关注国内的中学教育，但本研究将焦点放在跨国高等教育上，与经典理论形成对话。第一，在跨国迁移的过程中，家庭资本是流动的，会经历文化和社会资本贬值，孩子也可能成长为家庭资本的生产者。第二，本文发现文化资本的重点已经从知识变为经历、实践，强调文化的交互性。在这个时代，人们之间的“区隔”（布尔迪厄，1984）不再是高雅文化或者活动的规则，而是由特定实践培养的具身化文化资本，如与不同文化背景的人交流时的淡定和自信。第三，本研究引入了情感资本的视角，指出亲子关系、家庭理念等也对资本的投入产生影响，对经典理论中的社会结构视角进行了补充。第四，家庭资本也受到性别关系的影响。传统的性别角色导致来自父与母的支持程度和模式不同，影响着家庭对于子与女不同的未来规划与期待。最后，赴美留学未必是通往玫瑰人生的昂贵门票，而是爱恨交织的旅程：家庭资本的匮乏导致有些学生疲于赚钱，无暇享受美国的课堂和多样性文化；有些学生看似成功，内心却饱受自我怀疑和朋辈压力的煎熬；而“太多”的父母支持，又导致学生缺乏自主性，遵循父母安排的“再生产”之路，最终偏离了自己的梦想与方向。 

关键词：家庭资本；跨国教育；文化资本理论；中等收入家庭；淡定 

Abstract 

Based on in-depth interviews, the present study delves into the recent change of Chinese students in the United States: Chinese undergraduates, virtually self-funded, has become the largest fraction in this community since 2014. This large group has attracted much media and academic attention. However, traditional media narratives, focusing on “the generation of Great Gatsby” from ultra-rich families, ignore the students of ordinary families, some of whom even sold their apartments for the tuition fees. Previous studies, though some providing tremendous insights, generally examine the adaptation process in the host country from the perspective of transnational migration, while the existing social mobility research mostly focuses on the motivations instead of lived experiences and future plans. 

Departing from Bourdieu’s (1984) cultural capital theory and Swartz’s (2012) research on parental help, the present study forms it theoretical framework of family capital, which consists of economic, social, cultural and emotional dimensions, to capture the under-researched group among the Chinese students in the United States. This group is diverse: some students take to it like a duck in water, while others suffer from bodily and mental discomforts, such as scoliosis and self-reproach. Why does U.S. higher education bear divergent meanings for these students? The answer lies in different portfolios of family capital. To understand the variations and effects of family capital in transnational student migration, the research examines the decision-making, preparatory, actual study and future plan phases of studying in the United States. 

With 22 in-depth interviews and the narrative analysis method, the present study argues that these families are simultaneously alike and divergent. On one side, they all strive for their children’s better life chances and hold a rose-like hope that U.S. higher education serves as a second chance, though with an expensive ticket, for their children to explore and restart their academic and life journeys. On the other side of the coin, studying in the United States is an experience of differentiation in bodily, materialistic, and emotional terms, which is shaped by different portfolios of family capital. For example, rocket-like families, with abundant capital in four dimensions, are able to provide their children with more help. Their fully globalized education strategy nurtures not only a high level of English proficiency, but also a cosmopolitan orientation and bodily comfort and ease. These children see the world as a boundaryless playground where they can navigate and pick up the best in its different parts. In contrast, the children of vehicle-like and carriage-like families, with their deficiency in family capital, are more likely to display corporeal and mental discomforts that social relations of family capital imprint, though varying in degrees and patterns. 

The present study, drawing on its qualitative data of transnational student migration, has a dialogue with Bourdieu’s (1984) cultural capital theory as the classical theory and following empirical studies generally focus on domestic secondary education. First, with transnational migration, family capital is in flux as its cultural and social dimension forms depreciate in value, and children might grow into the new capital generator. Second, the focus of cultural capital has moved from pure knowledge into practice, emphasizing the interactive side of culture. In this information era, the social class distinction (Bourdieu, 1984) is no longer high-brow culture knowledge or rules, but the embodied cultural capital, such as cosmopolitan ease, which requires one living in certain relations. Third, the emotional dimension of family capital, which could influence the family resource mobilization and serve as children’s main source of parental support in their lives on U.S. campuses, allows for a more nuanced understanding of family capital beyond the social structure perspective in the classical theory. Fourth, family capital is also a gendered site. Traditional gender roles influence the degrees and patterns of support from each parent and the differential future plans for boys and girls. Last but not least, U.S. higher education is not necessarily an expensive ticket to la vie en rose (rose like life), but an ambivalent journey. Some students, due to the deficiency in family capital, are so busy making money that they virtually have no time for interactions with professors and classmates, and several students, though with impressive resumes, suffer from peer pressure and self-reproach. On the other hand, too much parental help might undermine one’s autonomy and eventually pull one away from his/ her real passion into the family script written by their parents. 

Keywords: family capital; transnational education; cultural capital theory; middle-class families; ease 

[12] 关越 

导师姓名：付美榕 

中文题目：“重要的少数”：基于人力资本理论的美国顶尖女性科学家成才路径分析 

英文题目：The Making of “the Vital Few”: Human Capital Formation of Top-notch American Women Scientists 

摘要 

本文采用定性研究方法，以起源于以加里·贝克尔与西奥多·舒尔兹为代表的芝加哥经济学派的现代人力资本理论作为分析框架，选取 11 位美国女性诺贝尔自然科学奖得主以及 15 位美国国家科学院成员作为研究对象，从不同渠道收集她们的传记、采访、回忆录、新闻报道等作为文本分析的材料，从微观的个人及宏观的社会层面对科研人力资本积累的过程进行探究。通过回溯她们的职业生涯，本文关注家庭背景、高等教育、职业轨迹、迁移经历、婚姻状况、社会交往对美国顶尖女性科学家成功之路的影响，同时将她们的学术人生置于美国历史社会背景之下提炼出制度以及社会文化层面促进和阻碍美国女性科学家人力资本形成和积累的因素，探讨这一群体成才的变化与延续，最后从个人、家庭、组织、社会四个层面为促进女性科研人员职业发展提出具有针对性的建议。 

本文发现，六个因素在帮助美国顶尖女性科学家从个人层面上积累起人力资本起到了关键作用。首先，家庭影响不容忽视，美国顶尖女性科学家以知识分子家庭出身为主，父母的榜样力量和良好的教育方式促进了科学启蒙。其次，高等教育使她们具备扎实的科研知识基础，在一流大学跟随优秀导师学习是推动科研人力资本的进一步提升的关键。第三，从学校毕业后进入顶尖科研机构工作及与杰出科研团队共事的经历使得她们通过做中学积累宝贵经验，在职业生涯中不断进取。第四，前往美国的迁移经历使部分女性科学家摆脱政治禁锢和教育落后的不利条件，得到在更加开放且自由的环境中进行学习或工作的机会，成功与世界级的科学团体产生连接。第五，她们通过积极参加各类学术组织和会议促进与其他科学家的交流与合作，扩大自身影响力，积累社会资本，使职业生涯更为顺利。第六，从幸福婚姻中获得的理解与支持有助于女性科学家为科研工作投入更多的时间和精力，与相似职业的男性组成家庭有效拓宽科学社会网络，进而提升人力资本。 

此外，美国顶尖女性科学家的职业成功和美国的制度文化联系紧密。首先，在战争等各种契机下美国女子科学教育取得较大发展，且美国研究型大学独立性与市场性相结合的模式使其拥有充足的资金、先进的设备及优秀的教师。第二，美国对科研的高度重视以及政府、企业、院校研究机构等多种主体构成的科研体系为美国顶尖女性科学家创造更为有利的科研环境。第三，在女性主义浪潮的推动下，美国出台了一系列平等法案和政策，加强鼓励性质的基金支持，成功提升女性在科学中的比例，促使“女性友好”环境的建立。

基于上述发现，本文得出的结论是：美国顶尖女性科学家的成功之路体现了个人和社会因素的互动，需要个人和社会层面积累起的人力资本和社会资本的共同作用。与男性科学家相比，女性科学家或多或少地经历显性及隐性的职业发展障碍，但随着社会进步和女性地位的提高，美国女性科学家面临的障碍逐渐减少，职业发展更为顺利。除提高女性科学家自身能力之外，加强家庭引导、消除歧视政策、建立交流平台、营造良好科研环境等皆为促进女性科学家成长与发展的必要举措。 

关键词：美国顶尖女性科学家；人力资本；社会资本；职业生涯 

Abstract 

Adopting qualitative research method, this paper takes the modern human capital theory originated from the Chicago School of Economics represented by Gary Becker and Theodore Schultz as the analytical framework and selects 11 American women Nobel laureates in natural sciences and 15 members of the National Academy of Sciences of the U.S. as the research sample. Their biographies, interviews, memoirs and news reports from different channels are collected for the exploration of scientific human capital accumulation process from the micro personal and macro social levels. By investigating into their careers, this research focuses on the influence of family background, higher education, career trajectory, migration experience, marital status, and social interaction on the success of American top-notch women scientists. Besides, their academic lives are placed in the historical and social contexts of different periods in the United States for the purpose of summarizing institutional and sociocultural factors that facilitate and hinder the human capital formation and accumulation of American women scientists, and the changes and continuities will be discussed. Last, this paper offers targeted suggestions for promoting the career development of female researchers at four levels: individual, family, organization and society. 

This paper finds that six factors play a key role in helping American top-tier women scientists build up their human capital at the individual level. First, family influence cannot be ignored as they are mainly from intellectual families, and the power of parental role models and good education practices promote scientific enlightenment. Second, higher education provides them with a solid foundation of scientific knowledge, and studying under excellent mentors’ guidance at top universities is the key to promote further improvement of scientific human capital. Third, the experience of working at top research institutions and working with outstanding research teams after graduating from school allows them to gain valuable experience through learning by doing, thus advancing in their careers. Fourth, migration experience to the U.S. has allowed some women scientists not only to escape the disadvantages of political confinement and educational backwardness and to study or work in a more open and freer environment, but also to successfully connect with the world-class scientific community. Fifthly, by active participation in various academic organizations and conferences they can promote communication and cooperation with other scientists, expand their influence, accumulate social capital, and make their careers smoother. Sixth, the understanding and support gained from happy marriages enable women scientists devote more time and energy to scientific work, and forming families with men of similar professions effectively expands scientific social networks and thus enhancing human capital. 

In addition, the professional success of top U.S. women scientists is closely tied to the institutional and cultural factors. First, the development of women’s science education in the United States has been greatly enhanced by various opportunities such as the war, and the combination of independence and marketability of U.S. research universities has provided them with sufficient funding, advanced equipment, and excellent faculty. Second, the high priority given to scientific research in the U.S. and the mature research system composed of government, enterprises, and college research institutions create a more favorable research environment for top-notch American women scientists. Third, with the wave of feminism, the U.S. has introduced a series of laws and policies for promoting equality and strengthened the encouragement of funding support, which has successfully increased the proportion of women in science and contributed to the establishment of “female-friendly” environment. 

Based on above findings, this paper concludes that the path to success for top-notch U.S. women scientists reflects the interaction of individual and societal factors and requires a combination of human capital accumulated at the individual and societal levels. Compared with male scientists, female scientists experience more or less explicit and implicit barriers to career development, but as society advances and the status of women improves, U.S. women scientists face fewer barriers and have smoother career development. In addition to improving the competence of women scientists by themselves, strengthening family guidance, eliminating discriminatory policies, establishing communicative platforms, and creating favorable research conditions are all necessary measures to promote the growth and development of women scientists. There is great potential for women to make greater contributions to science in the future. 

Keywords: American top-notch women scientists; human capital; social capital; professional trajectory 

[13] 徐祎楠 

导师姓名：罗鸣 

中文题目：国际#MeToo 与本土抗争：中国社会文化背景下#MeToo 的网络行动经验 

英文题目：International #MeToo and Local Contention: Digitally Mediated #MeToo Campaign Experience in Chinese Sociocultural Contexts 

摘要 

基于对运动参与者的访谈、对媒体文本的收集以及对参与者数字社区的参与性观察，本论文构成一份定性研究，聚焦于积极参与到中国#MeToo 运动的行动者的行动内容和经历。现有文献往往从社会运动的角度和经典的运动研究理论来研究中国的#MeToo 运动，本研究从情感联结和数字媒体能供性的理论角度来研究中国的#MeToo 运动经验和模式。通过将中国的#MeToo 运动作为跨国的#MeToo 运动的一部分，本文试图提供对中国跨国社会运动的促进和调解的数字负担的理解。 

本研究寻访中国#MeToo 运动的标志性案例之一——弦子案中的行动参与者，深入了解行动者在#MeToo 数字运动中的参与动机和形式，以及他们的社群运作。基于研究收集的文本和数字民族志数据，本研究采用叙事分析法，了解参与的个体动机和参与过程中用以传播信息、维持运动热度的策略。通过主要数据来源，即对 15 个研究对象的深度访谈，以及文本和民族志数据作为补充，本研究结果表明，来自不同性别群体和背景的个体行动者在行动前有着相似的情感经历，包括作为性骚扰受害者或家人的痛苦、恐惧情绪，以及对于这一经历的愤怒。通过数字媒体平台的传播，行动者聚集对个体经历的情绪体验转化为共同的情感经历，并转化为行动，以表达对受害者的支持和对该现象的抗争。为了规避普遍存在的平台信息控制，行动者的行动经历在创造性的参与形式和风格中表现出特有的韧性，并在这个去中心化的数字运动中通过各种活动联系起来。 

通过情感联结和数字媒体能供性的理论视角，本论文为理解#MeToo 运动作为一种跨国数字行动提供了一种新型理论选择。与此前关于中国行动主义的研究结果一致，本文认为#MeToo 运动在数字媒体的推动下显示出了去中心化和个人化的特点。虽然这与之前的研究相呼应，表明行动效力或因去中心化的特点而被削弱，但本研究同时认为，这些能供性为个人情绪转化为情感性，从而调解了个人之间的联系和网络，这有助于运动的复原力。因此，这些发现补充了之前在中国进行的关于数字行动主义、女权运动和#MeToo 运动的研究。 

关键词：数字行动主义；女权运动；跨国运动；#MeToo 运动 

Abstract 

Based on interviews with campaign actors, collection of media texts, and participant-observant digital ethnography in actor communities, this thesis constitutes a qualitative piece of research that focuses on the participatory content and experiences of actors who actively engage in the #MeToo campaign in China. Departing from the existing literature that approaches the #MeToo movement in China from a social movement perspective with classical movement studies theories, this research examines the Chinese #MeToo articulation with theoretical perspectives of affect and digital media affordances. By approaching the #MeToo campaign in China as part of the transnational #MeToo campaign, this paper seeks to provide an understanding on the digital affordances for the facilitation and mediation of transnational social activism in China. 

Collecting actors in the #MeToo activism as interviewees through the campaign for one of the landmark cases of the Chinese #MeToo movement—Xianzi’s case, this research delves into actors’ participatory motivation and forms in the #MeToo digital campaign, as well as their community operation. With textual and ethnographic data, this research applies narrative analysis method to understand the individual motifs of participation and the strategies applied in participation processes to mobilize information and sustain the campaign. Applying 15 in-depth interviews as the major data source and supplemental qualitative data sources, findings suggest that individual actors from various gender groups and backgrounds are largely brought together via digital media platforms with shared affective emotions including pains, fears, and angers. In order to circumvent pervasive platform information control, actor experiences have displayed a resilience in the creative participatory form and style, and are connected by various activities in this decentralized digital campaign. 

Through lenses of affective solidarity and digital media affordances, this thesis offers a theoretical alternative to understand the #MeToo campaign as a transnational digital activism. Consistent with findings from earlier research on activism in China, the #MeToo campaign displays a characteristic of decentralization and individualization facilitated by the digital media affordances. While this echoes with previous research that indicates weakened action efficacy or impact (Jacobsson, 2012; Onuch, 2015), this research argues at the same time that these affordances render emotions affective and thus mediates connective ties and networks among individuals, which contributes to the resilience of the campaign. Consequently, these findings add to research previously conducted on digital activism, feminist movement, and #MeToo campaign in China. 

Keywords: digital activism; feminist movement; transnational activism; #MeToo campaign 

[14] 倪永坤 

导师姓名：李期铿 

中文题目：冷战后美国东亚同盟体系中的中国因素分析 

英文题目：An Analysis of the Chinese Factors in the US East Asian Alliance System after the Cold War 

摘要 

二战以后，为了与以苏联为首的社会主义国家展开对抗、争夺世界霸权，美国在东亚地区先后与日本、韩国、澳大利亚、菲律宾、泰国签订了一系列双边同盟条约，构筑了以美国为首的东亚同盟体系，该体系也被形象地称之为“轮辏”体系。冷战结束之后，苏联解体，两极体系瓦解。一方面，随着共同威胁的消失，美国与东亚盟国之间的同盟关系因为共同对抗目标的缺失而陷入短暂的漂流期，同盟内部矛盾逐渐凸显。另一方面，中国自改革开放之后，尤其是上个世纪九十年代以来，经济突飞猛进，综合国力和国际影响力显著提高，美国认为中国在地区乃至全球层面挑战其主导地位，日益视中国为可能挑战其霸权地位的战略竞争对手。为了防止中国对其全球主导地位构成挑战，美国对于其在东亚地区的同盟关系进行了重新定义和再调整，使得无论是在同盟的职能、范围，还是与盟国合作的方式、领域等方面均发生了重大变化。同盟关系完成了从“冷战型”到“后冷战型”的重要转变，而其中中国因素发挥了某些关键性作用。 

与既往的研究相比，本文摒弃了仅在一般层面对中国因素和美国东亚同盟体系关系做简单的、主观描述的通俗做法，而是综合运用文献研究法、历史分析法、比较研究法，通过聚焦中国实力增长和美国东亚同盟体系调整这对基本关系，来验证二者之间是否存在必要的因果关系，力求探寻中国因素在美国东亚同盟体系调整过程中所扮演的角色以及其所发挥的原因力和作用力。基于此，本文以美国东亚同盟体系的历史演进及现状特征作为行文的现实基础，以中国因素作为变量，通过分析中国因素与美国东亚同盟体系之间的互动关系来总结、提炼中国因素在美国东亚同盟体系调整过程中所发挥的作用力和影响力，力求发现两者间的一般性规律，从而为我们冷静地分析、看待中国崛起与美国东亚同盟体系调整之间的关系提供更加客观、公正的观察视角。 

“中国因素”并非是一个形而上的概念，它既包括经济实力、军事实力、地缘邻近性等实体性因素，也包括意识形态、威胁感知、民族历史记忆等非实体性因素。通过研究上述中国因素与美国东亚同盟体系调整之间的涵摄关系，便于我们发现其中的“变”与“不变”。这对于我们理解未来美国东亚同盟关系的发展走向和演变趋势，对于有针对性地制定我国外交政策和国防战略，对于营造一个安全、稳定的地区安全环境，从而为我国发展创造有利的战略机遇期，都具有十分重要的理论意义和现实意义。 

关键词：同盟理论；美国东亚同盟体系；中国因素；中国崛起 

Abstract 

After World War II, in order to fight against the socialist camp headed by the Soviet Union and to compete for world hegemony, the United States signed a series of bilateral alliance treaties with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand in East and Southeast Asia, forming a bilateral alliance system led by the United States, dubbed as the “hub and spoke” system. After the end of the Cold War, the Soviet Union disintegrated and the bipolar system collapsed. On the one hand, with the disappearance of the common threat, the alliance between the United States and its East Asian allies fell into a short period of drift due to the lack of common threats, and the internal contradictions within the alliance have gradually become prominent. On the other hand, since the reform and opening up, especially since the 1990s, China’s economy has developed by leaps and bounds, and its comprehensive national strength and international influence have improved significantly, challenging the dominant position of the United States at the regional and even the global level. In order to contain China’s rise and form a strategic blockade against China, the United States redefined and readjusted its alliance relations in East Asia, resulting in significant changes in the functions and scope of the alliance, as well as the ways and fields of cooperation with its allies. The alliance has completed an important transformation from “Cold War type” to “Post-Cold War type”, in which the Chinese factor plays a key role. 

Compared with previous studies, this paper abandons the popular practice of simply and subjectively describing the relationship between the Chinese factor and the US East Asian alliance system at a general level. Instead, it comprehensively uses literature research method, historical analysis method and comparative research method. By focusing on the basic relationship between the rise of China and the continuous adjustment of the US East Asian alliance system, this paper aims to verify whether there is a necessary causal relationship between them, and strives to explore what role the rise of China has played in the adjustment of the US East Asian alliance system. Based on the historical evolution and current characteristics of the US East Asian alliance, this paper analyzes the interaction between the Chinese factor and the US East Asian alliance system, summarizes and refines the force and influence of the Chinese factor in the process of the adjustment of the US East Asian alliance system, and tries to find the general principle between them. It is hoped that this paper can offer a more objective and impartial perspective for us to analyze and view the relationship between the rise of China and the adjustment of the US East Asian alliance system. 

The “Chinese factor” is not a metaphysical concept. It includes not only substantive factors such as economic strength, military strength, and geographic proximity, but also non-substantive factors such as ideology, threat perception, and national historical memory. By studying the relationship and interaction between the above-mentioned Chinese factors and the adjustment of the US East Asian Alliance system, we can easily find the “changes” and “continuities” in it. This is of great theoretical and practical significance for us to understand the development direction and evolution trend of the future US East Asian alliance, to formulate our foreign policy and national defense strategy as appropriate, to create a safe and stable regional security environment and a favorable period of strategic opportunities for China’s development. 

Keywords: alliance theory; US East Asian alliance system; Chinese factor; the rise of China 

[15] 谭正 

导师姓名：李期铿 

中文题目：美国海军在南海与台海的行动变化分析 2015-2020 

英文题目：Analysis of the Changes in American Navy’s Means in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait, 2015- 2020 

摘要 

作为海权论的起源国，美国一直重视海上力量和海军发展。海军在美国的历史中扮演着重要角色，不仅仅是保卫国家安全的军事力量，也是无法替代的外交工具。美国海军的任务和使命也在不断变化。冷战结束后，美国海军的重心转向近海作战,911 事件则使得反恐则成为其主要任务。 

随着中国的崛起，美国海军的重心转移到了印太地区，并加强了在南海和台湾海峡的行动力度。随着中美竞争的加剧，南海与台湾海峡的重要性不断上升，正成为中美两国的角斗场。海军在中国海域的行动如南海和台湾海峡具有系统性和关联性，但学界的研究大多将南海与台湾海峡割裂开来，将两者作为独立的研究客体。此外，现有的研究多集中于美国在台湾和南海单纯的政策变化或军事行动，而忽略了两者之间的关联性。海军，这一特殊军种，具有军事和外交双重属性，并在中美两国的交往中发挥了重要作用，但相关研究却显著不足。为了弥补这一研究空缺，本文将以美国海军在南海与台湾海峡的军事行动为切入点，将军事与外交相结合，总结美国海军行动的特点和变化，并探究变化背后的动因和潜在影响。 

本文将主要回答以下问题：美国海军在台湾和南海的行动变化是什么？哪些因素促进了海军的变化？ 本文不仅为中美未来的海上交往提供参考，也扩宽了海军外交理论。此外，本文创造性地将南海与台湾海峡作为研究对象，研究美国在这两个区域的行动关联性，从而达到对美国海军更系统、更全面的了解。 

本文主要运用文献梳理的方法。通过研究从 2015 年到 2020 年期间媒体对于美国海军行动的报道、美国官员对于行动的相关发言、美国海军的战略报告等探究美国海军的具体细节和行动背景，从而了解美国海军行动的变化特点及目的。此外，本文通过探究中国以及美国盟友对于美国海军行动的反应，分析美国海军行动的影响和目标达成度。 南海仲裁发生后，美国南海自由行的频率逐渐增加。与此同时，美国海军穿越台湾海峡的次数也在增多。基于对于新闻报道和美国官员的讲话的研究，本文发现，从 2015 年开始，美国海军在南海和台湾海峡的行动呈现以下变化：频率增加、强度和规模变大、注重南海与台海行动的联动性、加强与盟友在军事行动上的联合。 

本文将在海军外交的框架下对美国海军变化的动因进行分析。海军的行动变化受三个方面因素的影响：美国的外交或政治目的、中美两国的实力差距、国内政治。首先，中国的崛起改变了地缘政治，加剧了美国的焦虑，使得美国的外交战略发生变化，并促进了海军的行动变化；其次，中美实力差距缩小，为了实现目的，美国升级了海军行动的强度，同时联合盟友遏制中国；此外，美国调整政策，给予海军更多的自由量裁权，也在一定程度上促进了行动的变化。然而，美国的海军行动作用有限，并为南海和台海地区的和平带来挑战。 

关键词：美国海军；变化；南海；台湾；海军外交 

Abstract 

As the country where the theory of sea power originated, the United States has always attached importance to maritime power and naval development. The Navy has played an important role in the history of the United States, not only as a military force to defend national security, but also as an irreplaceable diplomatic instrument. The objectives of the U.S. navy are also in continuous change. After the end of the Cold War, the U.S. navy's focus shifted to offshore operations, and the 911 Incident made counterterrorism its primary mission. 

With the rise of China, the U.S. navy has shifted its focus to the Indo-Pacific region and intensified its operations in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait. As the competition between China and the United States grows, the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait are showing increasing prominence and serving as a gladiatorial battleground between the two countries. 

Naval operations in Chinese waters such as the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait are systematic and related, but most studies detach the South China Sea from the Taiwan Strait, treating the two as separate research objects. In addition, most of the existing studies focus on America’s mere policy changes or military actions in Taiwan and the South China Sea, ignoring the correlation between the military and policies. The navy, as a special force which entails military and diplomatic features, has played an important role in the Sino-US engagement, yet undergoes insufficient research. In order to fill this research gap, this paper starts with the U.S. navy's military operations in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait, combines military and diplomacy perspectives, summarizes the characteristics and changes in U.S. Navy operations, and explores the motivations and potential impacts behind the changes. 

This paper mainly answers the following questions: What are the changes in U.S. naval operations in Taiwan and the South China Sea? What factors have contributed to the changes? This paper not only serves as a reference for future maritime engagement between China and America but also extends the naval diplomacy theory. In addition, this paper creatively takes the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait as research objects to study the interactivity in U.S. operations in these two regions, so as to achieve a more systematic and comprehensive understanding of the U.S. navy. 

Literature research serves as the main method throughout the thesis. Based on the investigations of the data including media reports on U.S. naval operations from 2015 to 2020, statements by U.S. officials about the operations, and strategic reports by the U.S. navy, the thesis explores the specific details and background of U.S. naval operations in order to figure out the characteristics and purposes of the changes in U.S. naval operations. In addition, this paper analyzes the impact of the U.S. navy's actions by exploring the reactions of China and America's allies to the changing naval deployments. 

After the South China Sea arbitration, the frequency of U.S. freedom of navigation operations in the South China Sea gradually increased. At the same time, the U.S. navy conducted more passages through Taiwan Strait. Based on the study of news reports and US officials' speeches, this paper reveals that since 2015, some changes have emerged as follows in the navy's operations in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait: increasing frequency, aggravating intensity and scale, emphasis on the interactivity between the operations in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait, and joint military operations with allies. 

The thesis probes into the incentives of the change in the U.S. naval means within the framework of naval diplomacy. The Changes in naval operations are subject to three factors: U.S. diplomatic or political objectives, the power gap between U.S. and China, and American domestic politics. To begin with, the rise of China has changed geopolitics and aggravated America’s anxiety, directing a change in U.S. diplomatic strategy, which alters the naval means; second, the undermining power gap between U.S. and China appeals to America to escalate its naval operations for goal achievement and engage its allies to contain China jointly. Moreover, the United States has adjusted its policy to give the navy more discretionary power, contributing to the change in naval means. However, the U.S. naval operations play a limited role in goal achievement and bring about challenges to peace in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait. 

Keywords: the US navy; changes; South China Sea; Taiwan; naval diplomacy 

[16] 李泽龙 

导师姓名：陈崛斌 

中文题目：美国对“断层线战争”的干预：试论美国外交政策中的文明因素 

英文题目：American Intervention in Fault-line Wars: Civilizational Factors in US Foreign Policy 

摘要 

自亨廷顿在 1993 年提出“文明的冲突”以来，该理论一直在学界和媒体界得到持久的关注，并且引发了关于该解释框架有效性的长久争论。许多学者从不同角度出发，或从学理上对亨廷顿的理论进行探讨，或尝试通过实证研究来检验“文明的冲突”理论是否能够解释冷战后世界秩序。然而，尽管这些研究能够从宏观的角度探讨文明的冲突是否是冷战后世界冲突的根源，却无法否认文明因素在特定案例中起到重要作用，且忽视了文明因素在各国的具体外交政策中产生影响。 

因此，本文基于文献文本研究法（分析美国总统、国务卿的公开发言以及国会决议），辅以数据支持，以冷战后 1990 年代的三场断层线战争为案例，分析美国对断层线战争的干涉，以补充当前研究在文明因素对美国外交政策影响方面的不足。本研究主要旨在回答两个研究问题：1. 美国是否认为所研究的三个案例是断层线战争（即冲突因素包含文明因素）2.美国是否在干涉所研究的案例时，根据文明划线，给予与美国 更有文明亲缘性的参战方更多的支持？ 经过研究发现，本文作者认为美国认为本文所研究的三个案例是断层线战争，并且在干涉时基于文明因素给予了与美国有更高文明亲缘性的参战方更多的支持。

具体而言，第一，美国把所有三场战争（南斯拉夫内战、巴以冲突以及印巴卡吉尔战争）视作断层线战争，认为其中文明因素很大程度上导致了冲突，特别是宗教差异。 第二，美国在干涉这些断层线战争时都希望达成推广其文明原则的目标，特别是政治原则。本研究发现，美国在干涉三场断层线战争中，或多或少都希望能够输出其西方文明的政治体制——特别是代议制民主和法制。美国相信输出西方体制有利于维护和平，也有利于自身安全。 第三，美国在干涉这些断层线战争时对于与其在文明层面上有更高亲缘性，特别是在政治体制上有更高亲缘性的国家给予了更多的支持，具体的支持方式包括言语支持、经济援助和军事支持。同时，美国在解释自己的支持行为时，常常会谈到文明因素对于其政策的影响，如强调双方对于民主价值观的拥护是紧密合作的基础。 由于本研究的案例数量有限，所以仅能部分揭示出文明因素对于美国外交政策的影响。本文依然有其现实意义：通过对于美国对于三场断层线战争中干涉行为的分析，我们可以清晰地观察到美国对于与其有文明亲缘性国家的亲近，以及对于与其文明价值疏远国家的疑虑。这一观察有助于我们更深入理解美国外交政策的内核。 

关键词：文明的冲突；断层线战争；美国干涉 

Abstract 

Since Huntington proposed the “Clash of Civilizations” in 1993, the theory has received sustained attention from academia and mass media, and has sparked a long debate on the validity of this explanatory framework. Many scholars have approached Huntington’s theory from different perspectives, either from theoretical perspectives or through empirical studies, to test whether the “Clash of Civilizations” theory can explain the post-Cold War world order. However, although these studies can explore whether the clash of civilizations is the root cause of the post-Cold War world conflict from a macroscopic perspective, the current research ignores the vitality of civilization in some specific cases and is unable to answer whether civilizational factors have an impact on the specific foreign policies of countries. Therefore, based on a textual analysis (analyzing public statements of U.S. presidents and secretaries of state as well as congressional resolutions), supplemented with data, this paper analyzes U.S. intervention in the fault-line wars in the 1990s after the Cold War. This case study aims at complementing current research on the influence of civilizational factors on U.S. foreign policy. This study hopes to answer two main research questions: 1. does the United States consider the three cases studied to be fault-line wars (i.e., conflicts involve civilizational factors) 2. does the United States intervene in the cases studied by giving more support to participants with more civilizational affinity to the United States? After researching, the author of this thesis believe that the United States considered the three cases as fault line wars and gave more support to the participants with higher civilizational affinity to the United States when intervening. First, the United States viewed all three wars (the Yugoslav civil war, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the Indo Pakistani Kargil war) as fault-line wars in which civilizational factors largely contributed to the conflict, particularly religious differences. Second, the United States intervened in each of these fault-line wars with the goal of promoting its civilizational principles, particularly political principles. This study finds that in intervening in the three fault-line wars, the U.S. more or less hoped to export its Western civilizational political institutions, especially representative democracy and the rule of law. The U.S. believes that exporting Western institutions is good for maintaining peace and for its own security. Third, in intervening in these fault-line wars, the United States has given more support to countries with which it has a higher degree of affinity on the civilizational level, especially in terms of political institutions, through verbal support, economic aid, and military support. At the same time, the United States often talks about the influence of civilizational factors on its policies when explaining its supportive behavior, such as emphasizing the embrace of democratic values by both sides as the basis for close cooperation. Because of the limited number of cases in this study, it can only partially reveal the influence of civilizational factors on U.S. foreign policy. But the paper is still relevant: through the analysis of U.S. interventions in the three fault-line wars, we can clearly observe U.S. proximity to countries with which it has civilizational affinity and suspicion of countries distant from its civilizational values. This observation helps us understand more deeply the core of U.S. foreign policy. 

Keywords: Clash of Civilizations; Fault-line wars; American intervention 

[17] 黄露颐 

导师姓名：陈崛斌 

中文题目：特朗普的性格在其就业政治立场中的体现 

英文题目：Trump's Personality in His Political Stance on Employment 

摘要 

在唐纳德·特朗普正式踏入政坛的那一刻起，他“极端”的性格不仅成为了大众热议的话题，同时学界也掀起了研究其性格和其政策关系的热潮。在现有有关特朗普性格与其政策的研究中，关注点主要聚焦美国外交政策，对特朗普个性特征对内政之影响的关注明显不足。对于在竞选之初就高喊着“让美国再次伟大”的特朗普来说，缓解和解决美国内部问题相对而言更重要的，而重中之重就是改善美国国内的就业环境。鉴于就业政策对于特朗普的重要性与其在众多特朗普任期中涉及到的政治议题的代表性，深入研究特朗普性格和其在就业政策上的政治立场之间的关系能够深化我们对政治人物性格对其政策立场影响的一般性认识。本研究旨在回答以下几个基本问题：1）特朗普的性格是否体现在就业政治立场中？2）特朗普的性格是如何（不）体现在其就业政治立场中的？2a）如果特朗普的性格体现在其就业政治立场中，那么是在哪些维度上如何体现的？2b）如果特朗普的性格没有体现在其就业政治立场中，那么他自己的真实性格和其就业政治立场所体现出来的性格又有哪些不同？ 

为了回答上述问题，本文利用心理学“人格五因素模型”作为指导研究的理论框架，首先借助“语言获得和词汇计数（LIWC）”软件，对特朗普在 2011 年至 2014 年间上传的 79 个视频博客以及特朗普总统任期（2015-2021）谈到就业问题的 11 个视频博客和 81 个采访片段进行分析处理，通过特定算法得出两份关于特朗普的性格档案：1）基于 2011 至 2014 年的数据、代表特朗普的一般性格特征；2）基于 2015 至 2021 的数据、展现了特朗普在总统任期中通过就业政策体现出来的总统政治性格。在这两份性格档案的基础之上，本文借助 SPSS 中的配对样本分析，对这两份性格档案进行了定量分析对比。 

基于上述方法的分析表明，特朗普人格五因素中的三项在其有关就业问题的政治立场中表现非常明显，即外倾性（Extraversion）、神经质性（Neuroticism）与宜人性（Agreeableness），而责任心（Conscientiousness）与开放性（Openness）两个方面却存在差异。本文进一步得出结论认为：不论是否是政治人物，特朗普都是一个过分自信，精力充沛且具有冒险精神的人（从外倾性的角度而言）；一个情绪化，性情多变的人（从神经质性的角度而言）；一个容易对他人产生怀疑且抱有敌意的人（从宜人性的角度而言），这些都直接反映到了其有关就业政策的言论当中。在特朗普成为政治人物之后，政治制度和责任的影响下，特朗普谈及就业相关话题时，不仅变得更有条理、更有责任感了，同时对于成功也变得更加渴望（从责任心的角度而言），也比在成为政治人物之前变得更加保守（从开放性的角度而言）。 

关键词：特朗普性格分析；人格五因素模型；就业议题；政治立场；语言获得和词汇计数（LIWC） 

Abstract 

From the moment Donald Trump officially entered the political arena, his “extreme” personality not only generated heated discussion among the public, but also aroused scholarly interests. However, most scholars who explore the relationship between Trump’s personality and his policy fix their focus on the foreign policies of the United States instead of domestic affairs. Nevertheless, as for Trump who chose “Make America Great Again” as the campaign slogan, the urgent need is to alleviate and solve the internal problems existing in the United States at that time, and the top priority of the important tasks is to improve the employment situation of the United States. Given the importance of employment policy to Trump and its representation of the political issues during Trump's tenures, to delve into the relationship between Trump's personality and his political stance on employment can deepen our general understanding of the influence of political figures’ personality on their political stance. Therefore, this thesis aims to answer the following research questions: 1) Is Trump's personality reflected in his political stance on employment? 2) How is Trump’s personality (not) reflected in his political stance on employment? 2a) If the answer is yes, to what extent and in which dimensions is his personality reflected in his political stance on employment? 2b) If the answer is no, then what are the differences between his own personality and the personality reflected in his political stance on employment? 

In order to answer the research questions mentioned above, under the guidance of the Five-Factor Model of Personality, the study analyzes 79 vlogs posted by Trump between 2011 to 2014, and 11 vlogs and 81 interview excerpts mentioning employment from his announcement of candidacy to the end of his term with the help of LIWC (Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count). After calculation of the processed data, two personality profiles of Trump can be gotten: 1) the personality profile based on the data produced by Trump from 2011 to 2014, which can represent the common personality of Trump under regular circumstances; 2) the personality profile based on the data produced by Trump from 2015 to 2021, which reveals the presidential personality reflected in Trump’s political stance on employment after he became a political figure. The data in each profile are further analyzed by t-tests for dependent means through SPSS. By doing so, the two profiles are compared with each other thoroughly by a quantitative research method. 

The analysis based on the above methods shows that three traits of Trump’s personality are reflected in his political stance on employment namely Extraversion, Neuroticism and Agreeableness; while two traits of his personality are of significant difference from those reflected in his political stance on employment namely Conscientiousness and Openness. Then, the thesis further concludes that Trump was consistently extremely assertive, energetic and adventurous (from the dimension of Extraversion), emotionally instable and temperamental (from the dimension of Neuroticism) and tended to be antagonistic and be skeptical of others (from the dimension of Agreeableness) no matter what position he takes, and these traits are all directly reflected in his political statements on employment issue. On the other hand, compared with himself before he became a political figure, influenced by the political system and responsibility that he had to take, Trump became more responsible and organized and demonstrated stronger motivation for achievement when expressing his political opinion on employment (from the dimension of Conscientiousness). Besides, Trump became more conservative than before when he talked about employment after he became a political leader (from the dimension of Openness). 

Keywords: Trump’s personality analysis; the Five-Factor Model; employment; political stance; LIWC